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Full download American Higher Education, Second Edition: A History 2nd Edition, (Ebook PDF) file pdf all chapter on 2024
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Contents Vll
PART 4
CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES AND ISSUES
third act of a play. The very earliest colleges in North American in fact were
very much a product of European social forces and cultural movements under-
way well before the early 1600s; and those in turn were outgrowths of trends at
work since the time of the late Renaissance, and so on. Consequently, Part I of
the present work opens with a necessarily cursory look to beginnings in remote
antiquity, then traces the evolution of institutions of higher learning throughout
the classical and Hellenistic periods, and on into the high Middle Ages. The ori-
gins of the first European universities are treated as well as subsequent evolu-
tion and permutations from the thirteenth to the early eighteenth centuries.
Discussion of the development of modern European higher education is broken
off at the point where the focus of the narrative turns to colonial North America.
It would require separate volumes to examine European institutions of higher
learning over the past two centuries in any meaningful way.
Part II offers an overview of American colonial and antebellum colleges
from the early 1600s through to the midpoint of the nineteenth century. For the
post-Civil War period, the subsequent narrative analyzes formative events and
circumstances surrounding the emergence of comprehensive land-grant
institutions, sectarian or denominational colleges, and the beginnings of the
prototypical American university.
Part III is given over to the main outlines of the history of American
academe in the twentieth century, from the opening years of the 1900s and the
appearance of large corporate research institutions of higher learning through
to the century's closing decade. Finally, in Part IV, contemporary criticisms of
colleges and universities in the United States are briefly examined and
assessed in a concluding historical retrospective.
Lastly, it needs to be said, there is no tacit assumption behind this brief work
that American institutions of higher learning somehow represent a "culmination"
of what has gone before. For its intended readership, the central question that
drives the narrative to follow is simply: What preceded American higher edu-
cation within the Western cultural tradition and how did the modern American
college and university subsequently come to what it is today? Every effort has
been made to make the account accessible to anyone minimally conversant
with the social and intellectual history of Western civilization. More important
still, as a social and intellectual history, rather than an institutional chronicle,
the effort throughout-in this revised edition as in the original-has been to
keep the narrative reasonably compact. The extent to which all of these
aspirations have been achieved satisfactorily, of course, must be left ultimately
to the judgment of readers.
I
PART I
HISTORICAL ORIGINS
AND ANTECEDENTS
1
At this point the examinee abandons his faltering efforts and turns upon his
teacher, accusing him of lack of thoroughness in his instruction. Attempting to
shift the blame for his lackluster performance to his mentor, the student
berates the teacher for not having prepared him sufficiently. The teaching mas-
ter responds with a sharp rejoinder. "What have you done, what good came of
your sitting here? You are already a ripe man and close to being aged! Like an
old ass you are not teachable anymore. Like withered grain you have passed
the season. How long will you play around?"
His harangue continues in the same vein at length. Then, apparently relent-
ing, he breaks offto extend the failed candidate some hope for his future. "But,
it is still not too late," he observes sternly. "If you study night and day and
work modestly and without arrogance, if you attend to your colleagues and
teachers, you still can become a scribe! Then you can share the scribal craft
which is good fortune for its owner, a good spirit leading you, a bright eye,
possessed by you, and that is what the palace requires."
The so-called Examination Text A from which the above exchange is drawn
is of historical interest on several counts. Dating back to between 1720 and
1625 B.C. (and purportedly reflecting a still earlier period in ancient Sumer,
around 2300-2100 B.C.), this particular Babylonian document constitutes one
ofthe very earliest pieces of evidence for institutionalized "higher learning" in
remote antiquity.! It serves also to reveal something of the complexities of a
long and demanding course of studies, a regimen Sumero-Akkadian students
were obliged to master before attaining full-fledged status as scribes
(Sumerian: umbisag, or more commonly, dubsar; in Akkadian, tupsarru, liter-
ally, "tablet-writer").2 As the composition itself attests, a long preparatory
period of study and training was required before a candidate was examined
over his mastery of the vaunted "scribal arts" (Sumerian: namdubsar;
Akkadian: tupsarrutu) and could be considered a true dubsar gagazu
(Akkadian: upsarr mudu), a "scribe rich in scholarship."3
THE TABLET-HOUSE OF ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA
Both textual and archaeological evidence attest to the existence of scribal
institutions of learning flourishing all along the axis of the al-larirah or
"island" formed by the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers by no later than the second
half of the third millennium B.C., several centuries before the appearance of
their counterparts among the Egyptians. The emergence of formal schooling in
ancient Mesopotamia may be accounted for by the early development of large-
scale cereal agriculture (supplemented by horticulture and animal husbandry).
It in turn must have necessitated a developed "storage economy," complete
with means for recording wages and rations, registering land titles and rentals,
Higher Learning in Antiquity 5
scribal schools were functioning toward the end of the Old Kingdom, particularly
as temple agencies. lO Additional evidence from a slightly later date indicates
they had grown considerably in numbers and importance by the time of the
outset of the Empire (c. 1570 B.C.). The expansion of a bureaucracy of priests
and scribes to service the administrative needs of an ever-expanding imperium
thereafter rather strongly suggests the prevalence of training institutions, as in
Mesopotamia. Also as was the case in Sumer, scribes came to enjoy close
associations with the ruling classes; and the prestige attached to the rank of a
high-ranking scribe was considerable.
More basic still to the attraction of the scribal vocation, for those capable
of deciphering the mysteries of writing, was that it offered one of the few
alternatives to a life of arduous manual labor. Numerous passages in the
Instruction of Duauf, for example, drive home the point that a scribe's life
is infinitely to be preferred over that of the common laborer. The artisan
must constantly wield his chisel; the farmer's neck and back strain with his
heavy loads; the cobbler spends his life cutting and tearing leather; a smith
sweats at his furnace, "stinking more than fish offa\." But in contrast, "no
scribe lacks sustenance, the things of the king's house; Mesekhent [the god-
dess of birth] has prescribed success to the scribe; at the head of the offi-
cials is he set; and his father and mother give thanks." The aspiring student
scribe is advised to discipline himself and to live as an ascetic: "Rest con-
tent with your diet. If three loaves satisfy you, and you drink two pots of
beer, and the belly is not yet content, fight against it. ... Speak no hidden
words and utter no insolent words .... Set not your heart on pleasures, or
you will be ruined." Further advice is offered: "Acquire for yourself this
great calling of a scribe; pleasant and abounding in possessions are your
palette and papyrus roll, and blissful will you be every day.... Be a scribe
who is free from forced labor and protected from all [burdensome] work."
A scribe need not dig with a hoe for his living, and he does not need to carry
a basket. The scribe, the reader is reminded, "directs every work that is in
this land."JJ
Entry to the scribal craft probably was gained by apprenticeship, through
private tutoring, or most typically by attending a temple school, referred to by
the colloquial title "House of Books." The most common forms of scribal
instruction were likely of a quite rudimentary character, aiming at little more
than students' acquisition of basic literacy skills. But scattered references to a
"House of Life," some dating back to the Old and Middle Kingdoms and oth-
ers to the period following the reign of Rameses III (1195-1164 B.C.), suggest
that some students progressed far beyond. Presumably only a small number of
scribal scholars of exceptional ability entered upon the more extensive courses
8 AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION
affairs, to ethics and politics. Correlatively, the aim of human thought should
be to serve human needs; and only personal or individual experience was
thought to afford a basis for achieving that aim. Each person therefore should
be advised to rely upon his own powers and abilities to make his way through
the world.
What the sophists urged upon their listeners were the practical arts of
oratory and rhetorical persuasion, as well as an array of studies in history,
music, and mathematics. In a culture that had always valued fluency and style
in forensic debate, speech-making, and the like, here was precisely the sort of
training by means of which a young man could improve his life chances. No
longer bound by social class or the circumstances of birth, provided he applied
himself, any ambitious student might aspire to better himself and ultimately
achieve high position within the social order. Students signed up in droves to
sit at the feet of these new teachers.
"Human excellence," proclaimed Protagoras (481-411 B.C.), a recent
arrival from Abdera on the Thracian coast, "is the proper care of one's personal
affairs, so as best to manage one's own household, and also ofthe state's affairs,
so as to become a real power in the city, both as a speaker and man of action."15
Despite its novelty, so bold a declaration must have exercised a powerful
appeal in a society where the spoken word potently molded public opinion.
Because any aspirant to power had to be an effective speaker if he was to be
heard in the courts and halls of government, Protagoras advised the impor-
tance of the study of language-grammar, etymology, syntax-and its uses in
rhetoric. Such studies would assist each student to clarify and shape his
thoughts and enable him to express them eloquently.
Briefly, Protagoras' dictum, "Man is the measure of all things," presaged the
message of all the later sophists to follow. Truth, goodness, justice, or beauty
are relative to particular human interests and needs. Hence there can be only
particular truths valid for a given time and place. Morality varies from one
society to another. There are no absolute canons of right and wrong decreed in
the heavens to fit all cases; private judgment alone must determine what is fit-
ting and appropriate in any given instance or situation. It is incumbent upon
each individual accordingly to erect a personal standard of authority through
his own careful reflection and judgment. The means to establish the measure
of all things follow from the study of logic and oratory.
Those who followed after Protagoras extended much the same message.
Among the more celebrated teachers of wisdom were Gorgias of Leontini,
the Sicilian ambassador to Athens (c. 427 B.C.) who possibly had been influ-
enced by the rhetoricians Tisias and Corax of Syracuse; Prodicus of Ceos,
who stressed the importance of literary studies; Euenos of Paros; such lesser
Higher Learning in Antiquity 11
social issues frontally, while attacking the conventions of the old order, could
not help proving irresistible to a younger generation.
On the other hand, early on "sophistry" evidenced the symptoms of
superficiality and the pedantic shallowness for which it would soon become
notorious. It was one thing to affirm, as did Hippias, that it is logically possi-
ble to learn to argue for or against any formal proposition whatsoever. It was
quite another, perhaps, to require students to memorize set speeches verbatim,
together with lists of prepared questions and answers on both sides of a given
argument, without necessarily insisting on genuine comprehension and under-
standing from them. The latter practice, it might be observed, was to lead
eventually among other things to a proliferation of the infamous technai, or
handbooks on rhetoric and grammar, so much disdained for their lifeless
artificiality by later generations of scholars.
Not surprisingly, it was almost inevitable that the relativism, skepticism,
and radical individualism of the sophists should have aroused strenuous oppo-
sition from guardians of the old order. So far as traditionalists were concerned,
when itinerant teachers questioned both the authority and the very existence of
the gods, it was evident the very foundations of Hellenic culture itself were
under attack. If there are no ultimate truths accessible to human reason, as the
sophists rather clearly implied, and if goodness and justice are simply matters
of subjective preference or taste, then religion, morality, the state, indeed society
itself, were endangered. Also, the sheer rhetorical virtuosity of the sophists
aroused special ire. A sophistic character in Aristophanes' play The Clouds,
for example, boasts, "I mean to say, we argue up or down-Take what you
like-It comes to the same end."
Reaction to the intellectual challenge posed by the sophists was not long in
coming. The response was exemplified most clearly in the life and teachings
of the Athenian philosopher Socrates (c. 469-399 B.C.), whose intellectual
"midwifery" was directed to a goal diametrically opposed to that of the
sophists, namely, the uncovering of transcendent knowledge quite distinct
from mere opinion. 16 In common with the sophists (with whom he was
initially confused by his detractors), Socrates insistently sought answers to
questions that had not been posed before and sought to undermine conven-
tional beliefs and assumptions. Likewise, he shared a conviction that the purpose
of philosophy was the proper conduct of one's life, not special insight into the
nature, origin or constitution of the cosmos. Where he differed fundamentally
was in what he considered the appropriate goal of human inquiry. The sophists
professed to teach others how to live successfully in a world where all
knowledge was considered relative and all moral standards mere conventions.
The Socratic aim, however, was to discern a morality separate and apart from
Higher Learning in Antiquity 13
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