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Changing Families: Relationships in Context, Third Canadian Edition
Chapter 6
INSTRUCTOR'S INTRODUCTION
This chapter, as was the case for the previous one, also sets a precedent for family textbooks: It
contains material that is not found in textbooks on the Sociology of Religion and textbooks on
the Sociology of Education. The section on child care and schools are linked to Chapters 4 and 5
because they all stem from the economic organization of society. In this case, we see how the
economic organization affects the schooling system and how it affects parental involvement in
children's education: In rational theory language and within the framework of political economy
theories, parents who are marginalized by poverty and discrimination are less likely to have the
material and social resources or capital with which to help the development of their children's
human capital.
Children's presence in the educational system now begins very early in life; one can really analyze
child care in day centres as an educational institution, if only in the sense that they prepare
children for school in terms of language readiness, prosocial behaviour, and daily routine.
I chose to include two types of private education for children as an extension of the socialization
they receive from their parents. The first is private schooling, which involves a reinforcement of
family values, lifestyle, and class reproduction. The second, home schooling, is a means to
familialize children furthermore and certainly constitutes an extension of family responsibilities.
One reason why I included a chapter on families and schooling is that Education majors often
take family classes as an elective. I regularly had such students and was struck by how little they
understood and related to poor families—even when they, themselves, originated from such
backgrounds. This is worrisome because Education majors tended to complain about "how bad
these parents" are and had no notion of the socioeconomic circumstances of these families. They
engaged in a great deal of blaming. I was hoping that a chapter such as this one would give a
better perspective to students who will become teachers.
The second departure of this text from most others resides in the sections on religiosity. After
years of neglect, there is a resurgence of empirical research on the linkages between the family
and religion as well as religiosity. Articles are now regularly appearing in major sociology
journals. Statistics Canada also covers this topic. Furthermore, although Canadian-born students
are less steeped in religion than older generations, this by no means applies across the board
because a great proportion of first- and second-generation Canadian youths are still immersed in
their own religious heritage--even though some do it as a political rather than a religious gesture.
Thus, family diversity should include religious diversity in terms of membership and religiosity.
CHAPTER LINKAGES
1. Several sections of this chapter, beginning with the effects of child care on children could
form a module on Child Socialization or, if you are in a Family Studies Department or a
Psychology Department, on Child Outcomes. Indeed, by now, we have had sections in many
chapters in which we are accumulating theoretical and empirical evidence on the effect on
children of the quality of the sociocultural and economic contexts in which their families are
embedded.
This began when, in Chapter 3, we inquired into the effect of cell phones, television viewing,
the use of Internet and video games. In Chapter 2, it was mentioned that the environmental
constraints, particularly poverty and segregation, placed on immigrant and discriminated
minority families affect the outcomes of child socialization and life course. Chapter 4
contains a specific section on the consequences of poverty on children and illustrates how
difficult if often is for poor mothers to raise their children properly because of structural
disadvantages. For its part, Chapter 5 presents risk factors for child socialization and life
course in the context of deprived neighbourhoods. It also addresses child socialization in
other contexts, such as in rural areas. Additional contexts for child socialization and life
opportunities will be discussed in future chapters, particularly 8 through 13.
2. The section on social class and educational achievement relates to pertinent sections in
Chapter 5 on neighbourhoods and sections on poverty in Chapter 4. All these chapters are, in
turn, linked together theoretically within the framework of political economy perspectives.
3. The section on Early Childhood Education for Children in Low-Income Families can be used
as a social policy section to complement parts of Chapter 4 on poverty.
4. Concepts of rational theory (resources, social capital, human capital) and the theme of the
effective community are much in evidence in the sections on education and religion: a
linkage to Chapter 1.
5. Note the concept of critical mass which recurs: We saw it within a similar context in Chapter 5.
Question1.
(a) Being able to distinguish the effects of child care from other possible effects, such as effects
of the family and neighbourhood as well as peer and sibling effects, not to omit genetic
influences.
(b) The need for a control group or several contrast groups of children who either do not attend
child care centres or attend centres with a range of quality levels.
(c) Effects are not only immediate but are especially important over the long-term, hence the
need to carry out longitudinal studies. Again, here as well, the problem of distinguishing
between the effects of having been in a day care centre and the effects of other circumstances
that occur in a child's life course, such as going to different schools and having new peer
groups, is difficult to overcome, and requires large samples.
Question 2. The question is why. The answer probably rests on the ideologies and vested
interests ingrained in this society on several levels. First, we now have a long tradition of a more
or less democratic public school system that was originally initiated to protect children and
educate them. This is a historical tradition that is difficult to overcome and creates related social
constructs. Second, teachers themselves often feel threatened by home schooling because it puts
their occupation into question. Third, we have a social construct of the peer group as being
necessary to children’s normal development. Yet, there is no valid research that proves this one
way or the other. In fact, we tend to think that it is only in a peer group of age-mates that
children can form democratic relations; yet, we forget about peer abuse and the fact that
children's groups are often terribly stratified and many children are rejected by their peers. (See
Chapter 13.) Finally, many parents who opt to home school are religious and, in a lay society,
there is fear that such parents might indoctrinate their children so that the latter may not be able
to function properly as adults in our society. Or that the education they receive will be
substandard because of these religious beliefs. Again, there is no proof one way or the other
about these notions.
Question 4. Probably because most scholars are themselves not religious or feel that religion and
religiosity are too "traditional" and that religion has no place in their discipline. Studies indeed
show that, compared to the general public, university professors are more liberal and less
religious.
1. The class could be divided in groups to present proposals concerning Analytical Question
no. 3.
2. Students could be asked to write a paragraph or two reflecting on their own past educational
experience, beginning with day care centres for those who attended them, then early school,
and so on. The papers could be shuffled and groups could be formed in which the answers
would be distributed randomly. Students could then find themes in these reminiscences
(content analysis). A discussion could follow or a paper could be assigned in which these
reminiscences would give rise to suggestions for improving the school system on a wide
variety of levels.
3. I don't think that I can suggest anything concerning religiosity because I do not have the
background to do this: My own classes at York have been so diverse that I used to try to stir
away from specific issues pertaining to religion and religiosity in view of the fact that I
generally had one Jewish student sitting right next to a Muslim student who sat next to a Sikh
or yet an Hindu student, and so on. So I dealt with religion and religiosity and family life as I
do in the text, but I did not invite discussions--the one time I did, the results were
uncomfortable... Rather, I tended to emphasize families' diversity and respect for such. I also
quoted from students' autobiographies, which reflected concerns about having brought to
Canada political problems, related to religion, from their home countries which then led them
to have animosity against other new Canadian groups. I gave them material to think about
but not to discuss because, unavoidably, students would get upset at each other: This would
cancel out whatever message an instructor may be able to transmit in terms of the value of
diversity. But that's only my experience.
3. Is Head Start a sound policy investment? Justify your answer on the basis of research results.
4. With the help of resources theory, discuss parental involvement in children's school education.
5. Link poor schools, children's test scores, and the concept of critical mass.
6. Use two sociological concepts that could help explain the result that religious parents may be
more involved with their children than other parents. (Suggestions: effective community, social
capital, social control, support group.)