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Preface
“The problem with fiction, it has to be plausible. That’s not true with
non-fiction,” Tom Wolfe, American novelist and one of the pioneers of the
New Journalism school, once remarked. This is an inspirational dictum for
social science scholars inasmuch as we should not shy away from what
appears to be implausible or even absurd. I believe that theoretical frame-
works need to be “plausible” in the sense of being understandable and
appear to be reasonable, but, when it comes to empirics, some results are
“too good to be true” inasmuch as empirical conditions may vastly exceed
what even the most imaginative mind would have been able to anticipate.
Think, for instance, of the various evidence of opportunistic behaviour
when it comes to executive decision making during the first decade of the
new millennium, including the fabled Enron bankruptcy in 2001 and the
AIG rescue activities in 2008–2009, offering inroads to a world wherein,
for example, economic compensation in the form of bonuses is not so
much a matter of performance as it is an entitlement, an attitude that rep-
resents a return to medieval or pre-modern aristocratic norms regarding
God-given authority and privileges justified thereupon. Also when it
comes to the effect of new digital media, some empirical outcomes are
simply mind-boggling. Consider, for instance, the once relatively small
Finnish video game company Rovio, which developed the massive hit
Angry Birds, a casual video game that had been downloaded in excess of
1 billion times when my colleague interviewed a company representative
in early February 2014. Tom Wolfe did not provide a yardstick for actually
measuring degrees of plausibility but, for me personally, such unexpected
(but not unanticipated) outcomes do not qualify as “plausible” in the
v
vi PREFACE
conventional sense of the term. Yet, implausible things happen every now
and then.
This is what is so deeply intriguing but also vexing about video game
development, that the sheer creativity and ability to organize product
development activities so that they result in a digital object that eventually
are distributed all over the globe, and at the speed of light (financial capital
also amass at an almost equally high speed) is the primary driver of the
industry: video game developers can de facto emerge from obscurity, being
socially, culturally, and not the least financially marginalized figures to
become international superstars and overnight sensations. That was the
case of Markus Persson, better known under his developer non de plume
Notch (programming is a species of writing, even authorship, after all),
whose company Mojang developed Minecraft that became a major hit as
soon as it was released in 2011. Persson was suddenly a multi-millionaire
who did not have to worry too much about the next game to develop (for
two accounts of the Minecraft phenomenon, see Arnroth 2013; Goldberg
and Larsson 2012). In September 2019, The Guardian listed Minecraft as
“the best video game of the 21st century” (Stuart and MacDonald 2019),
an accolade that is indicative of the significance of the video game. “With
more than 175 m copies now sold on an array of devices from smart-
phones to virtual-reality headsets, Minecraft has transcended the idea of
what games are and what they can achieve,” The Guardian stated. In
2018, Mojang reported a turnover in excess of 200 million euros and was
named the most profitable developer studio in the entire industry (Swedish
Games Industry 2019: 7). Such highly “implausible” and infrequent, yet
not impossible, scenarios are what fuels the indie video game industry.
Needless to say, most indie video game developers do not reasonably
anticipate a career trajectory comparable to Notch’s. Instead, video game
development is initiated and justified by the love of video games and the
video gaming experience, the ambition to turn novel gaming ideas and
game concepts into functional digital objects through collaborative efforts
with other individuals sharing this commitment to the “digital arts.” Yet,
there is a lingering thought that when the conditions are right and luck is
surfacing, huge commercial successes can result in what is unexpected
(but, again, not unanticipated), that is, “implausible.” This ambition to
make money is arguably not the principal motivator, but it is a form of
icing on the cake or the sugar-coating on the pill that is hard to fully forget
once the thought has struck one’s mind. Especially in a world totally
determined by digital distribution channels and online real-time reporting
PREFACE vii
[A] far more diverse range of creators, audiences, and modes of video games
production and consumption has emerged with the rise of digital distribu-
tion and a proliferation of platforms. International corporate publishers now
compete with—and draw influence from—smaller teams of individuals that
are finding their own critical and commercial success in vibrant independent
scenes. (Keogh 2015: 152)
This volume will report empirical materials from a study of indie develop-
ers in Sweden to better explain how what is called innovation-led growth
is in fact predicated on the individual’s ability to commit him or herself to
innovative activities that are uncertain (not the least in terms of estimating
market demand) and beset by the difficulty to raise money to finance the
development work. Economists have consistently argued in favour of
developed economies changing their production activities so that more
sophisticated and knowledge-intensive work is conducted, while allegedly
less demanding production activities are offshored to “developing econo-
mies” with lower production costs. One of the consequence is that profes-
sional work includes activities that are determined by a high degree of
uncertainty, for example, basic research, new drug development, and the
creation of new technologies such as “green energy,” all of which are uni-
fied by the difficulty to anticipate market conditions and the wider socio-
economic consequences of the new technologies (say, the development of
automatic transportation systems, no longer demanding skilled and expe-
rienced drivers). Such development work may be part of the R&D activi-
ties of large corporations, generating the finance capital through their
regular business activities, or on the basis of state-controlled investment
agencies in, for example, basic research in the life sciences. At the same
time, industries such as video game development fall outside of these reg-
ular financing systems inasmuch as the industry is relatively new, having a
short history that stretches back to the 1980s or 1990s, and therefore has
not yet accumulated the funds needed to support innovation work in the
fringes of the industry, in, for example, indie development communities
and businesses. Furthermore, video games are not yet consecrated to the
level where it is eligible for state funding and subsidies, as in the case of the
viii PREFACE
liberal arts (dramatic theatre, visual arts, literature, film, etc.), which makes
video game development an exclusively market-based activity, operating
outside of stated political interests and responsibilities. A current eco-
nomic doctrine stipulates that small and enterprising industry sectors pro-
pel the capitalist economy and push it into new equilibrium, but policy
makers and politicians, otherwise concerned with job creation and stable
economic growth, are surprisingly reluctant to support industries that
have the potential to carry such responsibilities. Until policy makers are
presented with a fait accompli, they are largely unable to detect the weak
market signals and respond to them in ways that support innovation-led
growth. This is the predicament of the innovation-led economy: busi-
nesses at the fringe of the economy do not yet have the contacts with
policy makers who would help them ensure a place on the political agenda.
In practice, this means that especially financial concerns are left in the dark
by policy makers, transferring the responsibility to raise the money needed
to finance the development work to individual market actors.
This might sound like an overtly negative scenario, but, as a matter of
fact, the Swedish video game is a success story in terms of job growth,
turnover, and status and prestige on the global arena. “I think this is a very
inspiring industry,” an indie developer (Company M) remarked: “There
are jobs and there is know-how that can be used elsewhere. If you are not
directly involved in developing games, you can still participate in gamifica-
tion, and such things [in other industries].” Most of these accomplish-
ments have been made without any defined finance capital infusions,
subsidies, or exemptions granted by the state. Instead, the Swedish video
game has emerged and consolidated outside of a supportive economic
policy framework. A study of indie video game developers therefore not
only must include the behavioural and motivational factors that industry
actors refer to when justifying their choice of career, but also should
address the broader issues of economic policy and dominant economic
ideas regarding the differences between, for example, imitation-led growth
(as in the case of the expanding Chinese economy) and the innovation-led
growth in many developed economies. The former category of theories is
introduced and examined in the third chapter of this volume, whereas the
latter issue is addressed in the second chapter. Under all conditions,
innovation-led growth of the kind that, for example, the video game
industry is representative of is fuelled by a passionate commitment to
video games and digital media and gaming more widely, but it would be
inadequate to ignore the economic conditions wherein such human skills
PREFACE ix
References
Arnroth, T. (2013). Ett år med Mojang: Minecraft bakom kulisserna.
Stockholm: Publit.
Goldberg, D., & Larsson, L. (2012). Minecraft: Block, pixlar och att göra sig en
hacka: Historien om Markus “Notch” Persson och spelet som vände allt upp och
ned. Norstedt: Stockholm.
Keogh, B. (2015). Between Triple-A, indie, casual, and DIY. In K. Oakley &
J. O’Connor (Eds.), The Routledge companion to the cultural industries
(pp. 152–162). Abingdon: Routledge.
Stuart, K., & MacDonald, K. (2019, September 19). The 50 best video games of
the 21st century. Retrieved September 20, 2019, from https://www.theguard-
ian.com/games/2019/sep/19/50-best-video-games-of-the-21st-century
Swedish Games Industry. (2019). Game development index 2019, Stockholm.
Retrieved September 30, 2019, from https://static1.squarespace.com/
static/5a61edb7a803bb7a65252b2d/t/5d8a30a5c6a41508c50
d8e6c/1569337529201/Spelutvecklarindex_digital_20190924.pdf
Acknowledgements
This research work is enabled on the basis of a research grant from the
Swedish research agency FORTE (Grant Number 2017-00834). I am
grateful for receiving funding to conduct the study. First of all, I would
like to thank all the video game developers and video game industry rep-
resentatives who have committed some of their time to the interviews
conducted within the research project. Without the active and in many
cases quite enthusiastic participation of these busy individuals, there would
be previously little to say, at least on the basis of empirical grounds. Second,
my colleague Björn Remneland-Wikhamn has made a first-rate contribu-
tion to this volume inasmuch as he conducted roughly half of the inter-
views that were included in the research project. Björn is a highly skilled
and experienced interviewer and social science scholar, and his capacity to
create interview situations wherein the informants speak freely about their
view of the development work is exemplary. In addition, Björn is an excel-
lent speaking partner with whom joint “brainstorming” is regularly
rewarding and inspiring. Third, I would like to recognize the commission-
ing editor at Palgrave Macmillan, Jessica Harrison, for granting me a book
contract. I have been fortunate to publish a number of books with Palgrave
Macmillan over the years, and it has always been a pleasant experience to
collaborate with the publisher’s excellent staff.
Finally, I would like to thank my family, Sara, Simon, and Max, for
helping me distract my mind outside of the work hours, which fortunately
makes academic work something new to discover every morning when the
new day begins.
xi
Contents
xiii
xiv Contents
Index245
CHAPTER 1
ludologists the ambition to shed light on video game production and con-
sumption, but my angle on the business may be somewhat different than
theirs. Yet the question remains, what could this outsider figure do with a
set of first-hand empirical data in the absence of more detailed under-
standings and commitment to the video game as such? I will here consume
some of my stipulated or imagined scholarly liberties to discuss this con-
cern not so much as some epistemological afterthought, but as being an
issue worthy of some detailed analysis and precise justification.
In many cases, methodological issues are the residual of scholarly work,
the residual components of theoretical grandeur or explorative projects in
a field of practice, an obligatory passage point that remains to be accounted
for when all is said and done. Yet, the question of methodology is a core
issue in scholarly work, being the anchoring point between theoretical
ambitions and practical research work, the field and the scholar’s desk.
Methodology is present everywhere on the scholar’s written pages, yet it
remains curiously marginal to the overarching pursuit: to accumulate aca-
demic credibility and the various benefits that derive therefrom (e.g., sala-
ried positions, received research grants, seats in prestigious editorial boards
and decision-making communities). As this volume deals with a specific
social and professional community with whom its author is not particu-
larly familiar (at least not when the study was initiated), this book will
open with a reflection regarding how to learn about a specific tribe or
community with whom the researcher shares few beliefs, traditions, skills,
and social norms, but without misrepresenting these people. The proposi-
tion is that this is no easy matter: the scholar’s ambition is under the con-
stant threat of being corrupted by misunderstanding, beliefs (inherited or
learned), preferences, and a variety of other cognitive and behavioural
conditions that the scholar cannot reasonably be assumed to command.
Philip Roth (2017: 381), the American author and one of the notable
contemporary writers that in fact never received a Nobel Prize in literature,
despite being rumoured to have been on the shortlist for decades, and
being an accurate observer of the human condition, remarks that
“Everybody has a hard work. All real work is hard.” This statement serves
at the same time as an observation regarding factual conditions and as a
credo, a normative statement portraying “real work,” that is, work that is
conducted de rigueur, as what in fact demands the full commitment of the
writer or anyone else doing what they do for a living. This is a proposition
that applies also to the ethnographer’s work. Claude Lévi-Strauss’ Tristes
Tropiques, first published in 1955, is an exemplary case of an
1 THE ETHNOGRAPHER’S DILEMMA: TO UNDERSTAND A WORLD THAT IS… 3
and beliefs need to be shared (perhaps this is why disputes in the realm of
marriage can be both animated and prolonged, at times lasting for
decades), or else the dispute dissolves into sheer misunderstanding as
there is no shared common ground wherein the dispute can be staged and
fuelled. In the end, this predicament instructs the anthropologist or eth-
nographer to be concerned with the representation of the other.
Perceived realities are indeed social (a truism, for sure), and to be able
to account for the constitutive elements of such realities, the observer
needs to be familiar with the norms and beliefs that render social realities
meaningful and intelligible. This means that the ethnographer needs to
maintain an open-ended attitude towards the object of study and abandon
any misconceptions when there is limited empirical support for proposi-
tions stipulated ex ante. To better illustrate the virtue of critically assessing
assumptions, the laboratory studies literature, being part of the wider sci-
ence and technology studies scholarship, can be referenced. From afar,
scientific research work may appear authoritative, conclusive, and credible:
The end result is what it is, and there are few other outcomes that appear
plausible for the reader of the final article that, say, convey the laboratory
research data and theoretical implications derived therefrom. At the same
time, to assume that the laboratory research work that precedes this con-
tribution is equally well ordered is mistaken. Instead, for example, labora-
tory studies reveal that the day-to-day work in the laboratory is more
open-ended, messier, more confusing, and more difficult to overlook for
the outside observer than a common sense view would assume. Knorr
Cetina (1983: 123) accounts for such experiences on the basis of her
fieldwork:
Also Jordan and Lynch (1992: 84) testify to such insights: “[W]e are
alerted to the conditions of instability and fragmentation in routine labo-
ratory practice.” Does this struggle against “disorder” and the “instabil-
ity” of the laboratory work in any way compromise the authority of the
research community? If the messiness of things per se is regarded as an
1 THE ETHNOGRAPHER’S DILEMMA: TO UNDERSTAND A WORLD THAT IS… 5
evidence of poor practices, that may be the case, but such lay beliefs do not
contain the detailed expertise needed to pass such judgement with credi-
bility. A more reasonable assumption is that the perceived messiness of the
procedures and day-to-day routine is either derived from the external
observers’ inability to detect and account for the intricate order of the
laboratory work, or, alternatively and plausibly, that the complexity or the
empirical issues at hand demand the work procedures to operate outside
of the pedant’s preference for order and structure. Under all conditions,
the laboratory researcher’s capacity to navigate within complex experi-
mental systems and theoretical frameworks is admirable and is arguably
not everybody’s business. In the end, the example of laboratory research
studies indicates that it is very easy for the external observer to project
beliefs and/or preferences onto the object of study and to inscribe quali-
ties, norms, preferences, and so on into equally humans and the machines
and tools they use in their day-to-day work. Common sense thinking is
one component to consider when seeking to avoid such projections.
Preference is another issue, being more difficult to handle as individuals
are not always aware of their preferences, and because preferences shift
over time as novel conditions and opportunities emerge (March 1978).
Consequently, what scholars may learn from Lévi-Strauss and others who
are concerned with the challenge to portray specific communities is that
this is a lingering concern, with few ready-made off-the-shelf solutions.
A considerable scholarly literature calls for reflexivity as a remedy to this
predicament (Holmes 2010; Mauthner and Doucet 2003; Cunliffe 2003;
Pels 2000; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992), but for most part, reflexivity is
conceived in voluntarism terms, that is, it is assumed that individual schol-
ars can choose to be reflexive whenever it suits their interests (Lynch 2000).
An alternative view portrays reflexivity in determinist terms, being a
“gift”—or, perhaps better, a “curse”—that cannot be escaped or simply
ignored at will. Reflexivity may also be considered in more fatalist terms,
being something that surfaces during episodes of clear-sighted revelations
and epiphanies, which make the scholar capable of suddenly overseeing
their entire field of inquiry in a broad daylight. In the end, to refer to
reflexivity is little more than a threadbare argument that renders interpre-
tative skills to both the cause and effect of scholarly inquiry, simply reas-
serting that the scholar by experience, training, or sheer authority has a
capacity to transcend his or her own cognitive and affective dispositions.
That is, to simply invoke reflexivity as an epistemological ad hoc hypothesis
6 A. STYHRE
of sorts does not solve anything but only introduces additional epistemo-
logical issues.
To cut to the chase, the ethnographer’s anxiety does not simply refer to
the sense of wasting one’s career in places where not much is happening,
but also denotes the more epistemological question regarding the author-
ity to portray communities not being your own. This is not exclusively a
scholar’s predicament but is part of a variety of social activities and eco-
nomic and administrative functions: Can adults write books for children,
when they no longer are children themselves, for instance? Children are
not likely to write their own books, so children’s books as a genre may be
permitted on the basis of factual conditions and practical limitations. How
can the upper crust of political parties represent the working people, when
they themselves have chosen to leave this career path (e.g., Carnes 2013)?
The democratic system is far from perfect, but the political system demands
skilled and experienced actors which unfortunately make careers as profes-
sional politicians a necessary evil in the eyes of sceptical voters. The list
goes on. In this case, how can a non-gamer gain insight into the everyday
life world of a community of individuals committed to video game devel-
opment? Is this person stuck in the same position as Werner von Herzog’s
mining industry site manager, of necessity unable to “understand” the
concerns of the other as he does not share their life world nor the norms,
beliefs, and aspirations derived therefrom. One may answer this question
non-affirmatively if “understanding” is treated as a complete and unified
whole, unable to be compromised. If “understanding” is treated as what
can be permitted to be partial, sketchy, and incomplete, and yet carrying
some meaning that benefits an outside observer or an audience, then this
specific community may be explored under such premises. Just like the
adult author writing for juvenile audiences, the uninformed or uncommit-
ted scholar may try his or her best to understand what is at the fringe of
his or her own social worlds. Yet, the predicament of representation
remains, and this is the primary reason why insightful writers such as
Claude Lévi-Strauss should be read by every new generation of scholars.
In the end, this is what this volume intends to do, to account for what
indie developers do, but under the influence of the all-too-human cogni-
tive and affective limitations that befalls all scholarly writers. Indeed, all
real work is hard work.
1 THE ETHNOGRAPHER’S DILEMMA: TO UNDERSTAND A WORLD THAT IS… 7
No matter how much one train one’s attention on the supposedly hard facts
of social existence … the supposedly soft facts of that existence, what do
people imagine human life to be all about, how do they think one ought to
live, what grounds belief, legitimizes punishment, sustains hope, or accounts
for loss, crowd in to disturb simple pictures of might, desire, calculation, and
interest. (Geertz 1995: 43)
For some time Northcote stood holding her hand and looking down
into her eyes. A sense of deep wonder was percolating slowly to
every part of his being. What a haven was here to embrace when the
frail bark of his nature had been flung, like the cockle-shell that it
was, upon the crest of tempestuous and multitudinous seas. How
blind and undeveloped he had been not to have understood this
before! From what ignominy could this anchorage have saved him! It
would not have been necessary to founder upon the shoals had he
been aware of this harbor that would have been so willing to
embrace him. He was already broken into pieces; and those tears
which appeared to suffuse his eyes with such facility and to suffuse
hers with such a painful reluctance were falling from him.
“You must ignore that unmannerly attack in the Age,” she said in a
stern voice which yet was full of redress. “The enemies of the
friendless have no kingdom into which they can enter. A few years
hence, when you are a rich and honored man, you will forgive them
for having once stabbed you.”
The silence which followed her words was broken by the hard and
intense breathing of the figure that clasped her.
“There is one thing I shall ask of you,” said Northcote at last. “I shall
ask you to give me the pledge from your own lips that you will always
believe in me as completely as you do at this moment, whatever
doubts, charges, or suspicion the future hurls against me.”
“It is not necessary for me to give this assurance, but, since you
demand it, I give it.”
“It is part of my weakness to demand it,” said her son, “although
none is so well aware as am I that there is no need to give
expression to your faith.”
“As you say, there is no need. But I remember your father saying to
me shortly before that illness which was fatal to him, the greater the
gifts the greater the lenity to be meted out to their unhappy
possessors. On that account I have always treated you with more
indulgence than otherwise I should have done.”
“Had you been more Spartan you might have strangled the genie at
its birth.”
“I might.”
“And yet made of its possessor a more upright and God-fearing
citizen.”
“That is impossible.”
“You never could conceive of his being other than you see him
now?”
“I could not.”
“Even if the indelible evidence were laid before you?”
“Evidence is never indelible to us. So-called facts have no worth in
our eyes. We believe or we do not believe. Nothing changes our
emotions; they are what we understand by religion.”
“You speak for wise and great women.”
“I speak for the humblest of wives and mothers who cannot accept
credit for blind obedience to an instinct which alone gives her life.”
“I begin to understand why even the most imperious natures, which
are as ruthless as volcanoes in action, cannot live without your aid. It
is not that you enslave and fetter them; your function is to cleanse,
renew, rehabilitate.”
As Northcote spoke a feeling of profound joy overspread the
humiliation whose penalties had been far more grievous to him than
those of despair. Hardly had he tasted it, however, than the
nightmare at the back of his thoughts assumed a visible shape. Of a
sudden there came a sharp screech from the curtain. Margaret, who
throughout the conversation with his mother had been engaged in
fixing pieces of holly over the photographs on the wall, was still
employed in this decoration. It was not she who was responsible for
the sudden shrieking of the brass rings along the curtain pole.
With a single comprehensive movement the curtain had been flung
back and the bed revealed. Seated upon it, half-dressed, with her
hair hanging loose, and her bare arms exposed by her chemise, was
his visitor of the previous night. Half a dozen hairpins were stuck in a
row in her mouth. In the cold grayness of the December morning,
which seemed to envelop her malignity in a bald realism, her
features appeared blunt, pale, and hideous. The almost incredibly
bitter and mocking glance was not directed upon the man, but upon
the elderly, unprepossessing, and countrified figure in the shabby
clothes and antique hat whom he was holding by the hand.
Northcote let the hand fall, and recoiled from his mother with a gasp
of fear mixed with passion.
The young girl, whom life had done nothing to enlighten, stood in
dumb amazement upon the chair on which she was poised.
There was a moment in which the older woman quivered with terror.
The brutal eyes of the prostitute, fixed upon her face with a blunt
contempt, seemed to change her into stone. Observing her to be
petrified like a bird in the presence of a serpent, the woman seated
upon the bed picked the row of hairpins from between her teeth with
the circumspection of an actress who, upon the stage, is notorious
for her power, and who, having a stupendous scene to enact,
prepares her audience for it by a display of quietude. She proceeded
to coil up her hair with a deliberation that had value as drama.
“Vice-president of the Great Trades’ Union,” she said, removing the
last hairpin from her mouth.
The elder woman stood looking helplessly away. Those indomitable
eyes were cowed for the first time in their history. For the first time
they had come upon something upon which they had no opinion to
deliver. She had barely the strength to carry her gaze to her son,
who stood ten paces from her as pale and rigid as a statue.
“Better go—better take Peggy,” he whispered in a voice that she did
not know to be his.
Margaret, still holding the holly, had come down from the chair, and
like a child had come to stand at the side of her natural protectress.
She was visibly afraid; and she had clutched the holly so tightly that
blood was trickling from the wounds in her soft fingers.
The spectacle of her childishness restored to the elder woman that
capacity for action which she was never without.
“Get your coat and gloves, child,” she said in her harsh tones.
“Where’s the basket?”
She herself took up the basket, and, without venturing to look at her
son or her who sat upon the bed, neither of whom had changed their
postures nor spoken again, she led the way out with resolute steps
to the top of the stairs. The young girl followed in her wake with a
timid obedience, pulling on her cotton gloves over her bleeding
fingers as she went.
At the head of the stairs this new resolution of the elder woman’s
appeared to fail her.
“Go down, child; take the basket. I will follow you in a minute,” she
said, handing the basket to the girl.
She turned suddenly and went back into the room. Her son was still
standing in the attitude in which she had left him. There was a
curious glare in his eyes. Advancing to him she placed her hands on
his shoulders, pressed her lips against his forehead, and then, in a
kind of headlong flight, darted away like a rabbit out of the room and
down the stairs.
XXXVIII
CLEANSING FIRE