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EssaysonEconomicDevelopmentandGrowthISBN978 952 7376-50-8RG
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Essays on Economic
Development and Growth
BY
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circulated in any manner whatsoever without the written prior consent of the publisher except
for the use of brief quotations in a book review. All standard citation and reference rules must
be honoured.
Content copyright licensed without expiration to the founder and creator of The Authentic
Vegan Group. The use of this publication is legitimate only in a manner that does not cause
financial losses to the creator. Anyone in possession of this publication agrees to the
copyright license terms stated above.
Published 2020
ISSN 2669-9192
ISBN 978-952-7376-50-8 (PDF)
To those
with genuine respect
of human rights
may you
always recognize
and see
what is
of value
in human existence
and life.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
HALF TITLE
SERIES TITLE
TITLE PAGE
COPYRIGHT
DEDICATION
EPIGRAPH
LIST OF TABLES I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS IV
INTRODUCTION 1
References 7
APPENDIX 1 ADAM SMITH: THE DIVISION OF LABOR IS LIMITED BY THE EXTENT OF THE
MARKET 178
APPENDIX 2 181
A2.1 Barro (1999) Simple Formulation of Romer (1986) 181
A2.2 Simple Formulation of Lucas (1988) 182
A2.3 Variable Sources and Definitions 184
A2.4 Tables 186
APPENDIX 3 189
A3.1 Figures and Tables 189
A3.2 Sample Description and Stage of Development Groups 195
A3.2.1 Sample description 195
A3.2.2 1960 income groups for economies 196
A3.3 Variable Definitions and Sources for Initial Conditions Analysis 199
A3.4 Variable Definitions and Sources for Robustness Regressions 202
A3.5 Natural Resource Endowment and Social Cohesion in Point Source
Economies 205
A3.6 Natural Resource Endowment and Social Cohesion in Diffuse Economies209
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I gratefully acknowledge the dissertation completion grant and the graduate assistantship
award from the Department of Economics and the Graduate School of the University of Notre
Dame, respectively; the PhD research internship grant from UNU/WIDER; and the
dissertation research grant from the Finnish Cultural Foundation. They have not only made
this research possible but also have contributed to improving its quality.
INTRODUCTION
The contributions included in this dissertation are motivated by the paradox that two research
fields within economics, pursuing, in essence, identical research questions exist in parallel to
each other. One of the most central lines of inquiry within development economics is the
understanding of the process of growth and development. At the same time, a separate
research field, growth economics, dedicated to the study of economic growth is actively
explaining the same phenomenon. While the former field, emerged in the aftermath of the
Second World War with the sole purpose of explaining, understanding, and overcoming
underdevelopment in the regions affected by it,1 the latter soon after began explaining the
During the last decade, a ‘hybrid’ literature with a deliberate intent of bridging the gap
between development and growth economics has begun forming. Researchers contributing to
this literature adjoin insights of development economics with those of growth economics and
1
Rosenstein-Rodan (1943) is widely heralded as the seminal contribution that ignited the field, though Arndt
(1987) points out that Sun Yat-sen (1922) closely resembled the core notions of post war development theory
(16).
2
Solow himself is quite explicit about the focus of his seminal contribution. “In my view, growth theory was
conceived as a model of the growth of an industrial economy” (Solow 2001, 283). He continues that “... I have
never applied such a model to a developing economy, because I thought the underlying machinery would apply
mainly to a planned economy or a well-developed market economy” (ibid, 283). Although this emphasis that
neoclassical growth theory solely focuses on developed economies is quite recent as there has been a number of
contributions pointing to a peculiar characteristic of growth empirics literature, analyzing developed and
developing economies under an identical framework (e.g., Temple 1999).
1
vice versa to better understand the process of growth and development across countries. 3
Though it is observable that this hybrid literature is gaining momentum, the close historical
relation between the classical growth theory and the early development theory is not fully
underdevelopment, they drew heavily upon the notions present in the classical growth theory
that culminated in Allyn Young (1928). While there are scattered references within
between the theoretical thought of Young and development economics pioneers such as Paul
Rosenstein-Rodan and Ragnar Nurkse is missing. Within the general history of thought
literature on economic growth, the narrative on Young also lacks the recognition of the
influence that Young’s thought had on development economics pioneers and he is argued to
have been a case of professional neglect apart from a few references to him from demand side
Hence the main objective of the first chapter is to extend the history of thought narrative on
Young by recognizing the close relationship that early development economics contributions
had with the classical growth theory. While doing so, the chapter also clarifies the historical
argues that the notions of pecuniary externalities and complementarities, the ‘engines’ of the
3
Contributions belonging to this literature are Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny (1989a,b), Krugman (1991, 1993),
Rodríguez-Clare (1996), and Ros (2000), to name a few. Sala-i-Martin (2001), a recent assessment of economic
growth literature, recognizes the formation of this body of knowledge and points out that this type of “cross-
discipline interaction” is also taking place with economic growth and other subfields as well (e.g., economic
geography, econometrics, and industrial organization). Perhaps one measure how new developments within
economics become established in the core of economic theory, history, and history of thought is when they
become adopted into standard textbooks. The recognition of the paradox and the hybrid literature in introductory
textbooks on growth economics such as Gylfason (1999) testifies for the growing recognition and acceptance of
this novelty within development and growth economics.
4
Blitch (1983a,b; 1995) have been quite influential in promoting the view that Young has been neglected by the
profession. “Despite the attention it received at the time of delivery, Young’s paper has not been utilized for the
purpose of constructing a new version of the economic paradigm. His insights and conclusions have not been
followed, with the notable exception of Nicholas Kaldor ...” Blitch (1983a, 22).
2
growth process in Rosenstein-Rodan’s and Nurkse’s theories of the ‘big push’ and ‘vicious
circle and balanced growth’, 5 respectively, are quite similar to the notions described by
Young (1928) as complications present in real world that hamper the operation of his
externalities-fuelled growth are brought forward as obstacles for economic development and
growth in early development theory literature. Most notable difference between the theories
of the former authors and that of the latter is the context in which they were applied and
hence a reader gets dramatically different impressions from them at first sight. However, a
more thorough analysis shows that the conditions that prevent development and growth in
underdeveloped regions according the early development theory represent the breakdown of
the conditions that Young highlights as necessary ones for self-sustaining growth to occur.
Hence the cumulative growth process as described by Young underlies the view of both early
While there are by now a number of theoretical contributions that have formalized many
early development economics insights and have brought them into the domain of formal
economic theory,6 hence addressing one of the shortcomings of the development economics
literature as highlighted in Krugman (1993), empirical contributions in this vein seem to lag
behind. With hindsight, this seems rather surprising, as during the past decade and a half,
there has been a dramatic improvement in the availability and above all, the quality of
international data, necessarily accompanied with the improvement in national data collection
5
Nurkse’s contribution can also be called as theory of stagnation and growth.
6
Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny (1989a,b); Krugman (1991, 1993); Rodríguez-Clare (1996); Skott and Ros
(1997); and Ros (2000).
3
in development experiences across countries seems to have ceased, paradoxically, at the time
electronic formats7 and the most common theories and beliefs within the literature stood the
As anyone familiar with the empirical research on growth knows, these datasets have
certainly not suffered from a lack of attention and there is no shortage of empirical work
matter of fact, these empirical contributions might seem excessive to some and useless to
convincingly in sensitivity studies by Levine and Renelt (1992) and Sala-i-Martin (1997).
Given that the majority of these studies have been done in the tradition of growth economics,
they are problematic in their approach as they adopt a relatively high level of abstraction and,
almost as a rule, ignore the characteristic differences between developed and developing
sample split between developed and developing countries seems rather astonishing, even
7
The release of major datasets, such as Penn World Tables (Summers and Heston 1988) and World Bank’s
World Tables, concentrated towards the end of 1980s. The greatest treatises examining the patters of
development and structural transformation of economies in the process of industrialization (such as Chenery and
Syrquin 1975; Chenery, Robinson, and Syrquin 1986; Morris and Adelman 1988, Syrquin and Chenery 1989)
were published by the mid to end 1980s, and hence these studies, though undoubtedly using best data sources
available at the time, have not been able to take advantage of this novel development in the history of empirical
research, proliferation in international data.
8
A careful observation of the emergence of this literature, which gained momentum as a by-product of the
convergence controversy, shows that the level of abstraction adopted in the seminal contributions, such as
Abramovitz (1986) and Baumol (1986), was at a much lower level than what was adopted by those who were to
follow. Abramovitz (1986) discusses in detail the possible forces that are likely to act as an impediment for the
forces of convergence among the low-income economies and points to the fact that “technological
backwardness is not usually a mere accident” (384). Hence he recognizes the strong societal forces preventing
the catch-up process that are present in many of the backward countries. Furthermore, Baumol (1986) brings
forth empirical evidence showing that less developed countries have not converged, a result that is reiterated in
Baumol and Wolff (1988). However, the ensuing contributions within the classical tradition have abstracted
away from this empirical finding despite its early theoretical and empirical recognition.
4
investigate the robustness of regression results for methodological reasons, as in Temple
(1999). A recent shift in this trend can be detected as an increasing recognition of the
characteristic differences between developed and developing economies can be deduced from
novel contributions that recognize the differences in the parameter estimates between sub-
samples, such as different stage of development groups (e.g., Ades and Glaeser 1999, Duffy
and Papageorgiou 2000, Durlauf and Johnson 1995, and Masters and McMillan 2001).
Current growth empirics literature has much to gain from development economics insights
and approach which adopts a lower level of abstraction accompanied with “the attempt to
learn about the problems of development and the processes of growth by comparing the
situations and growth experiences of different countries” (Stern 1989, 599). At the same time,
the empirical growth research can provide a real benefit to that on development economics
through its more sophisticated empirical and econometric methods especially adjoined with
better quality data and longer time-series available to investigate the process of growth and
development today. The last two chapters of this dissertation address this shortcoming within
the literature and conduct two empirical studies in this spirit, combining contemporary
regression methods and data to critically examine the notions that have been brought forward
The first of the empirical contributions in chapter two examines whether there exits empirical
evidence for increasing returns in the aggregate and if so, whether this evidence varies across
stage of development as postulated by the early development theorists. The empirical results
brought forward in this chapter suggest that the overall evidence leans towards aggregate
increasing returns across all samples. Within Cobb-Douglas framework, stronger evidence for
them is found among samples depicting economies at early stages of development, a result
robust to various functional forms as well as different stage of development criteria. The CES
framework, in turn, supports aggregate scale economies for advanced economies, while
5
unitary elasticity of substitution cannot be rejected for less developed economies, giving
further support for the Cobb-Douglas estimates. Given that evidence for scale economies for
different groups is found within different estimation frameworks, no clear judgment across
different stages of development categorizations can be made. The most important finding
brought forward in this chapter is the unequivocal importance that the stage of development
plays in cross-country regression results, and thus, it supports the notion that development
The second empirical contribution in chapter three analyses the growth experiences across
countries in a less abstract fashion. More specifically, the focus shifts first to highlight growth
successes and failures across countries, showing the latter’s perplexing predominance and
persistence at early stages of development. In fact, the analysis shows that nearly forty
developing countries had a real per capita income level achieved in some cases nearly four
decades ago. The second half of the essay proposes an explanation for these failures through
an empirical investigation that highlights the importance of natural resource endowment type.
The results show that in the presence of social fragmentation, the nature of natural resource
endowment bears great significance, as those natural resource rich economies denoted as
point source (oil and mineral economies) are more negatively correlated with growth than
those economies which are characterized as diffuse (agricultural) ones. The robustness of this
result is tested across a number of standard growth regression specifications within the
literature.
It is encouraging to observe that after decades of largely absence of interaction between the
fields of development and growth economics, this type of hybrid literature has begun forming
and prominent calls for an approach common to development economics have been made:
“The economies you are comparing must have something in common, some part of the
6
driving mechanism. If Robert Summers and Alan Heston were suddenly to discover national
income and product accounts from an economy that existed on Mars a million years ago, you
would not expect that economy to fit neatly into a Barro regression. So the economies must
have some things in common, but not everything” (Solow 2001, 284).
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Economic History 46(2): 385-406.
Ades, Alberto F. and Edward L. Glaeser. 1999. Evidence on Growth, Increasing Returns, and
the Extent of the Market. Quarterly Journal of Economics 114(3): 1025-1045.
Baumol, William J. 1986. Productivity Growth, Convergence, and Welfare: What the Long-
Run Data Show. American Economic Review 76(5): 1072-1085.
Baumol, William J. and Edward N. Wolff. 1988. Productivity Growth, Convergence, and
Welfare: Reply. American Economic Review 78(5): 1155-1159.
Blitch, Charles P. 1995. Allyn Young: The Peripatetic Economist. New York: St. Martin’s
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Economy 15(1): 1-24.
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7
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