Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Full download Business Statistics in Practice 8th Edition Bowerman Solutions Manual all chapter 2024 pdf
Full download Business Statistics in Practice 8th Edition Bowerman Solutions Manual all chapter 2024 pdf
Full download Business Statistics in Practice 8th Edition Bowerman Solutions Manual all chapter 2024 pdf
https://testbankfan.com/product/business-statistics-in-
practice-8th-edition-bowerman-test-bank/
https://testbankfan.com/product/business-statistics-in-
practice-7th-edition-bowerman-solutions-manual/
https://testbankfan.com/product/business-statistics-in-practice-
canadian-3rd-edition-bowerman-solutions-manual/
https://testbankfan.com/product/business-statistics-in-
practice-7th-edition-bowerman-test-bank/
Business Statistics in Practice 6th Edition Bowerman
Test Bank
https://testbankfan.com/product/business-statistics-in-
practice-6th-edition-bowerman-test-bank/
https://testbankfan.com/product/business-statistics-in-practice-
canadian-3rd-edition-bowerman-test-bank/
https://testbankfan.com/product/essentials-of-business-
statistics-5th-edition-bowerman-solutions-manual/
https://testbankfan.com/product/essentials-of-business-
statistics-5th-edition-bowerman-test-bank/
https://testbankfan.com/product/practice-of-statistics-for-
business-and-economics-4th-edition-moore-solutions-manual/
Chapter 7
Sampling and Sampling
Distributions
7-2
LO 7-1: Describe and
use the sampling
distribution of the
sample mean. 7.2 Sampling Distribution of
the Sample Mean
The sampling distribution of the sample mean
x is the probability distribution of the
population of the sample means obtainable
from all possible samples of size n from a
population of size N
7-3
LO7-1
7-4
LO7-1
Example 7.1: A Probability
Distribution Describing the Population
7-5
Table 7.1
LO7-1
Example 7.1: The Population of
Sample Means
7-6
Table 7.2
LO7-1
Example 7.1: A Graph of the
Probability Distribution
7-7
Figure 7.1
LO7-1
Some Notes
In many situations, the distribution of the population
of all possible sample means looks roughly like a
normal curve
If the population is normally distributed, then for any
sample size n the population of all possible sample
means is also normally distributed
The mean, 𝜇𝑥 , of the population of all possible
sample means is equal to μ
The standard deviation, 𝜎𝑥 , of the population of all
possible sample means is less than σ
7-8
LO7-1
General Conclusions
If the population of individual items is normal,
then the population of all sample means is
also normal
7-9
LO7-1
7-10
LO7-1
7-11
LO7-1
Properties of the Sampling Distribution of
the Sample Mean
If the population being sampled is normal,
then so is the sampling distribution of the
sample mean, x
7-12
LO7-1
Properties of the Sampling
Distribution of the Sample Mean #2
The variance s2x of the sampling distribution
𝜎2
of x is 𝜎𝑥2 =
𝑛
7-13
LO7-1
Properties of the Sampling
Distribution of the Sample Mean #3
The standard deviation sx of the sampling
𝜎
distribution of x is 𝜎𝑥 =
𝑛
7-14
LO7-1
Notes
The formulas for s2x and sx hold if the sampled population is
infinite
The formulas hold approximately if the sampled population is
finite but if N is much larger (at least 20 times larger) than the
n (N/n ≥ 20)
x is the point estimate of m, and the larger the sample
size n, the more accurate the estimate
Because as n increases, sx decreases as 1/√n
Additionally, as n increases, the more
7-15
LO7-1
7-16
Figure 7.3
LO7-1
7-17
LO7-1
7-18
LO7-1
31.56 m x
Then P x 31.56 if m 31 P z
sx
31.56 31
P z
0.113
P z 4.96
7-19
LO7-1
7-20
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
tariff act have been proclaimed with Portugal, with Italy and
with Germany. Commercial conventions under the general
limitations of the fourth section of the same act have been
concluded with Nicaragua, with Ecuador, with the Dominican
Republic, with Great Britain on behalf of the island of
Trinidad and with Denmark on behalf of the island of St.
Croix. These will be early communicated to the Senate.
Negotiations with other governments are in progress for the
improvement and security of our commercial relations."
Upon the working of the Act, during the first nine months of
its operation, Secretary Gage remarked as follows, in his
annual report dated December 14, 1900:
"The operation of the act of March 14 last with respect to
these two important matters of our finances has well
exemplified its wisdom. Confidence in the purpose and power of
the Government to maintain the gold standard has been greatly
strengthened. The result is that gold flows toward the
Treasury instead of away from it. At the date of this report
the free gold in the Treasury is larger in amount than at any
former period in our history. Including the $150,000,000
reserve, the gold in the Treasury belonging to the Government
amounts to over $242,000,000, while the Treasury holds,
besides, more than $230,000,000, against which certificates
have been issued. That provision of the act which liberalized
the conditions of bank-note issue was also wise and timely.
Under it, … there has been an increase of some $77,000,000 in
bank-note issues. To this fact may be chiefly attributed the
freedom from stress for currency to handle the large harvests
of cotton, wheat, and corn. In this respect the year has been
an exception to the general rule of stringency which for
several years has so plainly marked the autumn season.
{641}
"I, for one, believed, and still believe that the pathway to
prosperity and glory for the country was also the pathway to
success and glory for the Republican party. I thought the two
things inseparable. If, when we made the treaty of peace, we
had adhered to the purpose we declared when we declared war;
if we had dealt with the Philippine Islands as we promised to
deal, have dealt, and expect to deal with Cuba, the country
would have escaped the loss of 6,000 brave soldiers, other
thousands of wrecked and shattered lives, the sickness of many
more, the expenditure of hundreds of millions, and, what is
far worse than all, the trampling under foot of its cherished
ideals. There would have been to-day a noble republic in the
East, sitting docile at our feet, receiving from us
civilization, laws, manners, and giving in turn everything the
gratitude of a free people could give-love, obedience, trade.
The Philippine youth would throng our universities; our
Constitution, our Declaration, the lives of Washington and
Lincoln, the sayings of Jefferson and Franklin would have been
the textbooks of their schools. How our orators and poets
would have delighted to contrast America liberating and
raising up the republic of Asia, with England subduing and
trampling under foot the republic of Africa. Nothing at home
could have withstood the great party and the great President
who had done these things. We should have come from the next
election with a solid North and have carried half the South.
You would at least have been spared the spectacle of great
Republican States rising in revolt against Republican
policies. I do not expect to accomplish anything for liberty
in the Philippine Islands but through the Republican party.
Upon it the fate of these Islands for years to come is to
depend. If that party can not be persuaded, the case is in my
judgment for the present hopeless. …
{642}
James Madison,
Federalist, Number 14.
Seward's Works
Volume 1, page 122.
Seward's Works
Volume 4, page 167.
{644}
"And yet the Senate, the Congress enacted less than two years
ago that the people of Cuba—controlling peaceably no part of
their island, levying no taxes in any orderly or peaceable
way, with no administration of justice, no cabinet—not only of
right ought to be, but were, in fact, a free and independent
State. I did not give my assent to that declaration of fact. I
assented to the doctrine that they of right ought to be. But I
thought the statement of fact much calculated to embarrass the
Government of the United States, if it were bound by that
declaration; and it has been practically disregarded by the
Administration ever since. But the question now is a very
different one. You not only deny that the Filipinos are, but
you deny that they of right ought to be free and independent;
and you recognize Spain as entitled to sell to you the
sovereignty of an island where she was not at the time
occupying a foot of territory, where her soldiers were held
captives by the government of the island, a government to
which you had delivered over a large number of Spanish
prisoners to be held as captives. And yet you come here to-day
and say that they not only are not, but they of right ought
not to be free and independent; and when you are pressed you
answer us by talking about mountains of iron and nuggets of
gold, and trade with China.
"I affirm that you can not get by conquest, and you can not
get by purchase, according to the modern law of nations,
according to the law of nations as accepted and expounded by
the United States, sovereignty over a people, or title to a
territory, of which the power that undertakes to sell it or
the power from whom you undertake to wrest it has not the
actual possession and dominion. … You cannot buy a war. More
than this, you cannot buy a tyrant's claim to subject again an
oppressed people who have achieved their freedom. …
{645}
"7. I would declare that the United States will enforce the
same doctrine as applicable to the Philippines that we
declared as to Mexico and Haiti and the South American
Republics. It is true that the Monroe Doctrine, a doctrine
based largely on our regard for our own interests, is not
applicable either in terms or in principle to a distant
Asiatic territory. But, undoubtedly, having driven out Spain,
we are bound, and have the right, to secure to the people we
have liberated an opportunity, undisturbed and in peace, to