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MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.

Write fractions to represent the shaded and unshaded portions of the figure.
1)

5 5 1 4 5 1 1 5
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

1 4 5 5 6 6 6 6
Answer: C

2)

1 6 7 1 3 1 7 1
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

7 7 8 8 4 4 4 4
Answer: D

3)

5 3 5 3 5 3 3 5
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

8 8 3 3 4 4 5 5
Answer: C

4)

3 1 2 1 2 3 5 5
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

2 2 3 3 5 5 2 3

1
Answer: C

2
5)

3 3 1 3 3 1 1 2
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

1 2 4 4 4 4 3 3
Answer: C

6)

5 5 3 2 3 5 5 3
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

3 2 5 5 8 8 8 8
Answer: C

7)

5 1 5 1 5 1 1 1
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

1 1 3 3 6 6 5 1
Answer: B

8)

7 1 7 1 7 1 1 4
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

8 8 4 4 1 4 7 1
Answer: B

9)

11 1 11 1 11 1 1 12
A) , B) , C) , D) ,
12 12 1 12 6 6 11 1

Answer: C
3
 10)

5 1 5 3 3 5 3 2
A) , B) , C) , D) ,

3 3 8 8 8 8 5 5
Answer: B

Solve the problem.

11) Of 11 crates of apples, 9 crates are Granny Smiths. What fraction of the crates are Granny Smiths?
9 11 11 2
A) 11 B) 9 C) 2 D) 11

Answer: A

12) Of 19 crates of apples, 7 crates are Granny Smiths. What fraction of the crates are not Granny Smiths?
7 19 19 12
A) 19 B) 7 C) 12 D) 19

Answer: D

13) A high school basketball team has 9 members. If 7 of the team members are juniors, find the fraction of the team
members that are juniors.
7 9 9 2
A) 9 B) 7 C) 2 D) 9
Answer: A

14) A high school basketball team has 12 members. If 7 of the team members are juniors and the rest are seniors,
find the fraction of the team members that are seniors.
12 5 12 7
A) 5 B) 12 C) 7 D) 12

Answer: B

15) In a microbiology class of 37 students, 23 students are graduate students. What fraction of the students are
graduate students?
37 23 37 14
A) 14 B) 37 C) 23 D) 37

Answer: B

16) In a microbiology class of 29 students, 22 students are graduate students. What fraction of the students are not
graduate students?
7 29 22 29
A) 29 B) 7 C) 29 D) 22

Answer: A

17) Of 126 bicycles in a bike rack, 59 are mountain bikes. What fraction of the bicycles are mountain bikes?
126 67 126
A) Answ B) C)
67 126 59
er: D
4
 59
D)
1
2
6

5
 18) Of 100 bicycles in a bike rack, 41 are mountain bikes. What fraction of the bicycles are not mountain bikes?
100 59 100 41
A) B) C) D)
59 100 41 100
Answer: B

19) Of 202 trees in the park, 29 are coniferous trees. What fraction of the trees are coniferous trees?
202 202 29 173
A) B) C) D)
29 173 202 202
Answer: C

20) Of 194 trees in the park, 43 are coniferous trees. What fraction of the trees are not coniferous trees?
194 151 43 194
A) B) C) D)
151 194 194 43
Answer: B

Identify the numerator and denominator.

6
21)
7
7
Numerator 13 B) Numerator C) Numerator 7 D) Numerator 6
A) 6
Denominator 1 Denominator 6 Denominator 6 Denominator 7
Answer: D

27
22)
13
27
A) Numerator 1 B) Numerator 13 C) Numerator D) Numerator 27
13
13 Denominator 27 Denominator 1 Denominator 13

Denominator
27
Answer: D

List the proper fractions in the group.

9 5 7 3
23) , , ,
7 12 15 17
5 7 3 9 9 5 7 3 9 13
A) , , B) C) , , , D) ,

12 15 17 7 7 12 15 17 7 17

Answer: A

1 11 18 5 8
24) , , , ,
4 7 18 4 3
1 11 18 5 8 1 5 8 1 11 18 5 8
A) , , , , B) , , C) D) , , ,

4 7 18 4 3 4 4 3 4 7 18 4 3
6
Answer: C

7
 7 14 7 11 3
25) , , , ,
12 13 2 4 4
7 11 3 14 7 11 7 3 7 11 3
A) , , B) , , C) , D) , ,
2 4 4 13 2 4 12 4 12 4 4

Answer: C

16 13 11 17 2
26) , , , ,
13 12 8 17 3
2 16 13 11 2 13 11 17 11
A) B) , , , C) , , D)
3 13 12 8 3 12 8 17 8
Answer: A

3 5 7 2 16
27) , , , ,
7 19 7 11 219
7 3 5 7 2 16
A) B) , , , ,
7 7 19 7 11 219
3 5 2 16 5 7 2
C) , , , D) , ,
7 19 11 219 19 7 11

Answer: C

9 5 7 19 3
28) , , , ,
7 12 15 12 17
9 19 9 5 7
A) , B) , ,
7 12 7 12 15
9 5 7 19 3 5 7 3
C) , , , , D) , ,
7 12 15 12 17 12 15 17

Answer: D

List the improper fractions in the group.

16 5 3 52 24
29) , , , ,
2 16 8 38 24
16 5 3 24 16 52 24
A) , , , B) , ,
2 16 8 24 2 38 24
16 5 3 52 24 5 3
C) , , , , D) ,
2 16 8 38 24 16 8

Answer: B

49 9 7 60 50
30) , , , ,
2 33 8 33 50
49 60 50 9 7
A) , , B) ,
2 33 50 33 8
49 9 7 60 50 49 9 7 50
C) , , , , D) , , ,
2 33 8 33 50 2 33 8 50

8
Answer: A

9
 23 9 2 26 18
31) , , , ,
6 61 3 25 18
23 9 2 18 23 26 18
A) , , , B) , ,
6 61 3 18 6 25 18
9 2 23 9 2 26 18
C) , D) , , , ,
61 3 6 61 3 25 18

Answer: B

42 7 2 44 12
32) , , , ,
7 63 7 10 12
42 7 2 44 12 7 2
A) , , , , B) ,
7 63 7 10 12 63 7

42 44 12 42 7 2 12
C) , , D) , , ,
7 10 12 7 63 7 12
Answer: C

15 9 4 53 40
33) , , , ,
3 58 8 53 40
15 9 4 40 9 4
A) , , , B) ,
3 58 8 40 58 8
15 53 40 15 9 4 53 40
C) , , D) , , , ,
3 53 40 3 58 8 53 40

Answer: C

27 5 3 32 14
34) , , , ,
9 16 4 11 14
27 5 3 14 5 3
A) , , , B) ,
9 16 4 14 16 4
27 32 14 27 5 3 32 14
C) , , D) , , , ,
9 11 14 9 16 4 11 14

Answer: C

Fill in the blanks to complete the sentence.

17
35) The fraction represents of the equal parts into which a whole is divided.
28
17 17
A) 28, 17 B) , 17 C) 17, 28 D) , 28
28 28
Answer: C

Write the mixed number as an improper fraction.

2
36) 7
3
21 21 23 23
A) 3 B) 2 C) 3 D) 2

Answer: C

10
 5
37) 8
6
53 53 48 48
A) 6 B) 5 C) 5 D) 6

Answer: A

5
38) 4
7
33 33 28 28
A) B) C) D)
7 5 5 7
Answer: A

5
39) 7
6
47 42 42 47
A) B) 5 C) D)
6 6 5
Answer: A

3
40) 18
10
21 183 54
A) 10 B) C) 10 193
10 D)
10
Answer: B

9
41) 17
10

153 179
A) 306 B) C) D) 35
10 10

Answer: C

Write the improper fraction as a whole or mixed number.

43
42)
3
1 1 1 1
A) 14 B) C) 13 D) 15
3 3 7 3
Answer: A

15
43)
4

3 3 3 3
A) 3 B) 2 C) 3 D) 4
7 4 4 4
Answer: C

11
 49
44)
5
4 4 4 4
A) 9 B) 8 C) 10 D) 9
7 5 5 5
Answer: D

19
45)
6

1 1 1 1
A) 3 B) 3 C) 4 D) 2
7 6 6 6
Answer: B

30
46)
8

6 6 6 6
A) 3 B) 4 C) 2 D) 3
7 8 8 8
Answer: D

63
47)
7

9
A) 64 B) 62 C) D) 9
2

Answer: D

213
48)
7
7 3 7 213
A) B) 30 C) 213 D) 213
213 7 213 7
Answer: B

1133
49)
14
1133 13 14 14
A) 1133 B) 80 C) D) 1133
14 14 1133 1133

Answer: B

2982
50)
14
213
A) 213 B) C) 2983 D) 2981
2

Answer: A

12
Find all the factors for the number.
51) 30
A) 5, 6, 10, 30 B) 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 15, 30
C) 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 20, 30 D) 1, 5, 6, 30
Answer: B

13
 52) 28
A) 1, 2, 7, 14, 28 B) 1, 2, 4, 7, 14, 28 C) 2, 7, 14, 28 D) 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 14, 28
Answer: B

53) 36
A) 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 12, 18, 36 B) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 12, 18, 36
C) 2, 4, 6, 12, 18, 36 D) 1, 2, 4, 6, 12, 18, 36
Answer: A

54) 45
A) 1, 3, 5, 15, 45 B) 1, 3, 5, 9, 15, 45
C) 1, 2, 3, 5, 9, 15, 30, 45 D) 1, 3, 5, 9, 15, 30, 45
Answer: B

55) 56
A) 2, 4, 7, 8, 14, 28 B) 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 14, 18, 28, 56
C) 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 14, 18, 28, 56 D) 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 14, 28, 56
Answer: D

56) 63
A) 1, 2, 3, 7, 9, 21, 36, 63 B) 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 21, 63
C) 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 21, 63 D) 1, 3, 7, 9, 21, 63
Answer: D

57) 66
A) 1, 2, 3, 4, 11, 16, 22, 33, 66 B) 1, 3, 11, 22, 33, 66
C) 1, 2, 3, 9, 11, 22, 33, 66 D) 1, 2, 3, 6, 11, 22, 33, 66
Answer: D

58) 70
A) 1, 2, 5, 7, 35, 70 B) 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 15, 20, 35, 70
C) 1, 2, 5, 7, 10, 14, 35, 70 D) 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 15, 35, 70
Answer: C

59) 72
A) 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 12, 14, 18, 24, 36, 72 B) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 18, 24, 36, 72
C) 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 12, 18, 24, 36, 72 D) 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 12, 24, 36, 72
Answer: C

60) 84
A) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 14, 21, 28, 42, 84 B) 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 14, 21, 28, 42, 84
C) 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 12, 14, 21, 28, 42, 84 D) 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 12, 14, 21, 42, 84
Answer: C

Decide whether the number is prime or composite.

61) 27
A) Prime B) Composite
Answer: B

14
 62) 71
A) Prime B) Composite
Answer: A

63) 100
A) Prime B) Composite
Answer: B

64) 11
A) Prime B) Composite
Answer: A

65) 9
A) Prime B) Composite
Answer: B

Find the prime factorization of the number. Write the answer with exponents when repeated factors appear.
66) 12
A) 22 ∙ 3 B) 32 C) 4 ∙ 3 D) 4 ∙ 2
Answer: A

67) 265
A) 5 ∙ 51 B) 5 ∙ 53 C) 52 D) 52 ∙ 53
Answer: B

68) 448
A) 25 ∙ 7 B) 25 ∙ 11 C) 26 ∙ 7 D) 26 ∙ 5
Answer: C

69) 24
A) 22 ∙ 3 B) 22 ∙ 32 C) 23 ∙ 3 D) 23 ∙ 32
Answer: C

70) 154
A) 2 ∙ 7 ∙ 11 B) 72 ∙ 2 C) 14 ∙ 11 D) 22 ∙ 11
Answer: A

71) 350
A) 2 ∙ 5 ∙ 7 B) 2 ∙ 52 ∙ 7 C) 14 ∙ 52 D) 22 ∙ 52 ∙ 7
Answer: B

72) 468
A) 34 ∙ 13 B) 23 ∙ 32 ∙ 13 C) 24 ∙ 13 D) 22 ∙ 32 ∙ 13
Answer: D

73) 2600
A) 23 ∙ 53 ∙ 13 B) 2 ∙ 54 ∙ 13 C) 23 ∙ 52 ∙ 13 D) 24 ∙ 5 ∙ 13
Answer: C

15
 74) 2600
A) 23 ∙ 52 ∙ 13 B) 23 ∙ 52 ∙ 11 C) 23 ∙ 5 ∙ 13 D) 22 ∙ 52 ∙ 13
Answer: A

75) 5940
A) 22 ∙ 33 ∙ 11 B) 22 ∙ 33 ∙ 5 ∙ 11 C) 23 ∙ 32 ∙ 5 ∙ 11 D) 22 ∙ 33 ∙ 5 ∙ 7
Answer: B

Determine whether the number is divisible by 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and/or 10.

76) 24
A) 2, 3, 4, 6 B) 2, 3, 4, 8 C) 2, 3, 4, 6, 8 D) 2, 3, 4
Answer: C

77) 1656
A) 2, 3, 6, 8 B) 2, 3, 4, 8 C) 2, 3, 4 D) 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9
Answer: D

78) 151
A) None B) 3, 7 C) 3, 5 D) 3
Answer: A

79) 1849
A) None B) 3, 7 C) 3, 5 D) 3
Answer: A

80) 96,773
A) None B) 3 C) 3, 7 D) 3, 5
Answer: A

81) 4514
A) 2 B) 4 C) 2, 3, 4 D) 3, 4
Answer: A

82) 16,206
A) 2, 3, 4 B) 4, 5, 6 C) 3, 4, 6 D) 2, 3, 6
Answer: D

83) 5135
A) 5, 10 B) 5 C) 10 D) 2, 5, 10
Answer: B

84) 3723
A) 3, 9 B) 9 C) 3 D) 2, 3, 9
Answer: C

85) 8740
A) 2, 5 B) 4, 5, 10 C) 2, 4, 5, 10 D) 4, 5
Answer: C

16
Write the fraction in lowest terms.
4
86)
6
2 4 2 3
A) B) 3 C) 6 D) 2
3
Answer: A

4
87)
14
2 4 3 2
A) B) C) D)
14 14 8 7

Answer: D

15
88)
20
5 15 3 3
A) B) C) D)
4 20 4 5

Answer: C

30
89)
80
3 10 3 30
A) B) C) D)
8 8 10 80

Answer: A

42
90)
47
21 1 23 42
A) B) C) D)
23 47 21 47

Answer: D

30
91)
40
10 30 3 3
A) B) C) D)
4 40 4 10

Answer: C

52
92)
56
4 52 13 13
A) 14 B) 56 C) 14 D) 4

Answer: C

17
 60
93)
105
4 4 60 15
A) B) 15 C) D) 7
7 105
Answer: A

195
94)
208
15 195 13 15
A) 13 B) C) 16 D)
208 16
Answer: D

336
95)
16

336 1
A) B) C) 21 D) 22
16 21
Answer: C

Write the numerator and denominator of the fraction as a product of prime factors and divide by the common factors.
Then write the fraction in lowest terms.
18
96)
24
3 ∙3 3 2 ∙3 ∙3 3 2∙3∙3 3 2∙3∙3 3
A) = B) = C) = D) =
2 ∙2 ∙3 4 2∙2 ∙3 2 2∙2∙2∙3 4 2∙2∙2∙3 2
Answer: C

15
97)
60

3 ∙5 1 1∙ 5 5 2∙2∙3∙5 5 2∙3∙5 1
A) = B) = C) = D) =
2∙2∙3∙5 4 2∙3 ∙5 4 2∙3∙5 1 2∙2∙3∙5 5
Answer: A

40
98)
84

2 ∙2∙2∙5 5 2 ∙2 ∙5 ∙5 25 2∙2∙2∙5 10 2∙2∙5 10

A) = B) = C) = D) =
2∙2∙2∙7 3 2∙2∙3∙7 21 2∙2∙3∙7 21 2∙3∙7 21
Answer: C

1512
99)
220

2 ∙3∙3 ∙7 378 2∙2∙2∙3∙3∙3∙7 378

A) = B) =
11 55 ∙ ∙ ∙
2 2 5 11 55
2 ∙2∙3 ∙3∙3∙7 378 2∙2∙2∙3∙3∙3∙7 1512
C) = D) =
∙ ∙
2 5 11 55
18
Answer: B 2 ∙ 2 ∙ 5 ∙ 11 220

19
Write the fractions in lowest terms. Then determine whether the pair of fractions is equivalent or not equivalent.
4 12
100) and
6 18
A) Equivalent B) Not equivalent
Answer: A

2 32
101) and
8 40
A) Equivalent B) Not equivalent
Answer: B

4 11
102) and
7 14
A) Equivalent B) Not equivalent
Answer: B

7 140
103) and
8 160
A) Equivalent B) Not equivalent
Answer: A

9 8
104) and
36 32

A) Equivalent B) Not equivalent

Answer: A

50 55
105) and
90 108
A) Equivalent B) Not Equivalent
Answer: B

Multiply. Write the answer in lowest terms.

5 1
106) ∙
9 5
5 3 1 5
A) 14 D) 45
B) 7 C) 9

Answer: C

1 5
107) ∙
10 8
5 1 1 5
A) 13 C) 16 D) 80
B) 3
Answer: C

20
 1 1
108) ∙
2 9
2 2 1
A) 11 C) 18 D)
B) 9 18

Answer: D

4 8
109) ∙
5 9
45 10 6 32
A) 32 B) 9 D) 45
C) 7

Answer: D

1 12
110) ∙
6 19
2 72 19
A) 19 B) 19 C) 72 2
D)

Answer: A

2 3 1
111) ∙ ∙
7 5
2
3 3 5 6
A) 14 B) 35 C) 21 D) 35

Answer: B

1 3 1
112) ∙ ∙

5 8
10
3 3 3 1
A) 400 C) 40 D) 50
B) 4
Answer: A

12 40 15
113) ∙ ∙

25 66 32
3 6 3 3
A) 11 B) 11 C) 44 D) 22

Answer: D

48 16 45
114) ∙ ∙

64 27 24
5 B) 5 C) 5 5
A) 18 24 D)
6 9
Answer: A

21
Multiply. Write the answer in lowest terms and as a whole or mixed number where possible.
2
115) 27 ∙
9
11
A) 6 B) 10 C) 3 D) 8
72

Answer: A

1
116) 14 ∙
6
2 1 1
A) 1 B) 4 C) 12 2
D)
3 3

Answer: D

1
117) 120 ∙
4
1 120
A) B) C) 30 D) 3
4 4
Answer: C

2
118) 200 ∙
5

A) 200 B) 100 C) 250 D) 80

Answer: D

2
119) ∙ 120
3
A) 82 B) 120 C) 60 D) 80
Answer: D

1
120) ∙ 169
4
1 1 1
A) 169 B) 42 C) 676
4 D) 4

Answer: B

3 4
121) 50 ∙ ∙
21
10

7 2 6
A) 20 C) 60 D) 2
B) 7 7
Answer: D

22 2
122) ∙ 176 ∙

16 11
2 5
A) 50 B) 44 C) 40 D) 45
7 7
22
Answer: B

23
Find the area of the rectangle.
123)

6
A= foot
9
1
B= foot
3

7 square foot 1 6 2
A) B) square foot C) square foot D) square foot

12 2 27 9
Answer: D

124)

2
A= in.
11

B = 11 in.

22 123 13
A) 2 in.2 B) in.2 C) in.2 D) in.2
11 11 11
Answer: A

125)

16
A= mi
33
21
B= mi
22

336 37 56 15
A) mi2 B) mi2 C) mi2 D) mi2
726 55 121 22
Answer: C

Solve the problem. Write the answer in lowest terms and as a whole or mixed number where possible.
5
126) Find the area of a rectangular banner having a length of 15 feet and a width of foot.
6
5 ft2 1 1
A) B) 5 ft2 C) 37 ft2 D) 12 ft2

18 2 2
Answer: D
24
 13
127) Find the area of a rectangular table top having a length of 4 feet and a width of feet.
4
1 1 1
A) 13 ft2 B) ft2 C) 4 ft2 D) 8 ft2
13 4 2
Answer: A

3 2
128) A rectangular parking lot measures mile by mile. Find the area of the parking lot.
10 13

3 5 2 1
A) 65 mi2 B) mi2 C) mi2 D) mi2
23 65 26

Answer: A

3 1 3 3
129) Layer Cake A is yard long and yard wide. Layer Cake B is yard long and yard wide. Which cake has
8 4 8 4
the larger area?
Layer Cake B B) Layer Cake A
A)
Answer: A

Solve the problem.

3 2
130) A rectangular parking lot measures mile by mile. Find the area of the parking lot.

8 15
5 1 1 1
A) 23 mi2 B) mi2 C) mi2 D) mi2
30 24 20

Answer: D

13
131) Find the area of a rectangular table top having a length of 5 feet and a width of feet.
4
1 1 4
A) 9 ft2 B) 4 ft2 C) 16 ft2 D) ft2

2 4 65
Answer: C

1 2
132) A rectangular sheet of paper measures foot by foot. Find its area.
5 3
2 3 1
1 ft2 B) ft2 C) ft2 D) ft2
A)
15 8 5
Answer: B

1 4
133) A rectangular dog bed is yard by yard. Find its area.
3 5
4 5 1
A) yd2 B) yd2 C) 1 yd2 D) yd2

15 8 3
Answer: A
25
 2 are perishable. How many of the inventory
134) A warehouse stores 1750 different inventory items, of which
25

items are perishable?

875 items B) 140 items C) 144 items D) 138 items
A)
Answer: B

4
135) Mr. and Mrs. Jones have a home equity loan of $43,700. They have paid off of the loan. How much of the
23

loan have they paid off?

A) $7600 B) $8000 C) $7200 D) $1900
Answer: A

4
136) During elections at the local union, of the members voted. If there are 165 members, how many voted?
11

64 members B) 56 members C) 15 members D) 60 members

A)
Answer: D

3
137) A restaurant has a capacity of 200 patrons. If the restaurant is full, how many patrons are at the restaurant?
20

27 patrons B) 33 patrons C) 30 patrons D) 10 patrons

A)
Answer: C

138) Bob can machine 40 units in 10 hours. How many units can he machine in 2 hours?
8 units B) 80 units C) 2 unit(s) D) 4 units
A)
Answer: A

139) Emily can ride her bike 24 miles in 6 hours. How many miles can she ride in 2 hours?
4 miles B) 8 miles C) 2 mile(s) D) 48 miles
A)
Answer: B

140) One fifth of Mary's earned income is deducted from her paycheck for withholdings. Three fourths of the
withholdings are for taxes. What fraction of Mary's earned income is deducted for taxes?
1 4 4 3
C) 15 D) 20
A) 5 B) 9
Answer: D

141) One fifth of Joan's earned income is deducted for withholdings. Three tenths of the withholdings are for federal
income tax. What fraction of Joan's earned income is deducted for federal income tax?
4 2 2 3
A) 15 C) 25 D) 50
B) 3
Answer: D

142) One fifth of Joe's earned income is deducted for withholdings. One third of the withholdings are for social
security (FICA). What fraction of Joe's earned income is deducted for social security?
3 wer: 1
A) 5 Ans 4
D B)
26
 2
C) D) 1
15
1
5

27
 1
143) A certain scholarship will pay for of a student's total tuition. How much will a student who receives this
4
scholarship pay toward tuition, if tuition is $400?
A) $398 B) $300 C) $100 D) $350
Answer: B

Use the circle graph to answer the question.

144) Last year, one family ate fast food 576 times. The circle graph shows the types of food eaten for the year. Find
the number of times fish was eaten.

72 times B) 36 times C) 192 times D) 144 times

A)
Answer: B

145) On a typical night at Skinny's Pizza, 240 pizzas are ordered. How many pepperoni pizzas are ordered?

720 pizzas B) 48 pizzas C) 80 pizzas D) 60 pizzas

A)
Answer: C

28
The following table shows the earnings for the Juarez family last year. Use this information to answer the question.

Month Earnings Month Earnings

Jan. $1400 July $1300
Feb. $1150 Aug. $2450
Mar. $2950 Sept. $2500
Apr. $2300 Oct. $2000
May $1650 Nov. $2350
June $2700 Dec. $2400

146) What was the family's total income from January thru June?
A) $13,000 B) $11,000 C) $12,150 D) $9,200
Answer: C

147) What was the family's total income for the year?
A) $23,750 B) $25,150 C) $22,000 D) $24,000
Answer: B

13
148) If the family paid of their total income in taxes for the year, how much was paid in taxes?
100

A) $3848 B) $3510 C) $2730 D) $3269.50

Answer: D

9
149) If of the family's total income was spent on clothing, how much was spent for clothing last year?
100

A) $2430 B) $2610 C) $2160 D) $2263.50

Answer: D

13
150) The family saved of their total income each month. How much savings did they have at the end of June?
100

A) $1196 B) $1690 C) $1508 D) $1579.50

Answer: D

11
151) The family saved of their total income each month. How much savings did they have at the end of the
100

year?
A) $2970 B) $2310 C) $3256 D) $2766.50
Answer: D

7
152) The family used of their income for food purchases. How much did they spend on food purchases for the
100

year?
A) $1470 B) $1760.50 C) $2072 D) $1890
Answer: B

29
 17
153) The family used of their income on rent payments. How much did they spend on rent for the year?
100

A) $4275.50 B) $3570 C) $5032 D) $4590

Answer: A

30
 1
154) If of the family income is spent on entertainment, how much did they spend for entertainment last year?
5
A) $4200 B) $5030 C) $5400 D) $5920
Answer: B

17
155) Other expenses account for of the family income. How much was spent last year on other expenses?
100

A) $3570 B) $3400 C) $4275.50 D) $4692

Answer: C

Find the reciprocal.

6
156)
13
1 6 13
B) 13 C) D) 6
A) 6 13
Answer: D

1
157)
16

1
A) No reciprocal B) C) 16 D) 1
16

Answer: C

158) 9
1
A) 1 B) 9 C) No reciprocal D)
9
Answer: D

14
159)
15
1 15 1
A) 15 B) 15 C) D) 14
14
Answer: C

Divide. Write the answer in lowest terms and as a whole or mixed number where possible.
5 2
160) ÷
4 5
1 1 1
A) 20 C) 10 D) 3
B) 2 8

Answer: D

1 4
161) ÷
2 5
3 5 1 1
A) 1 B) C) D) 2
5 8 4 2
31
Answer: B

32
 1 5
162) ÷
6 6
5 1 1
A) B) 1 C) 5 D)
6 5 5

Answer: D

1 1
163) ÷
7 2
1 2 C) 1
A) 3 B) D) 14
7 14
2

Answer: B

3 5
164) ÷
5 6
7 18 1
A) 2 B) 1 C) 25
18 D) 2

Answer: C

5 9
165) ÷
8 4
3 B) 5 13 32
A) 3 C) 1 D) 45
18
5 32

Answer: B

4 1
166) ÷
3 3
4 1 1
A) B) 2 C) D) 4
9 4 4

Answer: D

5 35
167) ÷
11 44

6 4 3 175
A) 2 B) C) 1 D)
7 7 4 484
Answer: B

168)
7
9
1
8
2 B) 8 C) 7 7
A) 6 D)
17 72 9
9
33
Answer: A

34
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
not the course of synods been interrupted by the introduction of
bishops, few had keeped their places who were afterwards ejected
by that infamous proclamation at Glasgow in the year 1662.”
Nor was the committee idle; Mr Patrick Gillespie, principal of
Glasgow College, was brought prisoner to Edinburgh Castle, and Mr
Robert Row, minister of Abercorn, and W. Wiseheart of Kinniel, were
confined to their chambers in the town. Having forbid any meetings
for petitioning, they proceeded to display their antipathy to those
principles of freedom, for which their fathers had contended, by
emitting a proclamation against Rutherford’s Lex Rex—a work which
was held in high estimation by the covenanters, as it advocated the
cause of liberty and the legitimate limitations on power, with an
energy and clearness the enemies of freedom could not bear; and
another work, supposed to be written by Mr James Guthrie, entitled
“The Causes of God’s Wrath against Scotland,” which enumerated
the sins of the land, princes, priests, and people, with a faithfulness
that was intolerable. They declared these two books to be full of
seditious and treasonable matter, animating his majesty’s good
subjects to rise up in rebellion against their lawful prince and
sovereign, and poisoning their hearts with many seditious and
rebellious principles, prejudicial to his royal person and authority, and
to the peace of the kingdom. All, therefore, possessed of copies of
the obnoxious publications were required to deliver them up to the
king’s solicitor within a certain time, under pain of being considered
enemies to his majesty’s authority, and liable to be punished
accordingly. They were both burnt at the cross—a favourite, if not a
very convincing, mode of answering such like productions. With
revolting meanness, they at the same time caused the inscriptions to
be effaced from the tombs of Alexander Henderson in Edinburgh,
and George Gillespie at Kirkaldy—men who needed not the frail
remembrance of a monumental stone to make their memories live in
the recollection of their country, and whose services have more
lasting record than a graving-iron could bestow.
Some few days after, they made a still more explicit disclosure of
their aversion to the “good old cause”—a sneering form of
expression become fashionable among the courtiers—by another
proclamation directed against the remonstrants and their adherents,
not only forbidding meetings for consultation, which were still legal,
but likewise any adverting, in their sermons or otherwise, to the state
of the church, or the danger to be apprehended from the introduction
of the exploded and hated prelatical offices and forms; and, as they
knew the effect of popular preaching, they appear to have been most
anxious at once to suppress all pulpit opposition to the course they
were about to pursue.
Of the watchmen upon the Scottish Zion, the remonstrants had
been the most wakeful and most jealous of encroachments upon the
established covenanted constitution of the church and state, and the
committee were assured, that when they apprehended danger, they
would not be silent; they therefore expressly commanded that none,
in sermons, preachings, declamations, or speeches, should presume
to reflect on the conduct of his majesty or his progenitors,
misconstrue his proceedings, or meddle in his affairs or estate,
present, bygone, or in time coming, under the highest penalties; and
if any who heard what could be construed into slander against the
king did not reveal it, they were to be liable to the same punishment
as principals. This proclamation, the anti-type of so many furious
attacks upon the liberty of the lieges, was calculated to ensnare
those who, being accustomed openly to speak their sentiments,
were not prepared at once to renounce all mention of public affairs in
common conversation or public discourses, whether ministers,
elders, or private gentlemen; and numbers of each description were
immediately made to feel its oppressive weight.
Had a free election been allowed, notwithstanding the loyal
phrenzy of many, and the hypocritical pretensions of more, there
might some troublesome members have procured admission to the
estates; but those whose influence and opposition were most
dreaded, being by this proclamation placed in very delicate
circumstances—as evidence of unguarded expressions might easily
have been procured—were happy to escape censure, and did not
stand forward at the only time when they could have done so with
some probability of success, in support of the constitution, freedom,
and religion of their country. The committee, however, did not rest
here: with the most unblushing effrontery, although conscious
themselves of having to a man complied with the English, they hung
out a threat of prosecution for this common and inevitable fault,
which damped all who seemed inclined to assert the independence
of a Scottish parliament, or the privileges they had obtained from the
crown during the late struggle.[9]
9. Of the nature of these prosecutions, the reader may form some idea from the
following:—“Mr James Nasmyth, minister of the gospel at Hamilton, was
sisted before the committee for words alleged to have been spoken by him
many years ago. About the year 1650, when Lambert was in the church, it
was alleged he pressed his hearers to employ their power for God, and not in
opposition to the gospel, otherwise they might expect to be brought down by
the judgement of God as those who went before were!” Wodrow, vol. i. p. 12.
Besides to pinion the country gentlemen more effectually, they
tendered a bond to all of whom they were suspicious, which they
obliged them to sign, with a sufficient cautioner, each binding
themselves—besides disowning the remonstrance—that they should
not in any way or manner, directly or indirectly, plot, contrive, speak,
or do any thing tending, or what might tend, to the hurt, prejudice, or
derogation of his majesty’s royal person or any of that royal family—
that they should not do any thing, directly or indirectly, tending, or
that might tend, to the breach or disturbance of the public peace, nor
connive or concur with any person whatsoever who should contrive
any such thing; but, to the utmost of their power, stop and let any
such plot and doing, and appear personally before the committee,
sub-committee, or parliament, upon a lawful citation; and, in case of
failure, the parties bound themselves to pay a high fine, besides
whatever other punishment might be inflicted.
For a justification of proceedings so unwarrantable, we must look
to the sequel; it was not because the parties accused were inimical
either to kingly government or to the person or right of Charles, but
because the plan was already formed for sweeping from the face of
the country, had it been possible, whatever was lovely or of good
report—whatever in the institutions of the state or the polity of the
church was calculated to present any obstruction to the tide of
obscene licentiousness and faithless despotism that was now fast
flowing upon them. Their stretches of power against the liberties of
the country, do not, however, seem to have occasioned any
remonstrance; and the synod of Lothian was amused with a
proclamation for calling a General Assembly, which Mr William
Sharpe had submitted for their amendment; but the last acts of the
committee, levying a cess, excited some remark as to the legality of
the tax or their power to exact it.
On the 1st of November, a proclamation announced the meeting of
parliament; and the same day another, that the king had committed
to them the consideration and judging of the conduct of all his
subjects during the late troubles, from whom alone he would receive
any applications, and promising, after his honour and ancient royal
prerogative were vindicated, he would grant a free, full pardon and
indemnity—a promise which, although conveyed in very specious
language, and accompanied by an assurance that there was nothing
his royal bosom was more desirous of than that his people should be
blessed with abundance of happiness, peace, and plenty, was
received with suspicion, and, like almost all the other acts of grace,
afforded little relief to the unfortunate, while it secured the persons
and plunder of those who had pillaged and oppressed them.
 BOOK II.

DECEMBER 1660 to 12th JULY 1661.

Lord High Commissioner arrives in Edinburgh—Parliament—Its composition—Act

of indemnity withheld—Lord Chancellor restored to the Presidentship—Oath of
allegiance—Retrogression in reformation-work—Divine right of Kings asserted
—Solemn League and Covenant repealed—Engagement approved, &c.—
Declaration—Resolutioners begin to perceive their error—Middleton amuses
the ministers of Edinburgh—Manner of concocting the Act rescissory and of
getting it passed—Middleton’s interview with D. Dickson and part of the
Edinburgh presbytery—Distress of the ministers—Dispersion of the synods—
Concluding acts—Trial of Argyle—His behaviour before and at the place of
execution—Trial of James Guthrie—His behaviour and execution—Captain
Govan—Prosecutions of Mr Traill of Edinburgh—Mr Moncrief of Scone—
Intrepid reply of his wife—Mr Robert Macwaird of Glasgow—His striking picture
of the effects of the Restoration—His accusation—Defence—Banishment—
Swinton of Swinton—Sir John Christy and Mr P. Gillespie’s escape—
Parliament rises—Samuel Rutherford.

The Earl of Middleton, Lord High Commissioner, arrived at the

ancient Palace of Holyrood on the last day of December 1660. He
entered upon his office with great pomp; and, being allowed a
princely salary for the support of his establishment, he vied with
royalty itself in the profusion of his expenditure. Every preparation
had been made for his reception: he was met and conducted to his
residence by a large concourse of the nobility and the magistrates of
the capital; and the venerable cathedral of St Giles had been
elegantly fitted up with a throne for his Grace and lofts for the
parliament.
That parliament which met on the first day of the new year, was
one entirely suited for promoting the schemes of the Scottish rulers.
The old nobles, who had been active in the cause of the covenant,
had almost all died out, their estates had been wasted, and of the
new race too many, neglected in their education, were now
dependant in their circumstances. When the king arrived, they had
flocked to London to put in their claims upon his justice or generosity
for their sufferings in the royal cause, and had been received with
specious condescension, and sent home with empty pockets and
magnificent expectations. But they had learned at court to laugh at
sobriety, to ridicule religion, and to consider even common decency
a mark of disloyalty, while they looked to a rich harvest of fines and
confiscations from the estates of the remonstrators, as a reward for
their sacrificing their principles and profession at the shrine of
prerogative. The commissioners for counties and burghs were
chosen entirely from among those who were considered devoted to
the court and averse to the strict Presbyterians. In some cases,
when persons of an opposite description had been returned, the
ruling party interfered and procured others to be substituted; and to
prevent such as were distinguished for their attachment to the cause
of religious freedom from offering themselves as candidates, they
got them accused of complying with the usurpers, and summoned as
criminals.[10]
10. Were it not that mankind have a strange propensity to reward with injury
favours they feel too great to repay, and to heap injustice upon their
benefactors in order to conceal their ingratitude, we would be astonished at
the conduct of Charles; but having often, in private life, seen that to raise a
wretch from penury, was to incur his hatred, if we did not, at the same time,
rise in proportion. We confess that the ingratitude of princes to those who
have succoured them in distress, ceases to excite those strong feelings of
reprobation, which we have often heard men in humbler life, who were
themselves guilty of grosser injustice, express against crimes, whose highest
aggravation was, that they were committed by persons of rank.
 From a parliament so constituted, the most servile compliance
might have been anticipated; but, to ensure their submission, an act
of indemnity had been withheld from Scotland; and, while every one
dreaded his individual safety, the whole assisted in destroying that
public liberty which might have afforded a better chance for security
than the will of a prince or the favour of a parasite. The regalia,
always carried before the commissioner at the opening of a session,
were borne—the crown by the Earl of Crawford, the sceptre by
Sutherland, and the sword by Mar. The Duke of Hamilton and the
Marquis of Montrose rode immediately behind. Mr Robert Douglas,
who had preached the coronation sermon before Charles when he
was inaugurated at Scone, delivered upon this occasion a faithful
and appropriate discourse from 2 Chron. xix. 6.—“Take heed what
you do; for you judge not for man but for the Lord, who is with you in
the judgment.”
The Earl of Middleton’s commission was then presented, and, as
had been previously agreed upon, an act was brought forward to
restore to the Lord Chancellor the Presidentship of parliament. This
act, which struck at the root of the whole reformation in Scotland,
deserves particular notice. By several acts of the estates, passed
during the troublous times, particularly one of the last, held in 1651,
at which the king himself had presided, it was enacted, that, before
entering upon business, every member should swear and subscribe
the covenant, without which the constitution of parliament would
become null and void. To have set aside these statutes openly and
at once, was thought too flagrant; but it had also been enacted
during the late struggle, that the President of the parliament should
be elected by parliament, instead of the Chancellor nominated by the
king; and it was therefore proposed to abolish this privilege, as
trenching upon the royal prerogative. In this act, however, brought
forward for that purpose, was inserted an oath of allegiance, which
went to annul all preceding oaths, and covertly to revive the
abhorred supremacy of the king. It was insidiously worded, in order
that those who wished to have an excuse for compliance might take
it without appearing undisguisedly to violate their former
engagements, yet sufficiently plain to justify a refusal by men who
were not altogether prepared to surrender their principles to their
interest.
By it the sovereign was acknowledged only supreme governor in
the kingdom over all persons and in all causes; and it was declared
that no foreign prince, power, or state, nor person, civil nor
ecclesiastic, had any jurisdiction, power, or superiority over the
same; “and therefore,” it was added, “I utterly renounce and forsake
all foreign jurisdictions, powers, and authorities, and shall, at my
utmost power, defend, assist, and maintain his majesty’s jurisdiction
aforesaid against all deadly, and never decline his majesty’s power
and jurisdiction.” The consistent and stricter part of the Presbyterians
were not imposed upon. They considered, and correctly as it
afterwards appeared, that this was a complete acknowledgment of
the king’s ecclesiastical supremacy, and conferred upon him the
power to alter or innovate at his pleasure upon the religion of the
country. In parliament, however, almost the whole took the oath
without remark, except the Earls of Cassils and Melville of the
nobles, and the Laird of Kilburnie of the commissioners, who would
not subscribe it unless allowed to limit the king’s supremacy to civil
matters—an explanation which Middleton was disposed to admit of
verbally, but, knowing the extent to which allegiance was to be
required, he refused to permit this explanation to be recorded.
Having thus dispensed with the obligation of the covenant as a
parliament-oath, and reinstated his majesty in his ecclesiastical
power, they proceeded to restore to him a less questionable part of
the prerogative—the nomination of the officers of state, privy
councillors, and Lords of Session, the right of convoking and
dissolving parliament, of commanding the militia, and of making
peace and war. These powers, which are now deemed necessary for
the support of the crown in regular ordinary times, had been
assumed by the estates of Scotland (1649) on account of their abuse
by the English ministers and favourites, at a period when our
country, from being the poorest of the two united kingdoms, and the
most distant from the immediate presence of the king, was peculiarly
liable to be oppressed by those who obtained possession of the
royal ear:—and the whole of the succeeding melancholy period,
evince but too clearly how well founded was the jealousy entertained
of the power intrusted to a monarch who was a non-resident. But
what then particularly disgusted the friends of freedom, was, to
observe in their re-enactment, the express unqualified avowal of the
slavish tenets of the divine rights of kings, and their accountability to
God alone, the assertion of which had occasioned all the troubles of
the land, had brought Charles I. to the block, and which was
eventually to forfeit for the Stuarts the throne of their fathers.
Sudden and astonishing as had been the revolution that had taken
place in the public feelings and morals, and outrageously violent as
the shoutings of newfangled loyalty had been against the treasons
and insults of the remonstrators, still the covenants were esteemed
sacred bonds by an imposing number of the worthiest part of the
community, whom it might not have been adviseable to shock too
abruptly. These revered engagements were therefore first attacked
obliquely in an act which purported merely to assert a constitutional
truth respecting “his majesty’s royal prerogative in making of leagues
and the convention of the subjects,” which, after narrating some
enactments forbidding councils, conventions, or assemblies, for
determining matters of state, civil or ecclesiastic, without his
majesty’s command or license, declared that any explanation or
glosse that, during these troubles, had been put upon these acts
—“as, ‘that they are not to be extended against any leagues,
councils, conventions, assemblies, or meetings, made, holden, or
kept by the subjects for preservation of the king’s majesty, the
religion, laws, or liberties of the kingdom, or for the public good either
of kirk or kingdom,’ are false and disloyal.” No opposition having
been made to this act, a more decisive followed, annulling the
“pretended” convention of estates kept in 1643, which had entered
into the Solemn League and Covenant, but which, not having been
convoked by the king, although afterwards approved, afforded at
least some pretext for disallowing it. Next came an act “concerning
the League and Covenant, declaring that there was no obligation on
the kingdom by covenant to endeavour, by arms, a reformation of
religion in the kingdom of England; or to meddle in any seditious way
in any thing concerning the religion and government of the churches
of England and Ireland.” With this, perhaps, there was little quarrel.
The attempts to obtain uniformity in religion, and to procure a hollow
profession of the form, where the reality was notoriously wanting,
was a political sin, for which the covenanters had suffered severely
already, and the repetition of which it might be laudable to prevent;
yet, as the Solemn League and Covenant had been formally, fully,
and repeatedly sanctioned by all the members of the state in
subsequent parliaments, and was by many good men considered
irreversible, it might have been more decorous to have allowed it to
remain a dead letter, especially as it had been renounced by the
English, and could not in such circumstances be acted upon by the
Scots. Considerable reluctance was expressed respecting this
measure; and, to silence opposition, the commissioner informed the
House that he had no orders from his royal master to encroach upon
the National Covenant or upon the consciences of the people; but as
to leagues with other nations, he conceived they could not now
subsist with the laws of the king. One honest man, however, had the
courage publicly to avow that he could do nothing against his lawful
oath and covenant; and numbers who could not approve of the act,
silently withdrew. To make the annulling of the covenant more
palatable, the managers sweetened the draught by an act against
papists, priests, and jesuits, whose numbers they asserted more
abounded of late, and insinuated as if the covenants had been the
cause of the increase!
Preparatory to the bloody tragedy with which they were to
conclude, an act was passed approving of the engagement, and
vilifying in the most bitter terms all who opposed that expedition,
ruinous equally to the king and to the country; and another,
condemning the transactions respecting the delivering up of Charles
I. at Newcastle, and declaring the approval of them by the
parliament, 1647, to have been the deed of a few factious, disloyal
persons, and not the deed of the nation. All the acts which had been
voted were embodied into a declaration, entitled an acknowledgment
of his majesty’s prerogative, which, together with the oath of
allegiance, every person holding a place of public trust was required
to subscribe, and all other persons who should be required by his
majesty’s privy council, or any having authority from them, should be
required to take and swear; and whoever should refuse or delay to
take them, were not only to be rendered incapable of any office of
public trust, but be looked upon as persons disaffected to his
majesty’s authority and government.
Hitherto, a majority of the Presbyterian ministers—the
remonstrators excepted—had remained silent, while those who, after
Mr Douglas, were employed to preach before parliament, shamefully
flattered the proceedings of the day, by declaiming against seditious
bands and the irregularity of the times, and inculcating the courtly
doctrine of gratitude for their gracious deliverance from tyranny and
usurpation, and for the miraculous restoration of the king—the duty
of unlimited confidence on the best of princes; and some went so far
as to recommend Episcopacy as that form of church-government
that suited best with monarchy; but when the plans of the managers
began to be developed, even the resolutioners were painfully
constrained to suspect that they had been duped, and that their
brethren who wished at first to make an explicit declaration of their
fears, and to supplicate against encroachment, acted the wiser and
more reputable part. When too late, they saw the folly of admitting to
power men of bad principles, and trusting either to their professions
of repentance or the smallness of their number. The ministers of
Edinburgh now attempted to stem the torrent; they had frequent
interviews with the Earl of Middleton, who, during the progress of the
measures, treated them with respect and fair promises. They
entreated that, in the oath of allegiance, the supremacy of the king
might be restricted to his right as supreme governor in civil affairs,
and in ecclesiastical, as defined in the Confession of Faith, ch. 23:
that it might be declared by parliament that they did not intend to
make void the oath of God: and that an act might be passed ratifying
anew the Confession of Faith and Directory of Worship. His Grace
politely promised to transmit their desires to the king, and requested
that they would draw out an act of ratification, such as they would
consider satisfactory, and he would attend to it, which they
accordingly did.
But, while he was amusing them in this manner, a measure was in
progress—the wildest and most extravagant ever tried in any
legislative body—for which, however, the Scottish parliament, by a
peculiarity in its constitution, afforded every facility. That peculiarity
consisted in having a committee, called the Lords of the Articles,
composed of from eight to twelve persons of each estate, who
prepared all the bills brought before the House; so that when they
were presented the members had little else to do but to vote. This
committee, at all times under the influence of the crown, was, in the
present instance, completely devoted to the king’s pleasure, and
ready to approve and propose whatever he desired. Every thing had
been so arranged by them, that the parliament was only required to
meet in the afternoon of two days in the week,[11] where the important
acts already noticed, together with others of a civil nature, of
scarcely less consequence, had passed precipitately almost without
discussion. Even this method, however, seemed too slow for
accomplishing the total overthrow of the work of reformation, and an
idea was now revived, which had been originally suggested in a
meeting at London by Sir George M’Kenzie of Tarbet, for
disannulling at one sweep the whole of the parliaments whose
proceedings were disagreeable to the present rulers, or presented
any obstacle to the establishment of unlimited despotism.
11. Before this, it had been the custom for parliament to meet at nine o’clock,
A.M. and sometimes earlier, while their committees met about seven to
prepare the business.

Middleton had brought to Scotland, not only the high monarchical

principles, but the shameless manners of the English court, rendered
still more disgraceful by the regardless habits of a rough mercenary.
Short as were the sessions of parliament, and late in the day as they
met, he and his companions occasionally reeled to the House in
such a state, that an immediate adjournment became necessary.
Their sederunts at the Palace were more protracted; and the most
important affairs were settled on these occasions, when all difficulties
were got rid of, with a facility far beyond the reach of forenoon-
disputants, engaging each other in a dry debate. At some such
carousal, a jocular remark of Primrose’s is said to have decided the
commissioner; and the draught of a bill, rescinding all the
parliaments which had met since 1640 as illegal and rebellious, was
framed and attempted to be hurried through parliament with the
same rapidity as the rest. An unexpected opposition delayed its
passage. As “that incomparable king,” Charles I., had freely presided
at one, and the king himself at two others, some of the best affected
to the court did not approve of an act, which they said went to throw
a slur upon the memory of the blessed martyr, and was highly
disrespectful to his present majesty. What staggered, however, even
that assemblage, base and servile as it was, was the danger of
destroying all the legal foundations of security for private property. If
parliaments, regularly constituted in the royal presence, could be
thus easily set aside, another parliament following the precedent
might make this void, and render the tenures of their rights and
possessions as unstable as they would be under the firman of an
eastern sultan. To satisfy these, it was expressly provided, that all
acts, rights, and securities passed in any of the pretended meetings,
or by virtue thereof, in favour of any particular persons for their civil
and private interests, should stand good and valid unto them,
excepting only such as should be questioned before the act of
indemnity; and notwithstanding the efforts of the Earl of Loudon, and
a few others, a majority agreed to undo all that had been done in
favour of religion and liberty for the preceding twenty years, and to
wreath around their necks the yoke that had galled their fathers for
other twenty before.
Some indistinct rumours of the recissory act having reached the
ministers of Edinburgh, the presbytery assembled to draw up a
supplication, praying that their church-government might be
preserved to them amid this general wreck, and that some new civil
sanction might be granted in place of the statutes about to be
repealed; and three of the most complaisant were deputed to the
commissioner, to show it before presenting to parliament. His Grace
prevailed upon them to delay doing any thing in the business, and
they, who appear to have been very willing to oblige, acceded, and
the bill passed, like all the rest, without any representation by the
ministers against it. Next day, when they learned it had been voted
by a large majority, a deputation of a different stamp, with Mr David
Dickson at their head, waited upon Middleton to remonstrate; but he
had attained his object, and they found him in a very different mood.
He received their paper in a very discourteous manner, and told
them they were mistaken if they thought to terrify him with their
papers—he was no coward. Dickson pointedly replied—“He knew
well his Grace was no coward, ever since the Bridge of Dee”—a
sarcasm the Earl seemed to feel, as he had there distinguished
himself, fighting in the cause of the covenant against the king’s army.
Nor did his chagrin abate when he was reminded of the vows he had
made to serve the Lord and his interest, in 1645, when under serious
impressions in the prospect of death; but turning round pettishly,
asked, “What do you talk to me for about a fit of the colic?” and
entirely refused to have any thing to do with their supplication.
An evasive deceitful act followed, allowing presbyteries and
synods to meet, but promising to make it his majesty’s care to settle
the government of the church in such a frame as should be most
agreeable to the word of God, most suitable to monarchical
government, and most complying with the public peace and quiet of
the kingdom. It did not tend to allay the fears of the ministers, who
wrote an urgent letter to Lauderdale, reminding him of their
sufferings for the king, of the steadiness of their loyalty, and their
opposition to the heats of some during the times of distraction; and
entreating him, by his zeal for his majesty’s service, and his love for
his mother church, to interpose with his majesty to prevent any
prejudice to her established government, and procure the calling of a
General Assembly as the king had promised. Public fasts were now
kept in various parishes throughout the country, and the synods met
to prepare supplications for some confirmatory act to set the people
at rest with regard to their religion. No attention was paid by the
secretary to their application, and visiters were sent to the different
synods to prevent their taking any disagreeable steps, or dissolve
them if they proved refractory. Accordingly, the synod of Dumfries
was dissolved by Queensberry and Hartfield, who were both
exceedingly drunk at the time, and appear to have dispersed the
ministers with very little ceremony, and without any resistance. Fife
was equally quietly dismissed by the Earl of Rothes, who entered
while they were in the midst of their business; and, ordering them to
dismiss in the king’s name, they obeyed:[12] in their respective
presbyteries, they afterwards approved of a petition, and declared
their adherence to the principles of the church of Scotland. Glasgow
and Ayr being the most obnoxious, was discharged by proclamation,
after they had drawn up a supplication, which was delayed being
presented through the manœuvres of a few among themselves who
afterwards became prelatic dignitaries. The synod of Lothian split,
and, at the desire of the Earl of Callendar, suspended five of their
most pious members, and removed two from their charges before
they were themselves forcibly turned off. The northern judicatures
were little disturbed, their majorities generally “falling in with the
times.”
12. Lamont, in his usual naive manner, thus narrates the transaction:—“1661,
Apryll 2. The Provincial Assembly of Fyfe sat at St Andrew’s, where Mr David
Forrest, minister of Kilconquhar, was moderator. After they had sitten a day,
and condescended upon a peaper to be sent to his majestie, wishing he
might be as good as his word, etc. [This, in reference, he had sent doune to
the presbetry of Edinboroughe, Sept. 3, 1660.] As also speaking of another
peaper to be intimat in the severall parish churches, to put peopell in mynde
of ther oath to God in covenant, in caise that episcopacy sould againe he
established in this land: as also speaking against something done by the
present parliament, in cancelling the league and covenant with England, etc.
The nixt day, in the afternoon, they were raised by the Earle of Rothes and
the Laird of Ardrosse, two members of parliament, (young Balfour Beton
being present with them for the tyme,) and desyred them, under the paine of
treason, presently to repaire to their several charges, which they accordingly
did. In the meane whille, the moderator offered to speake; and Rothes
answered, Sir, wither doe ye speake as a private man, or as the mouth of
this meeting? If you speake as the mouth of this meeting, you speake high
treason and rebellion. After that, Mr David Forrest followed Rothes to his
chamber, and spoke to him; and amonge other things, speaking of the
covenant, he said, that few or none of ther meeting bot had ministered the
covenant to hundreds, bot for himsef he had tendered it to thousands; and if
he sould be silent at this time, and speake nothing of it, bot betray the
peopell, he said he wist not what he deserved—hanging were too little for
him. Rothes professed to this judicatory that it was sore against his will that
he came to that employment. However, many of the ministrie blames Mr
James Sharpe, minister of Craill, for the present chaplaine to his majesties
commissioner, Earle of Middleton, for ther scattering; for he wrat over to
some of them some dayes before, that a storme was like to breake; and the
said Mr David Forrest said of him that he was the greatest knave that ever
was in the kirke of Scotlande.”
 The remaining acts of this parliament, respecting ecclesiastical
affairs, and which became instruments of cruelty and grounds of
persecution, were, the seventeenth, enjoining the 29th of May—the
anniversary of the Restoration, also the king’s birth-day—to be set
apart as a day holy unto the Lord for ever, to be part employed in
public prayers, thanksgiving, preaching, and praises to God for so
transcendent mercies, and the remaining part spent in lawful
diversions suited to so solemn an occasion; and the thirty-sixth,
restoring “the unreasonable and unchristian burden of patrons and
presentations” upon the church.
Having virtually subverted Presbytery, restored every abolished
abuse, and obtained in the preambles of several of their acts
repeated expressions of the parliament’s detestation and abhorrence
of all that was done in the “rebellious and distracted times,” it was
requisite that those who had been the most strenuous assertors of
the civil and religious rights of their country, and who had been the
chief instruments of the late Reformation, should be punished for
their temerity. Accordingly, the most noble the Marquis of Argyle,
who stood first on the list, was, on the 13th of February, brought to
trial. He had been sent down from London by sea, along with
Swinton of that ilk, in the latter end of 1660, and had encountered
that storm in which the records of Scotland were lost;[13] since when
he had lain in the Castle; but the first hurry being over, his case was
proceeded in—the commissioner anticipating a reward for his
services from the confiscation of his estates.
13. These had been seized and sent to London by the English during the civil
war, and, upon the Restoration, were ordered to be returned to Scotland; but,
as it was supposed the original Covenant which Charles had signed was
among them, they were detained on purpose to search for it, in order to
destroy it, till late in the season, when the weather became tempestuous,
and the vessel that carried them was lost.

His activity in the cause of religion, and the great power he had
long enjoyed, had created him many enemies, and gave rise to
many calumnies, which made even his friends dread the
investigation. But the most painful endeavours could establish
nothing against him, except his compelled submission to the English,
after every county in Scotland had acknowledged their superiority.
His indictment consisted of fourteen distinct charges, narrating
almost all the public acts of the nation in which he had had any
share, since his first joining the covenanters, till the final protectorate
of Richard Cromwell, and attributing to him as treasonable acts, his
concurrence with the different parliaments, or his obedience to their
orders, and his submission to the usurper’s government, and sitting
and voting in his parliament, together with having positively advised
Cromwell and Ireton, in a conference in 1648, to take away the late
king’s life, without which they could not be safe, or at least knew and
concealed the horrid design. The last charge, which the Marquis
strenuously denied, was not insisted on; nor does there appear to
have been any foundation for it.
In his reply, he enumerated all the favours he had received from
the former and the reigning sovereign, and desired the parliament to
consider how unlikely it was that he should have entertained any
design to the hurt or dishonour of either. He could say with Paul in
another case, the things alleged against him could not be proven;
but this he would confess, that, in the way allowed by solemn oaths
and covenants, he served his God, his king, and country: he
besought those who were capable of understanding, when those
things for which he was challenged were acted, to recollect what was
the conduct of the whole kingdom at the time, and how both
themselves and others were led on in these actions without any
rebellious inclination; and entreated those who were then young to
be charitable to their predecessors, and to censure sparingly these
actions, with all the circumstances of which they were unacquainted;
for often the smallest circumstance altered entirely the nature of an
action. In all popular and universal insurrections communis error facit
jus: et consuetudo peccandi minuit crimen et pænam. As to what he
had done before the year 1651, he pled his majesty’s indemnity
granted in the parliament at Perth; and for what he had done since,
under the usurpers, they were but common compliances, wherein all
the kingdom did share equally, and for doing which many had
express allowance from his majesty, who declared he thought it
prudence, and not rebellion, for honest men to preserve themselves
from ruin, and thereby reserve themselves till God should show
some probable way for his return. Besides, among all those who
complied passively, none was less favoured by the usurpers than
himself—what he did was but self-defence, and, being the effect of
force, could not amount to a crime.
When he had finished, his advocates, Messrs Sinclair,
Cunningham, and M’Kenzie, afterwards Sir George, protested, that,
seeing they stood there by order of parliament, whatever should
escape them in pleading for the life, honour, and estate of their
client, might not thereafter be brought against them as treasonable—
a common form and usually sustained; but on this occasion the
parliament would not admit the protestation, lest they might allow
themselves upon that pretext the liberty of speaking things
prejudicial to his majesty’s government, and therefore desired them
to speak at their peril. His advocates being strangers to his cause, as
the ones he wished were afraid to appear, he requested a short
delay to prepare his defence fully; but this being referred to the Lords
of the Articles, they cruelly denied his reasonable request; upon
which he gave in a supplication and submission, throwing himself
entirely upon the king’s mercy, and entreating the intercession of the
parliament on his behalf. This, also, they refused to listen to.
After which, his lordship gave in a bill, desiring to be remitted for
trial before the justice court, as the intricacy of his case would
require learned judges. Nor was it to be supposed that every
gentleman or burgess could understand points of law; neither were
they his peers; and a nobleman should be judged by his peers. His
prosecutors, bent upon his ruin, construed this application into a
declining the jurisdiction of parliament, and required him to own it, or
inform them who had written the petition. The Marquis, perceiving
that every possible advantage would be taken against him, was
extremely perplexed; but his advisers avowed the paper, and, after a
warm debate, the petition was rejected, but the advocates were
excused. He then requested to be allowed the benefit of exculpatory
proof, and to bring forward witnesses, who could either attest his
innocence or give such explanations as would alleviate his guilt;
even this, the last privilege of the lowest criminal, he could not
obtain, and was commanded immediately to proceed to his defence
—likewise an unusual and oppressive mode of procedure, as it had
been customary to discuss first the relevancy of the indictment; that
is, whether the facts charged actually constituted the crimes alleged,
and thus to give the accused a chance of escape from a cumulative
treason, or from any legal informality that might occur.
All the Marquis’s reasonable requests and objections being thus
disposed of, his defences, with the Lord Advocate’s replies, duplies,
and triplies—papers of enormous length—were fully read before
parliament, as tiresome, tedious, and unfair a mode of conducting a
trial before a court, consisting of some hundred individuals, as could
possibly have been contrived. When ended, a debate ensued, and
the Lord Advocate restricted his charge to the acts committed after
1651, a letter having been procured from the king forbidding any
person to be prosecuted for any deed antecedent to the indemnity of
that year. This letter, which was understood to have been procured
by Lauderdale and Lorn—who had staid at London to attend to his
father’s interest—somewhat disconcerted the managers, who were
now persuaded that the secretary had espoused Argyle’s cause; and
therefore, to counteract this influence, dispatched Glencairn and
Rothes to court, with a letter from parliament approving of the whole
proceedings, accompanied by Mr James Sharpe, to inform his
majesty respecting the state of the church.
Glencairn actively stirred up the vindictive feelings of the
treacherous Monk and the bigoted Hyde, while Rothes reminded
Lauderdale of the former treatment he had received from the
Marquis, how dangerous a competitor he might yet be if he escaped,
and hinted at the imprudence of committing himself too far with a
declining faction. Their arguments prevailed; and, from the date of
their arrival, repeated expresses were sent down to Scotland, urging
forward the trial.
The relevancy having been sustained, proof was led with regard to
his compliance with the usurpers; but the evidence was by no means
satisfactory, especially to judges almost all of whom had been ten
times more deeply implicated than he, and the issue was doubtful;
when, after the debate and examination were closed, and parliament
was proceeding to consider the whole matter, an express from