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The History and Political Transition of Zimbabwe: From Mugabe to Mnangagwa 1st ed. Edition Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni full chapter instant download
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AFRICAN HISTORIES
AND MODERNITIES
Series Editors
Toyin Falola
The University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX, USA
Matthew M. Heaton
Virginia Tech
Blacksburg, VA, USA
This book series serves as a scholarly forum on African contributions to
and negotiations of diverse modernities over time and space, with a par-
ticular emphasis on historical developments. Specifically, it aims to refute
the hegemonic conception of a singular modernity, Western in origin,
spreading out to encompass the globe over the last several decades. Indeed,
rather than reinforcing conceptual boundaries or parameters, the series
instead looks to receive and respond to changing perspectives on an
important but inherently nebulous idea, deliberately creating a space in
which multiple modernities can interact, overlap, and conflict. While privi-
leging works that emphasize historical change over time, the series will
also feature scholarship that blurs the lines between the historical and the
contemporary, recognizing the ways in which our changing understand-
ings of modernity in the present have the capacity to affect the way we
think about African and global histories.
Editorial Board
Akintunde Akinyemi, Literature, University of Florida, Gainesville
Malami Buba, African Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies,
Yongin, South Korea
Emmanuel Mbah, History, CUNY, College of Staten Island
Insa Nolte, History, University of Birmingham
Shadrack Wanjala Nasong’o, International Studies, Rhodes College
Samuel Oloruntoba, Political Science, TMALI, University of South Africa
Bridget Teboh, History, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Foreword
v
vi FOREWORD
reform agenda following the 2017 coup. In the broader literature, Clayton
Thyne and Jonathan Powell’s “Coup d’État or Coup d’Autocracy: How
Coups Impact Democratization, 1950–2008” (2016), Ozan Varol’s The
Democratic Coup d’État (2017), Nikolay Marinov and Hein Goemans’
“Coups and Democracy” (2014) and Paul Collier’s “In Praise of the
Coup” (2009), among others, debate and reach some varying conclusions
about the impact of coups on political processes such as democratisation.
For example, whereas Collier is in praise of the coup for being a means of
liberating an oppressed people from dictatorship, Thyne and Powell warn
that in fact, personal dictatorships and misrule have often been post-coup
outcomes.
Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Ruhanya’s book adds to the aforementioned lit-
erature. Like Thyne and Powell’s work, Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Ruhanya’s
study is not in praise of the coup, and, similar to Thomas-Greenfield and
Wharton, they strike a pessimistic tone with regard to the extent of politi-
cal reform since the 2017 coup. However, two crucial points distinguish
Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Ruhanya’s study from competing works focusing on
Zimbabwe’s post-coup politics. The first is that it surpasses other studies
in terms of scope. Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Ruhanya have assembled an
ambitious book, which examines how post-coup national politics interacts
with, and is shaped by, themes such as nationalism, political economy and
gender. The result is a rich appraisal of politics after the coup that is use-
fully historicised, incorporates political economy and pays notable atten-
tion to gender, which so inscribed politics before and during the coup.
The 2017 coup represents a departure from some of the politics of old
because it was Zimbabwe’s inaugural coup, impacting civil–military rela-
tions for years to come, but a significant part of subsequent politics has
deep historical roots that this book enables the reader to grasp. A second
point that distinguishes Gatsheni and Ruhanya’s book is that it fore-
grounds arguments by young and older Zimbabwean scholars about their
distressed country’s politics.
In recent years, academic interest in coups and military rule has declined
in African Studies, owing to the marked reduction in the frequency of
coups and also because intellectual fashions come and go. Nonetheless,
coups continue to occur and, as the recent case of Zimbabwe shows, their
incidence is not the preserve of countries with a history of successful
coups. The study of coup motivations, dynamics and consequences
FOREWORD vii
This book is founded upon the collective efforts of its editors and con-
tributors. As editors, we appreciate the commitment and cooperation of
all contributors to this project, and therefore take this opportunity to
thank them most sincerely. Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni would like to thank
Professor Tshilidzi Marwala (Principal and Vice-Chancellor of the
University of Johannesburg) for facilitating his 2019 Visiting Professorship
at the Johannesburg Institute of Advanced Study (JIAS) and Dr Bongani
Ngqulunga (Director of JIAS) for accepting him as Visiting Professor at
the institute, which enabled completion of this book project. Ndlovu-
Gatsheni also extends thanks to Professor Mandla Makhanya (Principal
and Vice-Chancellor of the University of South Africa), under whom he
works, for giving him time off to work on this book project. The editors
also extend their thanks to Professor Blessing-Miles Tendi (University of
Oxford) and Mr Siphosami Malunga (Executive Director of the Open
Society Initiative for Southern Africa) for contributing foreword and post-
script respectively.
ix
Contents
xi
xii Contents
Postscript: A Tale of Broken Promises389
Siphosami Malunga
Index399
Notes on Contributors
xv
xvi NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
of the Ferguson Centre for African and Asian Studies at the Open
University; he is also highly rated as a social scientist by the National
Research Foundation of South Africa. He has published over 100
academic works, including seven sole-authored books, and seven
edited volumes. His latest major publications are books entitled
Epistemic Freedom in Africa: Deprovincialization and Decolonization
(2018) and Decolonization, Development and Knowledge in Africa:
Turning Over a New Leaf (2020, forthcoming).
Philip Pasirayi is a Zimbabwean human rights activist and researcher.
He holds a DPhil in International Development from the University of
Oxford (UK). His research interests are in media, democracy, governance
and human rights. He is currently working as Executive Director of a local
Zimbabwean NGO, the Centre for Community Development in
Zimbabwe, based in Harare.
Pedzisai Ruhanya is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow with the University
of Johannesburg’s School of Communication, Faculty of Humanities. He
is the director of the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI). He studied
journalism, sociology, human rights and media and democracy at the
Universities of Zimbabwe, Essex (UK) and Westminster (UK).
Toendepi Shonhe is a political economist and Research Fellow at Thabo
Mbeki African Leadership Institute, University of South Africa. He holds
a Master’s in public policy management from the University of
Witwatersrand in South Africa and PhD in Development Studies—
Agrarian Relations from the University of KwaZulu Natal. His research
interest is in agrarian change and economic development. He recently
published a book on reconfigured agrarian relations in Zimbabwe. His
current research work focuses on the agrarian transition in Zimbabwe as
well as land reform, food security and capital accumulation in Africa.
Mkhululi Sibindi is a doctoral student in International Business,
Economics and Trade at the University of South Africa. He completed his
MBA at Zimbabwe Open University. His academic and professional
engagements have included appointments at Richfield Graduate Institute
(South Africa) Trust Academy (Bulawayo). He currently serves as
Senior Lecturer at Richfield Graduate Institute of Technology in
Pretoria. He is a specialist in international capital flows, expansion
strategies and multinational firms’ heterogeneity. His research inter-
ests focus on developing markets, with specific emphasis on Africa. He is
expert in advanced econometrics and quantitative research.
xx NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
xxi
xxii List of Figures
Fig. 14.1 Demonstrators gathered outside State House after the long
march to and from the Highfields suburb. (Source: Author) 340
Fig. 14.2 A manipulated WhatsApp picture of Grace Mugabe bent
over, General Chiwenga fucking from behind. (Source:
WhatsApp meme) 345
Fig. 14.3 A tweet allegedly from the ZANU–PF handle claiming that
there was no coup, but military action that aimed to help
Mugabe, who had been taken advantage of by his wife 349
Fig. 14.4 Tweet by prominent Zimbabwean musician Mapfumo
suggesting that Grace’s character had triggered Operation
Restore Legacy. (Source: Thomas Mapfumo’s Twitter handle) 350
Fig. 14.5 Trevor Ncube’s tweet, sarcastically commending Grace’s
contribution in the downfall of her husband. (Source: Trevor
Ncube’s Twitter handle) 351
Fig. 14.6 A manipulated WhatsApp image of Robert Mugabe blaming a
miserable-looking Grace for their demise. (Source: WhatsApp
meme)352
Fig. 14.7 A WhatsApp meme that trended on 24 November 2017, on
the inauguration of President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
(Source: WhatsApp meme) 353
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