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Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks
Sensor Networks Set
coordinated by
Abdelhamid Mellouk

Deploying Wireless
Sensor Networks

Theory and Practice

Mustapha Reda Senouci

Abdelhamid Mellouk
First published 2016 in Great Britain and the United States by ISTE Press Ltd and Elsevier Ltd

Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as
permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, this publication may only be reproduced,
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ISTE Press Ltd Elsevier Ltd

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UK UK
www.iste.co.uk www.elsevier.com

Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and experience
broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or medical treatment
may become necessary.

Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating and
using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such information
or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of others, including parties for
whom they have a professional responsibility.

To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or editors, assume any
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the material herein.

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© ISTE Press Ltd 2016

The rights of Mustapha Reda Senouci and Abdelhamid Mellouk to be identified as the authors of this
work have been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress
ISBN 978-1-78548-099-7

Printed and bound in the UK and US

 Preface

The last two decades of the 20th Century have been driven by the
emergence and evolution of many types of networks and there is no doubt that
in the 21st Century the concept of the Internet of Things (IoT) and its
applications will have a key role in the way we understand our society. The
IoT describes the trend for environments, buildings, vehicles, clothing,
portable devices and other objects to have a digital representation and the
ability to sense, use or exchange information. IoT makes things more
interesting by connecting real-world objects, places and people through the
digital world. Small objects connected through the IoT are today considered
to be one of the main challenges for the business revolution in the coming
years. A widespread use of such connected objects will undoubtedly influence
people, societies and businesses.

In recent years, the continuous evolution of technologies and the

development of new applications and services have steered networking
research toward new problems, which have emerged as the network evolves
with new features. This has moved toward what is usually referred to as the
Future Internet which has become one of the basic infrastructures that
currently supports the global economy. In fact, there is a strong need to build
a new network scenario, where networked computer devices are proliferating
rapidly, supporting new types of services, usages and applications: from
wireless sensor networks and new optical network technologies to cloud
computing, high-end mobile devices supporting high definition media, high
performance computers, peer-to-peer networks and various platforms and
applications. This new network scenario is fueling research in the area of new
network architectures which consider both the requirements and demands of
x Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks

key emerging applications and services and the currently deployed network
infrastructures.

One of the most promising technologies within the IoT today consists of
sensor networks. It will be fascinating to look back in the years ahead and
note the growing interest in the use of sensor networks in real-world
applications. In fact, these kinds of networks represent an efficient technology
to monitor and collect specific characteristics in any environment. Several
applications have already been envisioned, in a wide range of areas such as
military, commercial, emergency, biology and health care applications. A
sensor is a physical component able to accomplish three tasks: identify a
physical quantity, treat any such information and transmit this information to
a sink. In most practical applications, sensors do not change their locations
once they are deployed on the sensing field. One of the critical and important
aspects in the success of the use of these networks in real-life applications is
correlated to the deployment of sensors.

Due the emergence of different kinds of sensors and the foreseen

proliferation of different and specific types of services supported by these
sensors, the use of networks based on a large amount of sensors has the
potential to become a real challenge when taking several kinds of applications
into account.

The book focuses on the current state-of-the-art research results and

experience reports in the area of deployment techniques dedicated to wireless
sensor networks (WSNs). It details all the deployment approaches used in this
area in the case of static and mobile environments. Moreover, an in-depth
discussion concerning deployment-related issues such as deployment cost,
coverage, sensors uncertainty, connectivity, sensors reliability, network
lifetime and harsh deployment environments is provided. This book shows
that WSN deployment field is a very dynamic area in terms of theory and
application.

To give a complete bibliography and a historical account of the research

that led to the present form of the subject would have been impossible. It is
thus inevitable that some topics have been treated in less detail than others.
The choices made reflect in part personal taste and expertise, and in part a
preference for a very promising research and recent developments in the field
of sensor deployment techniques.
 Preface xi

This book is a start, but also leaves many questions unanswered. We hope
that it will inspire a new generation of researchers.

The authors hope you will enjoy reading this book and hope to provide the
readers with many helpful ideas and overviews for your own study.

Mustapha Reda Senouci

Abdelhamid Mellouk
February 2016
 Introduction

Recent years have witnessed successful real-world deployments of

wireless sensor networks (WSNs) in a wide range of civilian and military
applications. In most practical applications, sensors do not change their
locations once they are deployed in the sensing field. We call this kind of
deployment practice static sensor deployment. In the literature, static sensor
deployment is typically carried out in one of two approaches: random
deployment or deterministic deployment. The selection of a suitable approach
depends on many factors, such as the type of sensors, the nature of the region
of interest (RoI), and the application needs. However, when sensors are able
to move on their own, dynamic deployment reconfiguration can be exploited
to enhance the network performance. We call this kind of deployment practice
dynamic sensor deployment.

This book addresses WSN deployment, which is a mandatory and critical

step in the process of developing WSN solutions for real-life applications.
The discussion starts with simple approaches to deploy static WSNs and then
is extended to more sophisticated approaches to deploy mobile WSNs.
Moreover, an in-depth discussion concerning deployment-related issues such
as deployment cost, coverage, sensors uncertainty, connectivity, sensors
reliability, network lifetime and harsh deployment environments is
provided.

This book is divided into five chapters. After introducing WSNs

(Chapter 1), the book provides an in-depth investigation of WSN deployment
approaches that generally fall under one of the following categories: random
xiv Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks

deployment (Chapter 2), deterministic deployment (Chapter 3), fusion-based

deterministic deployment (Chapter 4) and dynamic deployment (Chapter 5).

Chapter 1 provides an overview of WSNs. It highlights the major

characteristics of sensors and WSNs, followed by an introduction to typical
WSN models and applications. Further, this chapter explains the research
problems explored in this book, i.e. WSN deployment issues and their
importance to WSN applications.

Chapter 2 focuses on the most naive approach to deploy static WSNs:

random deployment. Due to the large scale of WSNs or to the
inaccessibility/harshness of the RoI, random deployment is often the best
choice. Sensors may be deployed from a plane, delivered in an artillery shell,
rocket or missile, or catapulted from a shipboard. Such random sensor
placement strategies are discussed in Chapter 2.

Although the ease and practicalities of random deployment are appealing,

it is often considered too expensive in comparison to deterministic
deployment. The latter is optimal as sensors are placed at predetermined
coordinates to guarantee network efficiency. Chapter 3 investigates static
WSN deterministic deployment, which has different appellations in the
literature, e.g. placement, layout, coverage, or positioning problems in WSNs.
It highlights the components involved and discusses the existing literature.
Moreover, it analyzes the uncertainty-aware WSN deployment where sensors
may not always provide reliable information, and shows how evidence theory
could be used to design better deployment strategies. A comprehensive
methodology for deterministic deployment of WSNs is presented and
executed to deploy a simplified indoor surveillance WSN for motion
detection.

Chapter 4 investigates the fusion-based deterministic deployment that is

usually employed in the deployment of WSNs for critical applications that
impose stringent requirements such as a high detection rate coupled with a low
false alarm rate. This chapter discusses existing sensor placement algorithms
and shows how evidence theory could be exploited to design better fusion-
based deployment strategies. As an example, this chapter reports the obtained
results when deploying a simplified fusion-based indoor surveillance WSN.

As mentioned previously, WSNs can be formed by dropping sensors from

the air. However, random deployment of sensors can leave holes in terms of
 Introduction xv

coverage in the RoI. Sensors mobility could be exploited to improve the

random initial deployment. Such a practice is called movement-assisted
sensor deployment, or WSN self-deployment. Moreover, sensor failure may
cause connectivity loss, and in some cases, network partitioning. Dynamically
repositioning the sensors while the network is operational is necessary to deal
with such events. In other words, sensor relocation could be used to provide
WSNs with self-healing capabilities. Chapter 5 reviews recent literature
pertaining to WSN self-deployment and self-healing strategies.
Classifications of the most recent deployment techniques are provided.
Moreover, different proposed algorithms are categorized, summarized and
compared.

At the end of each chapter, practical issues that need further research are
discussed. In summary, this book discusses both theoretical and practical
aspects and provides guidelines for effective deployment of WSNs.
 1

Wireless Sensor Networks

Recent technological advances in the field of microelectromechanical systems

(MEMS) have enabled the development of low-cost, low-power and small-scale sensor
nodes that integrate sensing, processing, storage, and communication capabilities. Such
sensors may be deployed in large numbers over vast geographical areas to form a
Wireless Sensor Network (WSN), which provide unprecedented opportunities for
monitoring and controlling the real world. This chapter provides a brief overview of WSNs,
starting with a general definition of WSNs followed by an introduction to typical WSNs
models and applications. Then, this chapter explains the research problems explored in
this book, i.e. WSNs deployment problems, and their importance to WSNs applications.

1.1. WSN definition, models and applications

1.1.1. Sensor nodes

Commonly, a sensor is a device that responds to physical quantities such

as heat, and converts them into electricity to enable automatic interpretation
and processing. A sensor node (generally referred to as sensor or mote) is an
autonomous, compact device that not only integrates sensors but also includes
other units to process and deliver sensory data. Thus, a mote generates
data from sensing physical parameters, and eventually transmits this data to a
main location. A typical sensor node comprises the following units: sensor,
communication, microcontroller, memory and power. Depending on the
application requirements, other units could be included such as: GPS,
locomotory, energy harvesting, etc.

A sensor node is implemented by a sensor board that integrates all the

aforementioned components and other necessary circuitry. Figure 1.1 presents
2 Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks

a photograph of an open source hardware Arduino UNO-based sensor node.

The microcontroller is based on the Atmel AVR ATmega328 with 32 KB of
program memory, 2 KB of data memory, and 1 KB of EEPROM. It can
operate from a wide range of power-supply voltages, from 1.8 V to 5.5 V.
This makes it well suited for battery-powered applications.


   
   
  


 ! "  

&
' () )

   


# $%  

Figure 1.1. Photograph of an Arduino-based sensor node. For a color

version of the figure, see www.iste.co.uk/senouci/wireless.zip

The Arduino UNO has 14 digital input/output pins and six analog input
pins. The architecture of the Arduino board exposes these pins so they can be
connected to external circuits easily. The sensor board can support many
sensors types and communications modules. In Figure 1.1, the sensor node
includes a digital motion detector (PIR Parallax 555-28027 sensor), an
analogue motion detector (PIR Phidgets 1111_0 sensor), a camera module, an
IEEE 802.15.4 radio module (XBee module), and a battery. It should be noted
that the sensor node presented above is more educational than professional,
and it will be used in the next chapters to deploy a surveillance WSN. For
professional applications, besides application-specific solutions,
high-performance sensor nodes such as Stargate and Imote2 [MOO 10] might
be employed. We will discuss various WSNs architectures and models.
Before that, we first introduce the concept of sensor coverage and sensor
communication models in the following sections.
 Wireless Sensor Networks 3

1.1.2. Sensor coverage models

From a mathematical point of view, a sensor coverage model is a function

that accepts input from parameters such as the distances (and the angles)
between the sensors and a point in space. The output of such a function is the
coverage measure. The analysis of sensor coverage models shows the
existence of different classifications based on distinct goals [WAN 10a]. In
this book, these models are classified into three groups: (i) binary coverage
models; (ii) probabilistic coverage models, and (iii) evidential coverage
models. A taxonomy for sensor coverage models is depicted in Figure 1.2. In
what follows, we present some commonly used coverage models in detail.

Binary coverage models

Sensor Coverage Models Probabilistic coverage models

Evidential coverage models

Figure 1.2. A taxonomy for sensor coverage models

Because of its simplicity, the binary coverage model has been widely used
[WAN 10a]. In this model, sensors are modeled as having a predetermined
range of effectiveness. Coverage within the range, which is typically
characterized by a disk (but can also be any arbitrary shape or a collection of
shapes), is assumed to be effective and coverage outside of the given range is
assumed to be non-effective. A well-known variant of the binary model is the
disk model, wherein the sensing area of a sensor is often modeled as a disk
with radius R s (sensing range) centered at the sensor’s location. For an event
that occurs at p, the following equation calculates the probability of detection
of that event by a sensor s:
⎧
⎪
⎪
⎨1 if ||sp|| ≤ R s
P s/p =⎪
⎪ [1.1]
⎩0 otherwise

where ||sp|| is the Euclidean distance between s and p.

4 Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks

When using the binary model, several WSN problems (e.g. the coverage
problem) are mapped to geometric problems, which simplify the analysis.
However, the binary model does not consider the stochastic nature of sensing
which could cause erroneous estimation of system performance in the real
world. For that, many recent research works use probabilistic coverage
models to capture the stochastic nature of sensing. An example of a
probabilistic coverage model is given by:

C
P s/p = [1.2]
||sp||γ

where C is a constant, and γ is the path attenuation exponent.

The coverage measure is inversely proportional to the point-sensor distance.

When this latter becomes very large (resp. very small), the coverage measure
might be assumed null (resp. full). Examples of such practices are truncated
probabilistic coverage models such as the following model [ZOU 05]:
⎧
⎪
⎪
⎨Ce−δ||sp|| if ||sp|| ≤ R s
P s/p =⎪
⎪ [1.3]
⎩0 otherwise

where δ is a parameter representing the characteristics of the sensor. Another

model [ZOU 05] is defined as follows:
⎧
⎪
⎪
⎪1 if ||sp|| ≤ R s − Ru
⎪
⎪
⎨ −α(||sp||−(Rs −Ru ))β
P s/p =⎪
⎪e if R s − Ru < ||sp|| ≤ R s [1.4]
⎪
⎪
⎪
⎩0 if R s < ||sp||

where α and β are constants, and Ru is called the uncertain range. Figure 1.3
shows the coverage measure as a function of the sensor-point distance for the
above-mentioned coverage models.

Recently, an evidence-based sensor coverage model based on the

transferable belief model has been proposed in [SEN 12c]. This coverage
model not only considers the imperfections associated with sensor readings,
but can be easily extended to include deployment-related issues, such as
sensor reliability.
 Wireless Sensor Networks 5

1.4
Binary model
0.06
Probabilistic model ||sp||0.6
1.2 Truncated probabilistic model e−2||sp||

1
coverage measure

0.8

0.6

0.4

0.2

0
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8 2
sensor–point distance

Figure 1.3. Coverage measure vs. the sensor-point distance

for the binary model, probabilistic model, and truncated probabilistic
model. For a color version of the figure, see
www.iste.co.uk/senouci/wireless.zip

In the evidence-based coverage model [SEN 12c], two states are required
to specify whether a space point p ∈ RoI is covered: θ0 (not covered) and
θ1 (covered). Thus, the frame of discernment (FoD) is the set Θ = {θ0 , θ1 }.
Each sensor s provides information on the coverage of a space point p ∈ RoI
with a belief xs/p . The complementary information 1 − xs/p is assigned to the
whole FoD because it encodes the sensor ignorance. The output from the
sensor s about a space point p ∈ RoI can thus be represented as a basic belief
assignment (bba) m s/p , with two focal sets: the singleton {θ1 } and the FoD Θ,
defined as follows:

m s/p ({θ1 }) = xs/p , xs/p ∈ [0, 1]

m s/p (Θ) = 1 − xs/p , [1.5]
m s/p (∅) = 0

Relatively to a space point p, a sensor s provides m s/p as a belief function.

To decide whether p is covered by s, the pignistic transformation of m s/p
(denoted by BetP s/p ) is constructed. The decision is based on selecting the
hypothesis θ̂ with the largest pignistic probability:

θ̂ = arg max BetP s/p ({θi }).

i=0,1
6 Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks

The sensor coverage model characterizes the observability of physical

phenomenas by an individual sensor. On the other hand, network coverage
can be perceived as a consensus measure delivered by a network of distributed
sensors. The network coverage at point p, denoted P p , is estimated as:
!
Pp = 1 − (1 − P s/p ) [1.6]
s∈RoI

where P s/p is the probability that a sensor s detects an event at p (equations

[1.2]–[1.4]). In the case of the evidence-based coverage model [SEN 12c], for
N sensors, the combination of the N bbas m1/p , . . . , mN/p using the conjunctive
rule yields a bba m p with 2 focal sets: {θ1 } and the FoD Θ. This bba has the
following expression:

N
! N
&
m p ({θ1 }) = xi/p + x j/p xk/p . . . xL/p (1 − xi/p )
"!!!!!!!!!!!!!!#$!!!!!!!!!!!!!!%
i=1 i=1
1:N−1 terms
j,k,...,L=1...N
j!k!...!L!i
N
!
m p (Θ) = (1 − xi/p )
i=1

1.1.3. Sensor communication models

Wireless sensor nodes communicate via their radio modules. Two nodes
are directly connected if they can transmit/receive data to/from each other.
A sensor communication model (or a transmission model) is a mathematical
model that quantifies the direct connectivity between sensor nodes.

A commonly assumed communication model is the disk connectivity

model according to which a sensor node can communicate with other nodes
located within a disk itself centered within the radius of its communication
range Rc . In other words, two sensors are able to communicate directly if they
are within one communication hop of each other. This model considers
network connectivity mainly from a geometric perspective, which simplifies
the analysis. However, it remains limited and unrealistic. Indeed, empirical
studies [NIK 93, SEN 14a] show that there is no clear cut-off boundary
between successful and unsuccessful communication.

In practice, the attenuation experienced by a wireless signal at a given

distance is described by the path loss, whereas shadowing describes random
 Wireless Sensor Networks 7

fluctuations in signal strength at a known path loss. Empirical measurements

have indicated that shadowing is a zero-mean normally distributed random
variable with standard deviation σ . Due to the unique characteristics of each
environment, most radio propagation models use a combination of analytical
and empirical methods. One of the most common radio propagation models is
the log-normal shadowing path loss model [RAP 01] which is given by:

d
PL(d) = PL(d0 ) + 10γ log10 ( )+ [1.7]
d0

where d is the transmitter–receiver distance, d0 a reference distance, γ the

path loss exponent (rate at which signal decays), and  a zero-mean Gaussian
distributed random variable with standard deviation σ (in dB) that represents
the shadowing effects.

The received signal strength (Pr ) at a distance d is the output power of the
transmitter minus PL(d). Formally:

d
Pr (d) = Pt − PL(d) = Pt − PL(d0 ) − 10γ log10 ( )− [1.8]
d0

Figure 1.4 shows an analytical propagation model for γ = 2, σ = 4,

PL(d0 ) = 55 dB, d0 = 1, and an output power Pt = 0 dBm (e.g. the Chipcon
CC2420 IEEE 802.15.4, 2.4 GHz).

From equation [1.8] we have Pr (d) ∼ N(Pt − PL(d0 ) − 10γ log10 ( dd0 ), σ ).
Since Pr (d) is Gaussian, the probability of successful communication between
two sensors si and s j located at distance d from each other is:

S S min − (Pt − PL(d0 ) − 10γ log10 ( dd0 ))

P[Pr (d) > S S min ] = Q( ) [1.9]
σ

where S S min represents the minimum acceptable signal strength and Q is the
complementary cumulative distribution function (CCDF) of a standard
Gaussian, i.e.
+∞
1 −t2
Q(x) = √ e 2 dt
2π x
8 Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks

−30

−40

−50

−60

−70
Pr (dBm)

−80

−90

−100

−110

−120

−130
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
distance (m)

Figure 1.4. Channel model, γ = 2, σ = 4, Pt = 0 dBm

Figure 1.5 shows the connectivity model related to this formulation. We see
clearly that some areas within the connectivity range receive power lower than
S S min . On the other hand, some areas outside the connectivity range receive
power higher than S S min . As mentioned before, this model reflects the fact
that there is no clear cut-off boundary between successful and unsuccessful
communication.

Figure 1.5. Connectivity model

 Wireless Sensor Networks 9

1.1.4. Wireless sensor networks

A WSN consists of spatially distributed sensors, and one or more sink

nodes (also called base stations). Sensors monitor, in real-time, physical
conditions, such as temperature, vibration, or motion, and produce sensory
data. A sensor node could behave both as data originator and data router. A
sink, on the other hand, collects data from sensors. For example, in an event
monitoring application, sensors are required to send data to the sink(s) when
they detect the occurrence of events of interest. The sink may communicate
with the end-user via direct connections, the Internet, satellite, or any type of
wireless links. Figure 1.6 depicts a typical WSN architecture. Note that there
may be multiple sinks and multiple end-users.

Figure 1.6. Typical WSN architecture. For a color version of the figure,
see www.iste.co.uk/senouci/wireless.zip

As a fundamental issue in WSNs, deployment is a research topic that has

attracted much attention in recent years [DHI 02, ZOU 03b, VIE 04, LIN 05,
ZHA 06, WU 07a, YOU 08, AIT 09, WAN 10a, ABA 11, BHU 12, AKB 13,
AMM 14, SEN 15c]. Indeed, the number and locations of sensors, deployed
in a RoI, determine the topology of the network, which will further influence
many of its intrinsic properties, such as its coverage, connectivity, cost and
lifetime. Consequently, the performance of a WSN depends to a large extent
on its deployment.

In practice, special cases of WSNs are encountered such as wireless

multimedia sensor networks (WMSNs), underwater wireless sensor networks
(UWSNs), wireless underground sensor networks (WUSNs), wireless body
sensor networks (WBSNs) and wireless sensor-actor networks (WSANs).
10 Deploying Wireless Sensor Networks

1.1.5. WSN models and architectures

Depending on the sensors’ capabilities and application requirements,

sensors can cooperate according to various models and architectures. In what
follows, we introduce some typical WSN models and architectures:
– small-, medium-, large- and very large-scale WSNs: the size of the WSN
varies depending on several factors such as the sensors’ characteristics, the
RoI, and the user’s requirements. In practice, the number of sensor nodes in
a WSN may be in the order of tens, hundreds, thousands, or even tens of
thousands;
– homogeneous versus heterogeneous WSNs: a WSN may be homogeneous
or heterogeneous. A WSN is homogeneous if all sensors of the network
have the same capabilities (sensing, processing, communication, etc). A
heterogeneous WSN consists of sensors endowed with different capacities,
which may serve for different applications. Typically, some sensors will have
more resources available, such as processing and energy, than the rest of the
sensors;
– stationary, mobile, and hybrid WSNs: a WSN may be stationary, mobile,
or hybrid. A stationary WSN is a network consisting of stationary sensor
nodes that cannot move once deployed. With the advances in mobile devices,
some of the sensors are able to move on their own; this is generally achieved
by embedding the sensors on mobile platforms (Figure 1.7). A mobile WSN
comprises only mobile sensors, while a hybrid WSN consists of both stationary
and mobile sensors;

Figure 1.7. Photograph of an Arduino-based mobile sensor node

 Wireless Sensor Networks 11

– flat versus hierarchical WSNs: in flat WSNs, all the sensor nodes are
assumed to be homogeneous and play the same role. However, in hierarchical
WSNs, a sensor node can be dedicated to a particular special function.
For instance, a sensor could be designated as a cluster-head, in charge of
communicating with adjacent clusters;
– single-hop versus multi-hop WSNs: in a single-hop WSN, sensor nodes
transmit their data directly to the sink. In a multi-hop WSN, multiple relaying
sensor nodes exist between sensors and sinks. A multi-hop WSN can be flat or
hierarchical.

1.1.6. WSN applications

A WSN may include different types of sensors to monitor almost any

ambient condition, which open the doors for a wide range of applications
in different domains, such as: military, industrial, environmental, home and
medical applications. Typical applications of WSNs include, but are not
limited to:
– military applications: the ability to deploy unmanned surveillance
missions, by using WSNs, is of great practical importance for the military.
WSNs have been identified as an ideal alternative to conventional surveillance
systems that provide an essential component of battlefield awareness. Indeed,
in recent years, WSNs have been applied in various military applications, such
as monitoring friendly forces, shooter localization, battlefield surveillance,
and battle damage assessment [ARO 04, LED 05, HE 06, VIC 09, GEO 13].
For instance, VigilNet [HE 06] is a military WSN that acquires and verifies
information about enemy capabilities and positions of hostile targets. It has
been successfully designed, built, demonstrated and delivered to the Defense
Intelligence Agency for realistic deployment;
– industrial applications: recent advancements in sensor technology have
made WSNs prevalent in numerous industrial applications such as structural
health monitoring (e.g. the Guangzhou New TV Tower, China, and the
Ting Kau Bridge, Hong Kong [NI 08]), pipeline monitoring (e.g. TriopusNet
[LAI 12]), thermal monitoring in data centers [CHE 14c], oil refineries
monitoring (e.g. GINSENG [O’DO 13]), and agriculture crop monitoring
[JUU 15]. For instance, in [JUU 15] a WSN was deployed to automate the
process of monitoring crop storages and ensure proper storage conditions.
Figure 1.8 shows a photograph of employed sensors;
Another random document with
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known as the “Riddleberger bill,” passed by the last General
Assembly and vetoed by the Governor. We maintain that this
measure recognizes the just debt of Virginia, in this, that it assumes
two-thirds of all the money Virginia borrowed, and sets aside the
other third to West Virginia to be dealt with by her in her own way
and at her own pleasure; that it places those of her creditors who
have received but 6 per cent. instalments of interest in nine years
upon an exact equality with those who by corrupt agencies were
enabled to absorb and monopolize our means of payment; that it
agrees to pay such rate of interest on our securities as can with
certainty be met out of the revenues of the State, and that it contains
all the essential features of finality.
Third. We reassert our adherence to the Constitutional
requirements for the “equal and uniform” taxation of property,
exempting none except that specified by the Constitution and used
exclusively for “religious, charitable and educational purposes.”
Fourth. We reassert that the paramount obligation of the various
works of internal improvement is to the people of the State, by whose
authority they were created, by whose money they were constructed
and by whose grace they live; and it is enjoined upon our
representative and executive officers to enforce the discharge of that
duty; to insure to our people such rates, facilities and connections as
will protect every industry and interest against discrimination, tend
to the development of our agricultural and mineral resources,
encourage the investment of active capital in manufactures and the
profitable employment of labor in industrial enterprises, grasp for
our city and our whole State those advantages to which by their
geographical position they are entitled, and fulfil all the great public
ends for which they were designed.
Fifth. The Readjusters hold the right to a free ballot to be the right
preservative of all rights, and that it should be maintained in every
State in the Union. We believe the capitation tax restriction upon the
suffrage in Virginia to be in conflict with the XIVth Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States. We believe that it is a violation
of that condition of reconstruction wherein the pledge was given not
so to amend our State Constitution as to deprive any citizen or class
of citizens of a right to vote, except as punishment for such crimes as
are felony at common law. We believe such a prerequisite to voting to
be contrary to the genius of our institutions, the very foundation of
which is representation as antecedent to taxation. We know that it
has been a failure as a measure for the collection of revenue, the
pretended reason for its invention in 1876, and we know the base,
demoralizing and dangerous uses to which it has been prostituted.
We know it contributes to the increase of monopoly power, and to
corrupting the voter. For these and other reasons we adhere to the
purpose hitherto expressed to provide more effectual legislation for
the collection of this tax, dedicated by the Constitution to the public
free schools, and to abolish it as a qualification for and restriction
upon suffrage.
Sixth. The Readjusters congratulate the whole people of Virginia
on the progress of the last few years in developing mineral resources
and promoting manufacturing enterprises in the State, and they
declare their purpose to aid these great and growing industries by all
proper and essential legislation, State and Federal. To this end they
will continue their efforts in behalf of more cordial and fraternal
relations between the sections and States, and especially for that
concord and harmony which will make the country to know how
earnestly and sincerely Virginia invites all men into her borders as
visitors or to become citizens without fear of social or political
ostracism; that every man, from whatever section of country, shall
enjoy the fullest freedom of thought, speech, politics and religion,
and that the State which first formulated these principles as
fundamental in free government is yet the citadel for their exercise
and protection.

Virginia Democratic.

[Adopted August 4.]

The Conservative-Democratic party of Virginia—Democratic in its
Federal relations and Conservative in its State policy—assembled in
convention, in view of the present condition of the Union and of this
Commonwealth, for the clear and distinct assertion of its political
principles, doth declare that we adopt the following articles of
political faith:
 First. Equality of right and exact justice to all men, special
privileges to none; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and
freedom of the person under the protection of the habeas corpus; of
trial by juries impartially selected, and of a pure, upright and non-
partisan judiciary; elections by the people, free from force or fraud of
citizens or of the military and civil officers of Government; and the
selection for public offices of those who are honest and best fitted to
fill them; the support of the State governments in all their rights as
the most competent administrations of our domestic concerns and
the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; and the
preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional
vigor as the best sheet-anchor of our peace at home and our safety
abroad.
Second. That the maintenance of the public credit of Virginia is an
essential means to the promotion of her prosperity. We condemn
repudiation in every shape and form as a blot upon her honor, a blow
at her permanent welfare, and an obstacle to her progress in wealth,
influence and power; and that we will make every effort to secure a
settlement of the public debt, with the consent of her creditors,
which is consistent with her honor and dictated by justice and sound
public policy; that it is eminently desirable and proper that the
several classes of the debt now existing should be unified, so that
equality, which is equity, may control in the annual payment of
interest and the ultimate redemption of principal; that, with a view of
securing such equality, we pledge our party to use all lawful authority
to secure a settlement of the State debt so that there shall be but one
class of the public debt; that we will use all lawful and constitutional
means in our power to secure a settlement of the State debt upon the
basis of a 3 per cent. bond, and that the Conservative-Democratic
party pledges itself, as a part of its policy, not to increase the present
rate of taxation.
Third. That we will uphold, in its full constitutional integrity and
efficiency, our public school system for the education of both white
and colored children—a system inaugurated by the Constitution of
the State and established by the action of the Conservative party
years before it was required by the Constitution; and will take the
most effectual means for the faithful execution of the same by
applying to its support all the revenues set apart for that object by
the Constitution or otherwise.
Fourth. Upon this declaration of principles we cordially invite the
co-operation of all Conservative Democrats, whatever may have been
or now are their views upon the public debt, in the election of the
nominees of this Convention and in the maintenance of the
supremacy of the Democratic party in this State.
Resolved, further, That any intimation, coming from any quarter,
that the Conservative-Democratic party of Virginia has been, is now,
or proposes to be, opposed to an honest ballot and a fair count, is a
calumny upon the State of Virginia as unfounded in fact as it is
dishonorable to its authors.
That special efforts be made to foster and encourage the
agricultural, mechanical, mining, manufacturing and other industrial
interests of the State.
That, in common with all good citizens of the Union, we reflect
with deep abhorrence upon the crime of the man who aimed a blow
at the life of the eminent citizen who was called by the constitutional
voice of fifty millions of people to be the President of the United
States; and we tender to him and to his friends the sympathy and
respect of this Convention and of those we represent, in this great
calamity, and our hearty desire for his complete restoration to health
and return to the discharge of his important duties, for the welfare
and honor of our common country.

1884—Democratic Platform.

Adopted by the Chicago Convention, July 10th.

The Democratic party of the Union through its representatives in
the National Convention assembled, recognizes that as the Nation
grows older new issues are born, of time and progress, and old issues
perish. But the fundamental principles of the Democracy approved
by the united voice of the people, remain and will ever remain as the
best and only security for the continuance of free government. The
preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens before the
law, the reserved rights of the States and the supremacy of the
Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution will ever
form the true basis of our liberties, and can never be surrendered
without destroying that balance of rights and powers which enables a
continent to be developed in peace, and social order to be maintained
by means of local self-government. But it is indispensable for the
practical application and enforcement of these fundamental
principles that the Government should not always be controlled by
one political party. Frequent change of administration is as necessary
as a constant recurrence to the popular will. Otherwise abuses grow,
and the Government, instead of being carried on for the general
welfare, becomes an instrumentality for imposing heavy burdens on
the many who are governed for the benefit of the few who govern.
Public servants thus become arbitrary rulers.
This is now the condition of the country, hence a change is
demanded. The Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is
a reminiscence in practice, it is an organization for enriching those
who control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been
brought to light in every department of the Government are
sufficient to have called for reform within the Republican party. Yet
those in authority, made reckless by the long possession of power,
have succumbed to its corrupting influences, and have placed in
nomination a ticket against which the Independent portion of the
party are in open revolt. Therefore a change is demanded. Such a
change was alike necessary in 1876, but the will of the people was
then defeated by a fraud which can never be forgotten nor condoned.
Again in 1880 the change demanded by the people was defeated by
the lavish use of money, contributed by unscrupulous contractors
and shameless jobbers, who had bargained for unlawful profits or for
high office.
The Republican party during its legal, its stolen and its bought
tenures of power, has steadily decayed in moral character and
political capacity. Its platform promises are now a list of its past
failures. It demands the restoration of our navy. It has squandered
hundreds of millions to create a navy that does not exist. It calls
upon Congress to remove the burdens under which American
shipping has been depressed. It imposed and has continued those
burdens. It professes the policy of reserving the public lands for
small holdings by actual settlers. It has given away the people’s
heritage till now a few railroads and non-resident aliens, individual
and corporate, possess a larger area than that of all our farms
between the two seas. It professes a preference for free institutions.
It organized and tried to legalize a control of State elections by
Federal troops. It professes a desire to elevate labor. It has subjected
American workingmen to the competition of convict and imported
contract labor. It professes gratitude to all who were disabled or died
in the war leaving widows and orphans. It left to a Democratic House
of Representatives the first effort to equalize both bounties and
pensions. It proffers a pledge to correct the irregularities of our tariff.
It created and has continued them. Its own tariff commission
confessed the need of more than 20 per cent. reduction. Its Congress
gave a reduction of less than 4 per cent. It professes the protection of
American manufacturers. It has subjected them to an increasing
flood of manufactured goods and a hopeless competition with
manufacturing nations, not one of which taxes raw materials. It
professes to protect all American industries. It has impoverished
many to subsidize a few. It professes the protection of American
labor. It has depicted the returns of American agriculture, an
industry followed by half our people. It professes the equality of men
before the law. Attempting to fix the status of colored citizens, the act
of its Congress was overset by the decision of its courts. It “accepts
anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and reform.” Its
caught criminals are permitted to escape through contrived delays or
actual connivance in the prosecution. Honeycombed with corruption,
outbreaking exposures no longer shock its moral sense, its honest
members. Its independent journals no longer maintain a successful
contest for authority in its counsels or a veto upon bad nominations.
That a change is necessary is proved by an existing surplus of more
than $100,000,000, which has yearly been collected from a suffering
people. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. We denounce the
Republican party for having failed to relieve the people from
crushing war taxes which have paralyzed business, crippled industry,
and deprived labor of employment and of just reward. The
Democracy pledges itself to purify the administration from
corruption, to restore economy, to revive the respect of the law, and
to reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with due regard to
the preservation of the faith of the nation to its creditors and
pensioners.
 Knowing full well, however that legislation affecting the
occupations of the people should be cautious and conservative in
method, not in advance of public opinion, but responsive to its
demands, the Democratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in a
spirit of fairness to all. But in making a reduction in taxes, it is not
proposed to injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote
their healthy growth. From the foundation of this Government taxes
collected at the custom-house have been the chief source of Federal
revenue. Such they must continue to be. Moreover, many industries
have come to rely upon legislation for successful continuance, so that
any change of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and the
capital thus involved. The process of reform must be subject in the
execution to this plain dictate of justice. All taxation shall be limited
to the requirements of economical government. The necessary
reduction in taxation can and must be effected without depriving
American labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign
labor, and without imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to
cover any increased cost of production which may exist in
consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing in this country.
Sufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the Federal Government,
economically administered, including pensions, interest and
principal of the public debt, can be got, under our present system of
taxation, from custom house taxes on fewer imported articles,
bearing heaviest on articles of luxury, and bearing lightest on articles
of necessity. We therefore denounce the abuses of the existing tariff,
and subject to the preceding limitations, we demand that Federal
taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes and shall not exceed
the needs of the Government economically administered.
The system of direct taxation, known as the “internal revenue,” is a
war tax, and so long as the law continues, the money derived
therefrom should be sacredly devoted to the relief of the people from
the remaining burdens of the war, and be made a fund to defray the
expense of the care and comfort of the worthy soldiers disabled in
line of duty in the wars of the Republic, and for the payment of such
pensions as Congress may from time to time grant to such soldiers, a
like fund for the sailors having been already provided; and any
surplus should be paid into the treasury.
 We favor an American continental policy, based upon more
intimate commercial and political relations with the fifteen sister
Republics of North, Central and South America, but entangling
alliances with none. We believe in honest money, the gold and silver
coinage of the Constitution, and a circulating medium convertible
into such money without loss.
Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we hold that it is
the duty of the Government, in its dealings with the people, to mete
out equal and exact justice to all citizens, of whatever nativity, race,
color or persuasion, religious or political. We believe in a free ballot
and a fair count, and we recall to the memory of the people the noble
struggle of the Democrats in the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth
Congresses by which a reluctant Republican opposition was
compelled to assent to legislation making everywhere illegal the
presence of troops at the polls, as the conclusive proof that a
Democratic administration will preserve liberty with order. The
selection of Federal officers for the Territories should be restricted to
citizens previously resident therein. We oppose sumptuary laws,
which vex the citizens and interfere with individual liberty. We favor
honest civil service reform, and the compensation of all United States
officers by fixed salaries; the separation of Church and State and the
diffusion of free education by common schools, so that every child in
the land may be taught the rights and duties of citizenship.
While we favor all legislation which will tend to the equitable
distribution of property to the prevention of monopoly, and to the
strict enforcement of individual rights against corporate abuses, we
hold that the welfare of society depends upon a scrupulous regard for
the rights of property as defined by law.
We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and most
enlightened. It should, therefore, be fostered and cherished. We
favor the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor, and the
enactment of laws by which labor organizations may be
incorporated, and of all such legislation as will tend to enlighten the
people as to the true relations of capital and labor.
We believe that the public lands ought, as far as possible, to be
kept as homesteads for actual settlers; that all unearned lands
heretofore improvidently granted to railroad corporations by the
action of the Republican party, should be restored to the public
domain, and that no more grant of land shall be made to
corporations, or be allowed to fall into the ownership of alien
absentees. We are opposed to all propositions which upon any
pretext would convert the General Government into a machine for
collecting taxes to be distributed among the States or the citizens
thereof.
All the great woes of our country have come because of imported
labor. Our fathers made this land the home of the free for all men
appreciating our institutions, with energy enough to bring
themselves here, and such we welcome, but our country ought never
to be a lazar-house for the deportation of the pauper labor of other
countries through governmental aid, or the importation of the same
kind of labor as an instrument with which capital can debase
American workingmen and women from the proud position they
now occupy by competing with them by imported labor or convict
labor, while at the same time capital asks and receives protection of
its interests at the hands of the Government, under guise of
providing for American labor. This evil like all others finds birth in
the cupidity and selfishness of men. The laborer’s demands should
be redressed by law. Labor has a right to demand a just share of the
profits of its own productions.
The future of the country unites with the laboring men in the
demand for the liberal support by the United States of the school
system of the States for the common education of all the children,
the same affording a sufficient foundation for the coming
generations to acquire due knowledge of their duties as citizens.
That every species of monopoly engenders two classes, the very
rich and the very poor, both of which are equally hurtful to a
Republic which should give to its people equal rights and equal
privileges under the law.
That the public lands of the United States were the equal heritage
of all the citizens and should have been held open to the use of all in
such quantities only as are needed for cultivation and improvement
by all. Therefore we view with alarm the absorption of these lands by
corporations and individuals in large areas, some of them more than
equal to princely domains, and demand of Congress to apply
appropriate remedies with a stern hand so that the lands of the
people may be held by the many and not by the few.
 That the public lands of the Nation are held by the Government in
trust for those who make their homes in the United States, and who
mean to become citizens of the Republic, and we protest against the
purchase and monopolization of these lands by corporations and the
alien aristocracy of Europe.
That all corporate bodies, created either in the States or Nation for
the purpose of performing public duties, are public servants and to
be regulated in all their actions by the same power that created them
at its own will, and that it is within the power and is the duty of the
creator to so govern its creature that by its acts it shall become
neither a monopoly nor a burden upon the people, but be their
servant and convenience, which is the true test of its usefulness.
Therefore we call upon Congress to exercise its great constitutional
powers for regulating inter-estate commerce to provide that by no
contrivance whatever, under forms of law or otherwise, shall
discriminating rates and charges for the transportation of freight and
travel be made in favor of the few against the many or enhance the
rates of transportation between the producer and the consumer.
The various offices of the Government belong to the people thereof
and who rightfully demand to exercise and fill the same whenever
they are fitted by capacity, integrity and energy, the last two
qualifications never to be tested by any scholastic examination. We
hold that frequent changes of Federal officials are shown to be
necessary. First, to counteract the growing aristocratic tendencies to
a caste of life offices. Second, experience having shown that all
investigation is useless while the incumbent and his associates hold
their places. Frequent change of officers is necessary to the discovery
and punishment of frauds, peculations, defalcations and
embezzlements of the public money.
In reaffirming the declaration of the Democratic platform of 1856,
that “The liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration
of Independence and sanctioned in the Constitution, which make
ours a land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation
have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith,” we
nevertheless do not sanction the importation of foreign labor or the
admission of servile races, unfitted by habits, training, religion or
kindred for absorption into the great body of our people, or for the
citizenship which our laws confer. American civilization demands
that against the immigration or importation of Mongolians to these
shores our gates be closed. The Democratic party insists that it is the
duty of this Government to protect with great fidelity and vigilance
the rights of its citizens, native and naturalized, at home and abroad;
and to the end that this protection may be assured to the United
States, papers of naturalization, issued by courts of competent
jurisdiction, must be respected by the executive legislative
departments of our own Government and by all foreign powers. It is
an imperative duty of this Government to efficiently protect all the
rights of persons and property of every American citizen in foreign
lands, and demand and enforce full reparation for any violation
thereof. An American citizen is only responsible to his own
Government for an act done in his own country or under her flag,
and can only be tried therefore on her own soil and according to her
laws; and no power exists in this Government to expatriate an
American citizen to be tried in any foreign land for any such act. This
country has never had a well defined and executed foreign policy,
save under the Democratic administration. That policy has never
been in regard to foreign Nations, so long as they do not act
detrimental to the interests of the country or hurtful to our citizens,
to let them alone. That as the result of this policy we recall the
acquisition of Louisiana, Florida, California and of the adjacent
Mexican Territory by purchase alone, and contrast these grand
acquisitions of Democratic Statesmanship with the purchase of
Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican administration of nearly a
quarter of a century.
The Federal Government should care for and improve the
Mississippi river and other great water ways of the Republic, so as to
secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tide
water.
Under a long period of Democratic rule and policy our merchant
marine was fast overtaking and on the point of outstripping that of
Great Britain. Under twenty-five years of Republican rule and policy
our commerce has been left to British bottoms, and almost has the
American flag been swept off the high seas. Instead of the
Republican party’s British policy, we demand for the people of the
United States an American policy. Under Democratic rule and policy
our merchants and sailors flying the stars and stripes in every port,
successfully searched out a market for the varied products of
American industry. Under a quarter of a century of Republican rule
and policy, despite our manifest advantage over all other nations,
high-paid labor, favorable climates and teeming soils; despite
freedom of trade among these United States; despite their population
by the foremost races of men and the annual immigration of the
young, thrifty and adventurous of all nations; despite our freedom
here from the inherited burdens of life and industry in the Old World
monarchies—their costly war navies, their vast tax-consuming, non-
producing standing armies; despite twenty years of peace—that
Republican rule and policy have managed to surrender to Great
Britain, along with our commerce, the control of the markets of the
world. Instead of the Republican party’s British policy, we demand in
behalf of the American Democracy an American policy. Instead of
the Republican party’s discredited scheme and false pretense of
friendship for American labor, expressed by imposing taxes, we
demand in behalf of the Democracy freedom for American labor by
reducing taxes, to the end that these United States may compete with
unhindered powers for the primacy among nations in all the arts of
peace and fruits of liberty.
With profound regret we have been apprised by the venerable
statesman through whose person was struck that blow at the vital
principle of republics—acquiescence in the will of the majority—that
he cannot permit us again to place in his hands the leadership of the
Democratic hosts for the reason that the achievement of reform in
the administration of the Federal Government is an undertaking now
too heavy for his age and failing strength. Rejoicing that his life has
been prolonged until the general judgment of our fellow-countrymen
is united in the wish that, wrong were righted in his person for the
Democracy of the United States, we offer to him in his withdrawal
from public career not only our respectful sympathy and esteem, but
also the best homage of freedom, the pledge of our devotion to the
principles and the cause now inseparable in the history of this
Republic, from the labors and the name of Samuel J. Tilden.
With this statement of the hopes, principles and purposes of the
Democratic party, the great issue of reform and change in
administration is submitted to the people in calm confidence that the
popular voice will pronounce in favor of new men and new and more
favorable conditions for the growth of industry, the extension of
trade, the employment and due reward of labor and capital and the
general welfare of the whole country.

1884.—Republican Platform.

Adopted by the Chicago Convention, June 3d to 6th.

The Republicans of the United States, in National Convention
assembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they
have triumphed in six successive Presidential elections, and
congratulate the American people on the attainment of so many
results in legislation and administration by which the Republican
party has, after saving the Union, done so much to render its
institutions just, equal and beneficent—the safeguard of liberty and
the embodiment of the best thought and highest purposes of our
citizens. The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and
faithful response to the demands of the people for the freedom and
the equality of all men; for a united nation, assuring the rights of all
citizens; for the elevation of labor; for an honest currency; for purity
in legislation, and for integrity and accountability in all departments
of the Government; and it accepts anew the duty of leading in the
work of progress and reform.
We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound
statesmanship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a
strong and successful administration, a promise fully realized during
the short period of his office as President of the United States. His
distinguished success in war and in peace has endeared him to the
hearts of the American people.
In the administration of President Arthur we recognise a wise,
conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country has been
blessed with remarkable prosperity, and we believe his eminent
services are entitled to, and will receive, the hearty approval of every
citizen.
It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights and
promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity of
industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the comfort
and independence of the people. We, therefore, demand that the
imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for
revenue only, but that in raising the requisite revenues for the
Government such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our
diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the
laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital,
may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share in the
national prosperity.
Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party
which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our
earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to
relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise
reduction of the surplus.
The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of
the tariff, and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and
indiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods
as will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great
productive interests of the country.
We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United
States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing and the
danger threatening its future prosperity; and we therefore respect
the demands of the representatives of this important agricultural
interest for a readjustment of duty upon foreign wool, in order that
such industry shall have full and adequate protection.
We have always recommended the best money known to the
civilized world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all
commercial nations in the establishment of an international
standard which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver
coinage.
The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the
States is one of the most important prerogatives of the General
Government, and the Republican party distinctly announces its
purpose to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry
out the constitutional power of Congress over inter-State commerce.
The principle of the public regulation of railway corporations is a
wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of the people,
and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and
excessive charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the
people and to the railways alike the fair and equal protection of the
laws.
We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor, the
enforcement of the eight hour law, and a wise and judicious system
of general education by adequate appropriation from the national
revenues wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere
the protection to a citizen of American birth must be secured to
citizens of American adoption, and we favor the settlement of
national differences by international arbitration.
The Republican party having its birth in a hatred of slave labor,
and in a desire that all men may be free and equal, is unalterably
opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any form of
servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we denounce
the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe or Asia, as
an offense against the spirit of American institutions, and we pledge
ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese immigration,
and to provide such further legislation as is necessary to carry out its
purposes.
The reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under
Republican administration, should be completed by the further
extension of the reformed system, already established by law, to all
the grades of the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and
purpose of the reform should be in all executive appointments, and
all laws at variance with the objects of existing reformed legislation
should be repealed, to the end that the danger to free institutions
which lurks in the power of official patronage may be wisely and
effectively avoided.
The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United States,
and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings by
actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of
these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such
holdings are in the hands of non-resident aliens, and we will
endeavor to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil.
We demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land grants
which have lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of
incorporation, in all cases where there has been no attempt in good
faith to perform the conditions of such grants.
 The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union
soldiers and sailors of the late war, and the Republican party stands
pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and for the
widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The Republican
party also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation contained in
the arrears act of 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall share alike
and their pensions shall begin with the date of disability or
discharge, and not with the date of their application.
The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from
entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which shall give the
right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in
American affairs—the policy which seeks peace, and can trade with
all Powers, but especially with those of the Western Hemisphere.
We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength
and efficiency, that it may, in any sea, protect the rights of American
citizens and the interests of American commerce, and we call upon
Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has
been depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a
commerce which leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy which takes
no law from superior force.
Resolved, That appointments by the President to offices in the
Territories should be made from the bona fide citizens and residents
of the Territories wherein they are to serve.
Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall
promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our
territory, and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power of
the so-called Mormon Church, and that the law so enacted should be
rigidly enforced by the civil authorities if possible, and by the
military if need be.
The people of the United States, in their organized capacity,
constitute a Nation and not a mere confederacy of States. The
National Government is supreme within the sphere of its national
duty, but the States have reserved rights which should be faithfully
maintained; each should be guarded with jealous care, so that the
harmony of our system of government may be preserved and the
Union be kept inviolate. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon
the maintenance of a free ballot, an honest count, and correct
returns.
 We denounce the fraud and violence practised by the Democracy
in Southern States by which the will of the voter is defeated, as
dangerous to the preservation of free institutions, and we solemnly
arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the
fruits of such fraud and violence. We extend to the Republicans of
the South, regardless of their former party affiliations, our cordial
sympathy, and pledge to them our most earnest efforts to promote
the passage of such legislation as will secure to every citizen, of
whatever race and color, the full and complete recognition,
possession and exercise of all civil and political rights.

1888.—Democratic National Platform.

Adopted by the St. Louis Convention, June 5, 1888.

The Democratic party of the United States, in National Convention
assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity to Democratic faith, and
reaffirms the platform adopted by its representatives in the
Convention of 1884, and endorses the views expressed by President
Cleveland in his last annual message to Congress as the correct
interpretation of that platform upon the question of tariff reduction;
and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic representatives in
Congress to secure a reduction of excessive taxation. Chief among its
principles of party faith are the maintenance of an indissoluble union
of free and indestructible States, now about to enter upon its second
century of unexampled progress and renown; devotion to a plan of
government regulated by a written constitution strictly specifying
every granted power and expressly reserving to the States or people
the entire ungranted residue of power; the encouragement of a
jealous popular vigilance, directed to all who have been chosen for
brief terms to enact and execute the laws, and are charged with the
duty of preserving peace, ensuring equality and establishing justice.
The Democratic party welcome an exacting scrutiny of the
administration of the executive power which, four years ago, was
committed to its trusts in the election of Grover Cleveland, President
of the United States, but it challenges the most searching inquiry
concerning its fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited
the suffrages of the people. During a most critical period or our
financial affairs, resulting from over taxation, the anomalous
condition of our currency and a public debt unmatured, it has, by the
adoption of a wise and conservative course, not only averted a
disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of our people.
It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the
Republican party touching the public domain, and has reclaimed
from corporations and syndicates alien and domestic and restored to
the people nearly one hundred million acres of valuable land, to be
sacredly held as homesteads for our citizens.
While carefully guarding the interest to the principles of justice
and equity, it has paid out more for pensions and bounties to the
soldiers and sailors of the Republic than was ever paid out during an
equal period. It has adopted and constantly pursued a firm and
prudent foreign policy, preserving peace with all nations while
scrupulously maintaining all the rights and interests of our own
Government and people at home and abroad. The exclusion from our
shores of Chinese laborers has been effectually secured under the
provision of a treaty, the operation of which has been postponed by
the action of a Republican majority in the Senate.
Honest reform in the Civil Service has been inaugurated and
maintained by President Cleveland, and he has brought the public
service to the highest standard of efficiency, not only by rule and
precept, but by the example of his own untiring and unselfish
administration of public affairs.
In every department and branch of the Government, under
Democratic control, the rights and the welfare of all the people have
been guarded and defended; every public interest has been
protected, and the equality of all our citizens before the law without
regard to race or color has been steadfastly maintained. Upon its
record thus exhibited, and upon the pledge of a continuance to the
people of the benefits of Democracy, invokes a renewal of popular
trust by the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who has been faithful,
able and prudent. To invoke in addition to that trust by the transfer
also to the Democracy of the entire legislative power.
The Republican party controlling the Senate and resisting in both
Houses of Congress a reformation of unjust and unequal tax laws,
which have outlasted the necessities of war and are now
undermining the abundance of a long peace, deny to the people
equality before the law, and the fairness and the justice which are
their right. Then the cry of American labor for a better share in the
rewards of industry is stifled with false pretences, enterprise is
fettered and bound down to home markets, capital is discouraged
with doubt, and unequal, unjust laws can neither be properly
amended nor repealed.
The Democratic party will continue with all the power confided to
it, the struggle to reform these laws in accordance with the pledges of
its last platform, endorsed at the ballot-box by the suffrages of the
people. Of all the industrious freemen of our land, the immense
majority, including every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage from
excessive tax laws, but the price of nearly everything they buy is
increased by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax legislation.
All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation.
It is repugnant to the creed of Democracy that by such taxation the
cost of the necessaries of life should be unjustifiably increased to all
our people. Judged by Democratic principles the interests of the
people are betrayed when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and
combinations are permitted to exist, which, while unduly enriching
the few that combine, rob the body of the citizens by depriving them
of the benefits of natural competition. Every Democratic rule of
governmental action is violated when, through unnecessary taxation,
a vast sum of money, far beyond the needs of an economical
administration, is drawn from the people and the channels of trade
and accumulated as a demoralizing surplus in the National Treasury.
The money now lying idle in the Federal Treasury, resulting from
superfluous taxation, amounts to more than one hundred and
twenty-five millions, and the surplus collected is reaching the sum of
more than sixty millions annually. Debauched by this immense
temptation, the remedy of the Republican party is to meet and
exhaust by extravagant appropriations and expenses, whether
constitutional or not, the accumulation of extravagant taxations. The
Democratic policy is to enforce frugality in public expense and
abolish unnecessary taxation. Our established domestic industries
and enterprises should not and need not be endangered by the
reduction and correction of the burdens of taxation. On the contrary,
a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the
difference between the wages of American and foreign labor, must
promote and encourage every branch of such industries and
enterprises by giving them assurance of an extended market and
steady and continuous operations. In the interests of American labor,
which should in no event be neglected, revision of our tax laws,
contemplated by the Democratic party, should promote the
advantage of such labor by cheapening the cost of necessaries of life
in the home of every working man, and at the same time securing to
him steady and remunerative employment. Upon this question of
tariff reform, so closely concerning every phase of our national life,
and upon every question involved in the problem of good
government, the Democratic party submits its principles and
professions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people.
Resolved, That this Convention hereby endorses and recommends
the early passage of the bill for the reduction of the revenue now
pending in the House of Representatives. (Referring to the Mills bill.)
Resolved, That we express our cordial sympathy with the
struggling people of all nations in their efforts to secure for
themselves the inestimable blessings of self-government and civil
and religious liberty; and we especially declare our sympathy with
the efforts of those noble patriots who, led by Gladstone and Parnell,
have conducted their grand and peaceful contest for Home Rule in
Ireland.

The Republican National Platform,

Adopted at Chicago Convention, June 19, 1888.

The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their delegates
in National Convention, pause on the threshold of their proceedings
to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal
champion of liberty and the rights of the people—Abraham Lincoln—
and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and
gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders who have more
recently been called away from our councils—Grant, Garfield,
Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their memories be faithfully cherished.
We also recall with our greetings, and with prayer for his recovery,
the name of one of our living heroes whose memory will be treasured