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The Bishan Commune
and the Practice of
Socially Engaged Art
in Rural China
Mai Corlin
The Bishan Commune and the Practice of Socially
Engaged Art in Rural China
Mai Corlin
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020
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For Jonas and Lulu
Acknowledgments
During the work with this book, I have accumulated a great deal of debts
of gratitude toward the people of Bishan Village and to colleagues and
friends located in many corners of the world. Little would have come out
of my field research endeavors had it not been for the generosity and kind-
ness of the villagers of Bishan. Teacher Wang took it upon himself to guide
me through the history of Bishan Village and was willing to answer all my
questions over and over again. This also includes Ou Ning and his family,
who opened their home to me and let me come and go as I wish. Zuo Jing
also opened his home to me and willingly answered my questions and
queries and cleared up accumulated misunderstandings. I also want to
extend my thanks to the university village officials of Yi County; had it not
been for meeting these young and industrious people, I would not have
understood the complexities of rural governance in the same manner.
I owe substantial debts of gratitude toward Andreas Steen, Professor of
China Studies at Aarhus University, for his patience with reading my drafts,
his good humor and the many important discussions we have had. The
input from Professor Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen has been invaluable and he
has been a continuous source of inspiration—this book owes a lot to his
guidance within the field of art history and beyond. I also want to extend
my sincere gratitude to Professor Grant Kester and the editorial collective
behind FIELD: A Journal of Socially Engaged Art Criticism, especially
Paloma Checa-Gismero and Noni Brynjolson, for patiently answering my
questions and for generously inviting me in to become part of the journal
and the discussions that were continuously taking place—and for keeping
me good company during my research stay at University of California, San
vii
viii Acknowledgments
ix
Contents
6 Whose Village?169
Appendices207
Index213
xi
List of Figures
xiii
xiv List of Figures
Fig. 5.3 A small cluster of old Hui houses just outside of Bishan
Village147
Fig. 5.4 From left: owner Qian Xiaohua and bookstore workers
Wang Shouchang and Wang Ling at the Bishan Bookstore 151
Fig. 5.5 Performance with the Danish art ensemble Bevægeligt
Akkurat (Moveable Accurate) at the Bishan Bookstore
October 2014 152
Fig. 5.6 Xinghua behind the counter at the Bishan Bookstore 153
Fig. 5.7 Yao Lilan reading a book at the Bishan Bookstore 154
Fig. 5.8 The School of Tillers, courtesy of Ou Ning and the Bishan
Commune158
Fig. 5.9 The volunteers of the School of Tillers. Ou Ning and Pig’s
Inn owner Han Yu in the background, courtesy of Ou
Ning and the Bishan Commune 159
Fig. 5.10 Mapping of the Hong Kong-Bishan Seed Exchange Project
by Elaine W. Ho, Michael Leung and Zhao Kunfang.
Courtesy of the artists 162
Fig. 8.1 The square across from the office of the village committee,
redecorated after the departure of Ou Ning 198
Fig. 8.2 Bishan Crafts Cooperative 199
Fig. 8.3 Kunlun International Youth Hostel located in Bishan Village 203
Prologue: Bishan Village (碧山村)
At first sight, Bishan doesn’t come across as a poor village; the traffic con-
ditions are good with paved roads and easy access to the nearby county
seat. The county seat is only ten minutes away on electric scooter, the
preferred vehicle of most villagers, and it can boast of a new hospital, a
xv
xvi PROLOGUE: BISHAN VILLAGE (碧山村)
Closing Down
In February 2016, as I was preparing to leave for Bishan for a research
trip, I received an e-mail from Ou Ning, telling me that the Bishan Project
had been shut down, that he and his wife and children had had to leave the
village with a few days’ notice, furthermore urging me not to visit Bishan
in the near future until things had settled down a bit. The closure came as
unexpectedly to me as to other observers,7 though Ou Ning mentioned in
the e-mail that the relationship with the local authorities had been particu-
larly strained the last couple of months. The project has in its relationship
to the local authorities gone through phases of a better or worse relation-
ship, but Ou Ning had managed to pull through despite this. While it is
perhaps not surprising that the local authorities were not in favor of hous-
ing an anarchist community of artists, this book shows the willingness on
behalf of Ou Ning and others engaged in the project to compromise their
goals in order for the project to proceed altogether. Whether compromise
is a viable route to take in the larger picture is of course another discus-
sion. Despite the compromises, the authorities were not satisfied.
The closure in itself inevitably casts a different light on the entire proj-
ect as well as the findings of this book. What I thought was the story of
compromise, dialogue and negotiations, instead became yet another addi-
tion to the long story of the oppressive censorship regime of an authoritar-
ian government, whether or not the decision to close the project was
spurred by ideological or economic concerns, or decided by the local or
the central government. The closure added a layer of that indeterminable
fabric called censorship and once again made the all-encompassing power
of the CCP very visible. The Bishan Commune is history (for) now and
remains as yet another contribution to the bulking literature on anarcho-
communist rural utopias that flourished, died out and wandered into the
imaginary of other worlds and ways to be.8
Despite the closure of the Bishan Project, its trajectory can reveal
important insights into the workings of a socially engaged art project try-
ing to manifest itself in rural China. This book spans a variety of methods
and approaches in the venture to answer the questions to which this
4 M. CORLIN
research has given rise. The basic questions have been: what is the Bishan
Commune and how did it (manage to) unfold in the Chinese countryside?
Of course, these questions spur a string of other questions such as: what
constitutes the thinking of Ou Ning and his position in the project? What
are the larger Chinese and international contexts of Ou Ning’s thinking?
What does community mean within the boundaries of the utopian Bishan
Commune, or how does its utopian propositions unfold in the reality of a
Chinese village with the political landscape that entails? And once we enter
the village, how do the villagers and local authorities perceive the project?
How does this triangular (and dialectical) relationship affect the project?
In short, how has the project evolved, changed and accommodated to
claims and wishes from a variety of agents? And then, how can this be
understood in the broader light of socially engaged art practices in rural
China? Are socially engaged art projects, understood in the United States
and Europe as political and critical projects aimed at social change, possi-
ble in in a place like rural China, which is constrained by party control?
And if so, on what terms are they possible? In other words: how do artists
practice in the face of power in rural China? And do they themselves
become powerful? The description of the structure of the book towards
the end of the introduction will add nuance and depth to these questions
as each chapter deals with specific phases and aspects of the Bishan Project.
For now, I will provide a bit more information to guide the reader along
into the world of Bishan.
Extradisciplinary Investigations
I will explain the concept of socially engaged art in detail in Chap. 2, but
for the reader unfamiliar with the terminology of visual art and art history,
socially engaged art refers to an unruly mass of art practices that make
conscious claims to alter certain aspects of society often in relation to a
perceived underprivileged population group, a specific place or environ-
ment or as platforms for proposing new social relations. As Grant Kester
describes the field: “While otherwise quite diverse, it is driven by a com-
mon desire to establish new relationships between artistic practice and
other fields of knowledge production, from urbanism to environmental-
ism, from experimental education to participatory design. In many cases it
has been inspired by, or affiliated with, new movements for social and
economic justice around the globe” (Kester 2013a). Socially engaged art
is thus also characterized by producing, as the art critic and activist Brian
1 INTRODUCTION: RADICAL RURAL INTELLECTUALS 5
art in China (Zhou 2019). Art historian Meiqin Wang refers to the
Modern Woodcut Movement of the 1930s and 1940s and art produced
by cultural worker artists during the Maoist-era as historical precursors to
socially engaged art practices (Wang 2019, 4). Similarly, artist and art his-
torian Zheng Bo makes a convincing point, when he shows how
“Comintern aesthetics” can be traced from the cultural practices of theatre
troupes in China in the 1920s and 1930s and on to today’s socially
engaged art (Zheng 2019). Though he is placing the historical legacy at
the center of his argument, Zheng proposes a more nuanced understand-
ing of the socially engaged art projects and their relations to the past: “I
am less interested in celebrating the continuity of leftist cultures than
revealing contemporary shortcomings—that is, the lessons that Comintern
Aesthetics has to offer contemporary socially engaged art” (ibid.). In
other words, it is not a matter of tying present day practices to a heavy
historical legacy, but rather what this legacy can reveal and how we can put
their lessons to use. However, while I—of course!—agree to the impor-
tance of situating these practices in a Chinese context, discursively and
historically, I think we should remember to understand these rural art
practices also as part of a global art world tendency concerned with the
relationship between art and politics, the social and the aesthetic realms.
We find rural socially engaged art practices all over the world, also in places
without a Maoist legacy of going rural.