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Boyd: Dental Instruments, 4th Edition
Chapter 09: Composite Restorative Instruments
Test Bank
MULTIPLE CHOICE
1. When a curing light is used for composite restorations, in what increments must the
material be cured?
a. 2 mm
b. 3 mm
c. 4 mm
d. 5 mm
ANS: A
ANS: D
3. The composite well is used for what type of material (or materials)?
a. Etchant
b. Primer
c. Bonding material
d. All of the above
ANS: D
4. Name the instrument (or instruments) that would be included on a composite tray
setup.
a. Spoon excavator
b. Gold carving knife
c. Applicator and tips
d. Composite placement instrument
e. All of the above
ANS: E
ANS: D
6. What device is used to help finish and smooth the interproximal surfaces of a
restoration, specifically those of a composite restoration?
a. Half-Hollenback carver
b. Interdental file
c. Finishing strip
d. Tanner carver
e. Scalpel and No. 12 blade
ANS: C
ANS: A
ANS: C
9. Sectional matrix system bands are used for which classification of cavities?
a. Class I
b. Class II
c. Class III
d. Class IV
e. Class V
ANS: B
10. All of the following are functions of a composite placement instrument EXCEPT for
which one?
a. Condense composite material for cavity preparation.
b. Place composite material in cavity preparation.
c. Adjust occlusion of composite material in cavity preparation.
d. Carve composite material in cavity preparation.
ANS: D
ANS: B
ANS: A
13. What color of protective shield lens protects the dentist's and the assistant’s eyes
during curing stage of a light-cured material?
a. Blue
b. Purple
c. Orange
d. Yellow
ANS: C
14. ________________is one of the protective shields used for light curing.
a. Orange goggles or shield
b. Clear goggles or shield
ANS: A
TRUE/FALSE
ANS: T
ANS: F
3. The loss of output of curing lights does not impact on the amount of time needed to
cure dental material.
ANS: F
Another is so interesting, for its classical turn, and for the names
which it gives to the ‘bishop’ and his crew that I quote it in full[1129].
2. ad honorem Tityri,
festum colant baculi
satrapae et asini.
3. applaudamus Tityro
cum melodis organo,
cum chordis et tympano.
4. veneremur Tityrum,
qui nos propter baculum
invitat ad epulum.
‘Orientis partibus,
adventavit asinus.’
In any case, the oriental example can hardly be responsible for more
than the admission of the feast within the doors of the church. One
cannot doubt that it was essentially an adaptation of a folk-custom
long perfectly well known in the West itself. The question of origin
had already presented itself to the learned writers of the thirteenth
century. William of Auxerre, by a misunderstanding which I shall
hope to explain, traced the Feast of Fools to the Roman Parentalia:
Durandus, and the Paris theologians after him, to the January
Kalends. Certainly Durandus was right. The Kalends, unlike the
more specifically Italian feasts, were co-extensive with the Roman
empire, and were naturally widespread in Gaul. The date
corresponds precisely with that by far the most common for the
Feast of Fools. A singular history indeed, that of the ecclesiastical
celebration of the First of January. Up to the eighth century a fast,
with its mass pro prohibendo ab idolis, it gradually took on a festal
character, and became ultimately the one feast in the year in which
paganism made its most startling and persistent recoil upon
Christianity. The attacks upon the Kalends in the disciplinary
documents form a catena which extends very nearly to the point at
which the notices of the Feast of Fools begin. In each alike the
masking, in mimicry of beasts and probably of beast-gods or
‘demons,’ appears to have been a prominent and highly reprobated
feature. It is true that we hear nothing of a dominus festi at the
Kalends; but much stress must not be laid upon the omission of the
disciplinary writers to record any one point in a custom which after all
they were not describing as anthropologists, and it would certainly be
an exceptional Germano-Keltic folk-feast which had not a dominus.
As a matter of fact, there is no mention of a rex in the accounts of
the pre-Christian Kalends in Italy itself. There was a rex at the
Saturnalia, and this, together with an allusion of Belethus in a quite
different connexion to the libertas Decembrica[1158], has led some
writers to find in the Saturnalia, rather than the Kalends, the origin of
the Feast of Fools[1159]. This is, I venture to think, wrong. The
Saturnalia were over well before December 25: there is no evidence
that they had a vogue outside Italy: the Kalends, like the Saturnalia,
were an occasion at which slaves met their masters upon equal
terms, and I believe that the existence of a Kalends rex, both in Italy
and in Gaul, may be taken for granted.
But the parallel between Kalends and the Feast of Fools cannot
be held to be quite perfect, unless we can trace in the latter feast
that most characteristic of all Kalends customs, the Cervulus. Is it
possible that a representative of the Cervulus is to be found in the
Ass, who, whether introduced from Constantinople or not, gave to
the Feast of Fools one of its popular names? The Feast of Asses
has been the sport of controversialists who had not, and were at no
great pains to have, the full facts before them. I do not propose to
awake once more these ancient angers[1160]. The facts themselves
are briefly these. The ‘Prose of the Ass’ was used at Bourges, at
Sens, and at Beauvais. As to the Bourges feast I have no details. At
Sens, the use of the Prose by Pierre de Corbeil is indeed no proof
that he allowed an ass to appear in the ceremony. But the Prose
would not have much point unless it was at least a survival from a
time when an ass did appear; the feast was known as the asinaria
festa; and even now, three centuries after it was abolished, the Sens
choir-boys still play at being âne archbishop on Innocents’ day[1161].
At Beauvais the heading Conductus quando asinus adducitur in the
thirteenth-century Officium seems to show that there at least the ass
appeared, and even entered the church. The document, also of the
thirteenth century, quoted by the editors of Ducange, certainly brings
him, in the ceremony of January 14, into the church and near the
altar. An imitation of his braying is introduced into the service itself.
At Autun the leading of an ass ad processionem, and the cantilena
super dictum asinum were suppressed in 1411. At Châlons-sur-
Marne in 1570 an ass bore the ‘bishop’ to the theatre at the church
door only. At Prague, on the other hand, towards the end of the
fourteenth century, an ass was led, as at Beauvais, right into the
church. These, with doubtful references to fêtes des ânes at St.
Quentin about 1081, at Béthune in 1474, and at Laon in 1527, and
the Mosburg description of the ‘bishop’ as asinorum dominus, are all
the cases I have found in which an ass has anything to do with the
feast. But they are enough to prove that an ass was an early and
widespread, though not an invariable feature. I may quote here a
curious survival in a ronde from the west of France, said to have
been sung at church doors on January 1[1162]. It is called La Mort de
l’Âne, and begins:
‘Quand le bonhomme s’en va,
Quand le bonhomme s’en va,
Trouvit la tête à son âne,
Que le loup mangit au bois.