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Chapter 6: The Human Impact on Wildlife
Habitat
Learning Domain - Cognitive
Learning Objectives:
• List the ways humans affect wildlife habitat.
• List and describe human activities that destroy or harm wildlife habitat.
• List and describe some things humans do that benefit wildlife.
• Explain how specific human activities harm wildlife and wildlife habitat.
Vocabulary Introduced:
• channelization
• chemical pollution
• commercial fish
• ecological resources
• estuaries
• hardwood
• levee
• peat
• spawning
• sport fish
• vegetated wetlands
• watershed
Needed Equipment/Materials:
Instructor: PowerPoint presentation equipment
Student: paper, pencil
A. Wetlands study
1. In 1979 the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service began a massive study
called “the National Wetlands Trends Analysis”
a. It was designed to determine the status of America’s wetlands
and related trends in terms of gains and losses
b. This study concentrated on the 20-year period from the mid-
1950s to the mid-1970s
2. It was discovered that during this 20-year period, the annual loss
of wetlands averaged 575,000 acres
a. The majority of this loss can be attributed to the demands of
agriculture
b. Many wetlands are damaged by pollution, highway and
railroad construction, and urban sprawl
3. During this period, agricultural development and construction
projects created some 3 million acres of lakes and ponds
a. These areas, however, are generally not as valuable as wildlife
habitat as are vegetated wetlands
A. Valuable wetlands
1. Perhaps our most valuable wetlands are the prairie potholes
a. The most recent ice age created thousands of shallow
depressions as glaciers withdrew from these areas
b. These potholes filled with water and have become a major
breeding ground for North American waterfowl
2. These prairie potholes are spread across much of our most
productive farmland
a. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, have been drained and turned
into cropland
b. Draining the potholes forced some waterfowl onto just 10
percent of their original habitat
Reference: Wildlife and Natural Resource Management, pp. 47
Slide(s): 6-7
V. Forested Wetlands
A. Duck Stamps
1. Over the past 50 years, more than 3 million acres have been
preserved using “Duck Stamp” dollars
2. Federal waterfowl stamps, more commonly called Duck Stamps,
must be purchased by all waterfowl hunters
3. Money raised from these stamps is used to buy or lease prime
wetland habitats
B. Pressures on wetlands
1. As urban areas expand and the need for farmland increases,
wetlands will continue to disappear
2. The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service monitors wetlands and any
proposed changes to them
C. Regulations and laws
1. Federal protective laws and those of several states have helped to
slow the destruction of these vital wetlands
2. Wetlands are beginning to be reestablished and dams taken down
A. America’s forests
1. When the colonists arrived, eastern North America was largely
forested
2. Within 200 years, however, vast areas of forest had been cut
a. Species such as the wild turkey and white-tailed deer became
scarcer and more widely scattered
b. Some species, such as the passenger pigeon, became extinct
3. Most trees, particularly hardwoods, grow slowly
a. Many of the trees in old-growth forests are hundreds of years
old
b. It takes a similar period for these forests to regenerate
B. Harvesting forests
1. Until recently, the most common method of harvest was clear-
cutting
a. This technique calls for all the marketable trees in a large area
to be cut at the same time
b. It is most economical method for the logger but not necessarily
the best method for the environment or for wildlife
i. No cover is left for wildlife
ii. No protective covering is left for the soil
2. Modern forestry techniques include replanting harvested acres
with faster-growing varieties of trees
A. Benefits of Agriculture
1. Crops provide wildlife with food
2. Corners of fields, fence rows, and irrigation ditches provide cover
for many species of wildlife
3. Some crops provide cover
4. Species such as barn owls, mice, snakes, and skunks move into
farm buildings and make themselves at home
B. Benefits of clear-cutting tracts of forest
1. Species such as mule deer and elk prefer a mixture of forest and
clearings
2. Clearing old-growth forests allows a variety of grasses and forbs
that would not be able to grow in the forest to take hold and grow
XI. Summary
For a while the horsemen had it all their own way, chiefly, as
Cortés observes, because the enemy consisted of such disorganized
masses as to prevent one another either from fighting or fleeing; but
as they became more used to the Spanish tactics they offered firmer
resistance. The horse of the general being so severely struck in the
mouth as to become unmanageable, Cortés dismounted and turned
it loose to seek another. The injured animal, seemingly imbued with
its master’s spirit, dashed at the enemy in mad career, creating quite
a panic in its course. The cavalry took advantage of the confusion to
follow, partly with a view to secure the animal; after regaining the
main body they indulged in a brief rest. The heat no less than the
fighting had tired out both men and horses; but there was for them
little respite, for no sooner had the foes observed their inaction than
they closed in round them with renewed courage. “Thrust well and
deep,” came the order to the soldiers, “for they are all chiefs!” And so
they seemed, from their rich dress, their elaborate devices, and their
glittering ornaments. Cortés now mounted a horse whose
viciousness had hitherto consigned him to the baggage department,
[883]and again the cavalry formed, this time in more compact order.
But the enemy, ever relieved by fresh men, maintained the firmness
with which they had begun the charge, and both horsemen and foot-
soldiers found the pressure becoming greater and the fight hotter.
Thus the battle continued during the greater part of the forenoon,
[884] the natives evidently as fresh as ever, and the Spaniards visibly
failing. “We thought surely that this was to be our last day,” writes
Cortés, “in view of the great strength of the Indians and the little
resistance they could find in us, tired as we were, and nearly all
wounded, and faint with hunger.”
A feeling of suffocation and deathly despair comes over the
Spaniards as the dusky host fold them in closer and yet fiercer
embrace. Hot falls the blood-reeking breath upon their faces, as,
flushed with success and sure of their victims, the foe lay hold of the
Spaniards to drag them away to the sacrifice. Rare offerings to the
gods, indeed, are these magnificent men! And such they will surely
become if Mary, Santiago, or the ready genius of Cortés appears not
quickly to the rescue! But how shall there be rescue? What rescue is
there to the sinking ship alone in mid-ocean? Can this Cortés for the
release of his comrades baffle death like Hercules for the release of
Alcestis?
So it would seem. Behold yonder grand personage, borne aloft
in open litter, high over the others, with plumed head-dress, and
above it the gold-net standard, the tlahuizmatlaxopilli, set with
precious feathers, and secured to his back by a staff, according to
custom.[885] This is the generalissimo of all the native forces there
gathered, and around him are the flower of the army in feathered
armor of rich designs, guarding with zealous care the banner, and
encouraging the rest to renewed efforts and brave deeds. Cortés
sees him, and his purpose for weal or woe is fixed almost before his
comrades are aware of the chieftain’s approach; for he comes as
captain of the hounds to be in at the death of these Spanish foxes.
Cortés is well aware of the importance attached by natives to the
person of the general, and to the safe-keeping of the standard. In
these centre all the hope of their armies: success is theirs so long as
they remain; but once brought low, and the Indian regards all as lost.
Even at this juncture Cortés does not fail to observe the increased
firmness and spirit among the warriors as the banner approaches.
Here, then, is the one chance more, which is all the brave man asks.
With a quick motion to his mounted followers, pointing to the sacred
insignia, and as if he would throw the whole might of Spain into his
brief words, Cortés cries out: “Señores, let us break with them! In the
name of God and St Peter, señores, let us close with them!” Not a
man there but knew that the next moment would determine all, would
determine the fate of every Spaniard in New Spain.
Throwing themselves with the compact force of one of their own
cannon-balls against the heaving mass, they mow an instant path to
the charmed centre. The wave of disorder strikes the sacred guard,
while the unruly horse of Cortés, bearing him unresistingly onward,
overturns the litter of the generalissimo, and hurls the bearers to the
ground. “Victory!” shouts Cortés, when he recovers his breath; and
“victory! victory!” echo his people, while Juan de Salamanca plunges
his lance into the body of the prostrate chief, and seizing the sacred
banner, presents it to the general as his rightful trophy.[886]
The welcome cry of Cortés electrified the whole Spanish line,
while the warriors lately so triumphant stood stupefied with dismay.
With the disappearance of the palladium their courage had fallen,
while the Spanish soldiers, with the confidence and strength of joy,
rushed from wing to wing upon them. The warriors wavered; then,
with one more searching glance in the direction of the guiding
emblem, they became convinced that their leader had indeed fallen.
Consternation followed; the panic from the centre overtook the more
distant, and valiantly as they had fought before, as cravenly did they
now flee.[887]
Forgetful of wounds and hunger, and regardless of the imminent
danger attending such a course, the Spaniards pursued the foolish
fugitives, thrusting and slashing at them until they had killed twenty
thousand—a round figure, truly, and one which accords well with the
estimates of the entire force. But after all, what the natives had
hitherto suffered must have been little compared with the present
slaughter, for their dead lay very thick along the line of retreat. Hardly
one among the Spaniards had come off scathless, while few of the
poor Tlascaltecs were left to share in the rich spoils.[888]
After recalling the troops from their bloody pursuit, the first care
of Cortés was to see that the wounded soldiers had rest and
refreshment. Then a solemn thanksgiving service was held, and right
earnestly did they all join in its offering. Cortés ascribed the victory to
St Peter, as with his name on his lips he had made the miraculous
charge. But Santiago was the soldiers’ favorite, as they declared he
was present and fought with them; and near the village of
Tenexcalco a chapel was afterward erected to commemorate his
appearance.[889]
Obviously this battle was the most important so far in the New
World; and it must ever be regarded as one of the most remarkable
in history. The natives were probably much less numerous than the
estimates of the boastful victors; still they were immensely superior
in number and condition to the Spaniards, enfeebled by recent
defeat, by wounds, and want. Further, the latter had no fire-arms
wherewith to terrify the natives, only swords and pikes. Their main
advantage lay in their horses, their discipline, and the genius of their
leader;[890] all strengthened by the enthusiasm born of a national
pride, and a certain knowledge that failure meant utter destruction.
Fatigued as all were, and weakened from battle, Cortés resolved
nevertheless to push on toward Tlascala the same day, fearing that
the enemy might be shamed into a rally, or receive such
reinforcements to their already immense numbers as to encourage
them to return. In this he was not mistaken, for Cuitlahuatzin had
ordered Tezcuco, Chalco, and neighboring districts to send larger
forces, and so insure an assumed victory for the Otumban army. The
reinforcements appear to have been already in motion when news
came of the defeat, accompanied by the rumor that a Tlascaltec
army was on the way to aid the Spaniards. The hasty march
eastward of the fugitives offered in itself sufficient encouragement for
straggling marauders from the surrounding villages to follow in their
wake and harass them with occasional missiles.[891]
FOOTNOTES
[845] ‘Esto despues lo declararon los mismos Indios.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt.
iii. 143. Nor do they omit the ever recurring story of the virgin image casting dust
into the eyes of the pursuers.
[846] The Tlascaltec and Cempoalan bodies were thrown among the reeds, and
the Spanish into deeper water. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 126-7.
[847] Duran and Ixtlilxochitl make the murders take place in the Spanish quarters,
as we have seen. Sahagun permits two of Montezuma’s sons to fall between the
last channel and Popotla, while guiding the fugitives. Hist. Conq., 33 (ed. 1840),
122. Gomara assumes also that the pursuers may have been content with the
injury inflicted, or cared not to renew the fight on more open ground. Hist. Mex.,
161. Solis attributes the respite wholly to the discovery of the bodies. Hist. Mex., ii.
185-6.
[848] ‘Llegado á la dicha ciudad de Tacuba, hallé toda la gente remolinada en una
plaza, que no sabían dónde ir.’ Cortés, Cartas, 136. ‘Hasta cerca de Tlacupan
hasta un lugar que se llama Tilihucan.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 33. ‘Tacuba ... is at
the present day chiefly noted for the large and noble church which was erected
there by Cortez.’ Latrobe’s Rambler, 128.
[849] Gomara assumes that the Tlacopan people were not aware of the broken
condition of the troops. Now they joined the 40,000 Mexicans who had set forth
prepared for pursuit. Hist. Mex., 161. ‘Yà auian venido de Mexico.... dar mandado
a Tacuba, y a Escapuçalco, y a Tenayuca, para que nos saliessen al encuentro.’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106. The Mexicans were disgusted with those of
Tlacopan for their neglect. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.
[850] ‘Un Angel de Guarda, ó San Pedro, como otros quieren, ó Santiago Apostol,’
observes the enthusiastic Lorenzana. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 145.
[852] ‘Una torre y aposento fuerte.’ Cortés, Cartas, 136. ‘Vnas caserias q̄ en vn
cerro estauan, y alli jũto a vn Cu, e adoratorio, y como fortaleza.’ Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 107. ‘A este templo llamaron de la Vitoria, y despues nuestra
Señora de los remedios.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Sahagun calls the rise
Acueco, and places upon it the Otomí village of Otoncapulco. Hist. Conq. (ed.
1840), 122. Vetancurt follows, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 143, while Camargo calls it
Tzacuyocan. The variations in Sahagun’s editions lead Torquemada to say that
the Spaniards moved the same day from Otoncalpulco pueblo to Acueco, an
Otomí village, i. 504-5. This, Brasseur de Bourbourg follows. The Spaniards may
have passed through it on departing, but would hardly move from a stronghold to a
probably open village while surrounded by enemies. If food was the object, the
able-bodied soldiers would have made a sally for it. It appears that the army
camped for the night on the hill now occupied by the Remedios shrine, and in the
fortress-like temple, to which a small village was attached. Alzate, however, who
took pains to inquire into the subject, found that the natives applied the name
Otoncapulco, not to the Remedios hill, but to the mountain, three fourths of a
league off. On this mountain he found the ruins of a strong building, and none on
the hill, whence he assumes that the camp was not made on the site of the shrine,
but on the mountain. Gacetas de Lit., ii. 457-9. Bustamante accepts this view, but
Archbishop Lorenzana, whose testimony in the matter must be reliable, says: ‘Se
conservan aun algunos vestigios de la antigua Fortaleza, y esta se ha convertido
dichosamente en el célebre Santuario de N. Sra. de los Remedios.’ Cortés, Hist.
N. España, p. xiii. He also intimates that the Otoncapulco name is misapplied.
Hence it may be assumed that the common application of Otoncapulco to this hill
is due to a misinterpretation of Sahagun’s versions, which have been greatly
tampered with, for that matter, and that the ruins mentioned by Lorenzana had
disappeared by the time Alzate examined the place.
[853] Cartas, 136; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 110. ‘Aqui se señalò mucho Gonçalo
Dominguez, hombre diestro y valiente.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Prescott
makes several blunders and omissions in connection with this day.
[854] A few stragglers managed to reach the camp, and among them one
Sopuerta, who had escaped death by feigning it. Herrera, ubi sup. Sahagun states
that Otomís from Teucalhuican, and from the immediate neighborhood, no doubt,
brought food, and invited the Spaniards to the former town, a few leagues from
there. Hist. Conq., 33. Torquemada follows him, but the story is probably an
exaggeration.
[855] It has been shown previously, by testimony not accessible till later years, that
the image placed in the great temple was a picture on a tablet, while that of
Remedios is a doll. But, of course, the image that could move through the air
could also transform its shape. Bernal Diaz assumes, as we have seen, that
Montezuma had ordered the image to be cared for; yet many believe that
Rodriguez secured it before or after the massacre, while the more pious prefer to
suppose that he could not find it, for want of time, perhaps, and that it moved
miraculously to the camp. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 524; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302.
After the departure of the troops the image hid itself on the spot, or Rodriguez,
tired of the burden which had saved his life, ungratefully left it there. It is also
supposed to have been carried to Tlascala ere it reappeared on its later site.
Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106 et seq.; Alaman, Disert., i. 122. Lorenzana accepts it
as the image from Mexico’s temple. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 138.
[856] It has frequently been brought to Mexico, and is still brought to avert
epidemics and other ills, to bring rain or other blessings. When detained it would
travel back of its own accord to the shrine, a proof of which was afforded by the
travel stains on the dress. One rainy night it arrived covered with mud. Latrobe’s
Rambler, 133. Thompson describes it as ‘a little alabaster doll, with the nose
broken, and the eye out ... about eight inches high.’ Her wardrobe and jewels are
valued at over $1,000,000. Recollections, 103-9. He gives an account of the
veneration for the image and its miraculous power. The history of its origin and
worship is to be found in a multitude of books, among which may be mentioned,
Medina, Chrón. S. Diego Mex., 30 et seq.; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106 et seq.;
Bustamante, Mem. Piedad Mex., 1-52.
[857] Cortés prudently limits, and we must add untruthfully, the loss to 150 soldiers
and some 2000 allies. It is with a view to this estimate that he reduced the force
brought into Mexico to 570 men, to which must be added the 140 composing the
garrison. Deducting the 150 lost, 560 remain, and since he would hardly
overestimate the number, for obvious reasons, this figure is probably near the
truth. Bernal Diaz musters 1300 at Tlascala, and has 80 at Mexico. Deducting