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FEDERALISM AND INTERNAL CONFLICTS
SERIES EDITORS: SOEREN KEIL · EVA MARIA BELSER
Decentralization, Regional
Diversity, and Conflict
The Case of Ukraine
Edited by
Hanna Shelest · Maryna Rabinovych
Federalism and Internal Conflicts
Series Editors
Soeren Keil
School of Psychology, Politics and Sociology
Canterbury Christ Church University
Canterbury, UK
For further information on the series and to submit a proposal for con-
sideration, please get in touch with Ambra Finotello ambra.finotello@pal-
grave.com, or series editors Soeren Keil soeren.keil@canterbury.ac.uk and
Eva Maria Belser evamaria.belser@unifr.ch
Decentralization,
Regional Diversity,
and Conflict
The Case of Ukraine
Editors
Hanna Shelest Maryna Rabinovych
Security Studies Programme Faculty of Law
Foreign Policy Council University of Hamburg
“Ukrainian Prism” Hamburg, Germany
Odesa / Kyiv, Ukraine
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
v
vi PREFACE
vii
viii CONTENTS
Index371
Notes on Contributors
xi
xii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
countries, and the politics of memory in the post-Soviet region. She has
collaborated in a research assistant capacity with the Russia and Eurasia
Programme at Chatham House, the Conflict Studies Research Centre, the
Arena Project at the LSE’s Institute of Global Affairs, and One Philosophy
Group. She was also a research associate for EU-STRAT, an EU-funded
project on the links between the EU and EaP countries.
Nadiia Koval leads Central Europe Studies at the Foreign Policy Council
“Ukrainian Prism” and lectures on European integration at the Kyiv
School of Economics. She has previously served as a Head of the Centre
for International Studies at the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine and
worked as an analyst in foreign policy and security issues at the
National Institute for Strategic Studies and the Ukrainian Institute
for the Future. Her research interests include post-conflict settlement and
reconciliation policies and Ukraine’s foreign policy towards Central and
Western European states.
Tomasz Lachowski is a researcher in the Faculty of Law and
Administration, University of Łódź, Poland. His PhD dissertation was
devoted to the issue of “Transitional Justice in International Law: With
Special Reference to Victims’ Justice (Right to Justice, Right to Truth and
Right to Reparation)”. Due to the interdisciplinary character of the
research, in addition to the basic legal methodology, he conducted his
field research in numerous post-violence states coming to terms with his-
torical injustices, such as Bangladesh, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
Caucasus region (Georgia, Armenia), Egypt, Moldova, Mozambique,
and Ukraine. His current research focuses on the application of tran-
sitional justice in ongoing conflicts and post-conflict reconstruction,
with special emphasis on post-Maidan Ukraine and the question of reinte-
gration of Donbas.
Oleksii Lyska is a regional coordinator at the German Corporation for
International Cooperation (GIZ). As a researcher, he was affiliated with
the Association of Ukrainian Cities within the framework of the Ukrainian–
Norwegian project “Evidence-Based Local Government Policy
Development in Ukraine.” Previously, he worked as a Business Analyst for
USAID / Chemonics International Inc. in the Ukraine Confidence
Building Initiative. And prior to this, he was a Head of Analytics and
Presentation Division in the Department for Improvement of Regional
Competitiveness of Kharkiv Regional State Administration and an Associate
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xiii
Introduction
A decrease in interstate wars (Holsti 2016, 43) is one of the trends shaping
the post-World War II global security environment. There has, however,
been an increase in ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and identity conflicts within
states, often involving an establishment of the “breakaway” or “de-facto”
states, and external (foreign) “support” to the parties of such conflicts,
reinforcing polarization (Dupuy and Rustad 2018). Hence, third-state
ideational, political, financial, and military “support” to the parties to
intrastate conflicts, including the administration of de-facto states, gives
rise to the emergence of complex conflict constellations, embracing the
intra- and interstate aspects.
M. Rabinovych (*)
University of Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany
H. Shelest
Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism”, Odesa/Kyiv, Ukraine
1
Euromaidan was a wave of demonstrations sparked by the Ukrainian government’s deci-
sion to suspend the signing of an association agreement with the European Union. They
started on November 21, 2013 in Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square) in Kiev and
eventually led to the 2014 Ukrainian revolution.
1 INTRODUCTION: REGIONAL DIVERSITY, DECENTRALIZATION… 5
Si, pues, á fines del siglo i deja oficialmente de batirse esa moneda,
¿vamos á creer que dejó de repente de hablarse la lengua indígena
en que se redactaba la leyenda? Por largo tiempo se siguió
hablando aquella lengua en las mismas ciudades. Y si el influjo
romano no fué aquí mayor que en Cartago y en Nápoles, aquella
lengua duró todavía siglos. Y si tal acaecía en las ciudades, ¿qué
había de suceder en los pequeños núcleos de población y en los
campos? "Caesar Augustus, dice Justino (Hist., XLIV, 5); perdomito
orbe victricia ad eos (Españoles) arma transtulit populumque
barbarum ac ferum legibus ad cultiorem vitae usum traductum in
formam provinciae redegit". Sería extraño que en el siglo ii todavía
se hablara etrusco en Italia como lengua general (Aulo Gelio, XI,
VII, 4) y se escribieran inscripciones griegas en Nápoles hasta en el
siglo vii, y que en España se hubiera olvidado la lengua indígena en
el siglo ii. Cuando Justino llama bárbaros á los españoles no hay
que creer que eran más que extranjeros para los romanos. Un país
donde por tradición se conservaban poemas, como Estrabón afirma,
y de venerabilísima antigüedad, y que tiene su alfabeto propio, con
el que escriben en su lengua, y donde tantas ciudades baten
moneda, no es un país de bárbaros. El apego á su lengua tenía que
ser conforme á esta cultura, y, más que nada, conforme al carácter
tenaz y conservador de sus habitantes, cuya nota característica ha
sido siempre el apego á sus tradiciones y costumbres. El famoso
pasaje de Estrabón (III, 3): οὐδὲ τῆς διαλέκτου τῆς σφετέρας ἔτι
μεμνημένοι, además de no ser más que una exageración, como dice
Mohl, no reza más que con los turdetanos, los primeros que se
romanizaron, cuyas ciudades, sobre todo Itálica y Córdoba, eran
más romanas que españolas; en fin, trata de andaluces, los más
amigos de novedades y los primeros en extranjerizarse de todos los
españoles en todo tiempo. Nada de extraño que los colonos
romanos de la Turdetania y los turdetanos que vivían con ellos en
los establecimientos romanos no hablaran más que el latín; y aun
Mohl cree que no eran más que bilingües, como los habitantes de
las cercanías de Marsella y Narbona (Estrabón, IV, I, 12). Casos
aislados que el geógrafo de la antigüedad cita para ponderar el
influjo romano y que comprueban precisamente que la romanización
de las provincias no estaba todavía muy adelantada. Otro tanto
asegura de los samnitas, lucanos y brutios (VI, I, 2), para halagar al
Emperador, diciendo que habían abandonado enteramente sus
antiguas hablas; y con todo, la epigrafía, que es algo más verídica,
prueba lo contrario, mostrándonos las inscripciones oscas y otros
dialectos en las grandes ciudades, tales como Pompeya, por lo
menos hasta el Imperio, y que, por consiguiente, esos dialectos
tuvieron que durar muchísimos años más, sobre todo en el campo y
en las aldeas. El mismo Estrabón, en otra ocasión, confiesa que aún
se hablaban el tirreno, el véneto, el ligur y el insubrio en la Cisalpina
(V, I, 6). Después de seiscientos años de dominación romana y de
colonización activísima, las lenguas berberiscas todavía debieron
hablarse, por lo menos en el campo, puesto que aún duran, á pesar
del latín, que allí desapareció, y del árabe, que aún se habla. Señal
de que si el latín era el habla de la gente instruida africana, el habla
del pueblo era la lengua camítica indígena, la cual sobrevivió al latín
venido de fuera. Cuatro siglos duró la dominación romana en la
Gran Bretaña y no pudo implantar el latín como habla popular junto
á la lengua céltica, dejando solamente algunas palabras latinas en
aquellos dialectos córnicos y galos[11].