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STALIN’S SECRET WEAPON
ANTHONY RIMMINGTON
1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the
University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective
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Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press
in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by
Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Copyright © Anthony Rimmington, 2018
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press,
or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with
the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning
reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the
Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available
ISBN: 9780190928858
Printed in the United Kingdom
CONTENTS
Introduction 1
1. Origins: The Launch of the Moscow Strand of the Red
Army’s Offensive Biological Warfare Programme 13
2. The Creation of a BW Prison Laboratory:
The Bacteriological Convent 39
3 From Defence to Offence: The Development of the Red
Army’s Biological Warfare Facilities at Vlasikha 53
4. The Soviet Union’s Secret of Secrets: The Creation of BW
Facilities on the Island of Gorodomyla 65
5. The Rise and Fall of a Working-Class Hero: Ivan
Mikhailovich Velikanov, Lead Scientist of the Soviet
Union’s Offensive BW Programme 75
6. From Shikhany to Vozrozhdenie Island: The Selection of
Open-Air Proving Grounds for the Soviet Offensive
BW Programme 87
v
CONTENTS
7. The Soviet Union’s Enigma BW Programme: Military
Biological Research in Leningrad 99
8. From Flanders to Glanders: Soviet Military-Veterinary
BW Programmes 129
9. On the Brink of Bacteriological War: Stalin’s BW
Programme and the Second World War 137
10. Stalin’s BW Archipelago: Mapping-Out a New Post-War
BW Network 175
11. From Swords to Ploughshares: The Scientific and Industrial
Achievements of Stalin’s BW Archipelago 187
12. Yesterday Today: Stalin’s Legacy and Russia’s Current
Military Biological Network 203
Notes 207
Index 243
vi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
viii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Fig. 18: Soviet cartoon showing German aerial dispersal of BW
agents.
Source: National Archives, College Park, Maryland, RG319,
Box 1, Russia Folder. This box contains folders from the
Reich Central Security Office and is part of the US Counter
Intelligence Corps (CIC) Collection.
Fig. 19: Memorial to VIEV personnel killed in the Second World
War, 24 August 2011.
Photo by shako (Wikicommons, public domain).
Fig. 20: Memorial to the Great Patriotic War, Biocombine,
Shchelkovo District (Moscow region), 2010.
Photo by Fry-09 (Wikicommons, public domain).
Fig. 21: Vyatka Provincial Hospital, 1872 (Imperial Russian postcard).
Author unknown.
Fig. 22: Pingfan BW Complex, Harbin, Unit 731 Complex (date
unknown, c. 1939–45).
Source: Bulletin of Unit 731 (public domain).
Fig. 23: View of ruins of the main building at Camp No. 48, used
to accommodate Yamada and senior Unit 731 personnel,
Cherntsy (Ivanovo region), 15 May 2016.
Photo by Sdy (Wikicommons, public domain).
Fig. 24: Lavrentiy Beria (foreground) with Stalin and daughter (date
unknown, before 1940).
Author unknown.
ix
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
xi
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Contemporary Security Policy, 20, 1 (April 1999), pp. 86–110; ‘Conversion
of BW Facilities in Kazakhstan’, in Geissler, E., Gazsó, L. and Buder, E.
(eds), Conversion of Former BTW Facilities, NATO Science Series, London:
Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998, pp. 167–86; and ‘From Military to
Industrial Complex? The Conversion of Biological Weapons’ Facilities
in the Russian Federation’, Contemporary Security Policy, 17, 1 (April 1996),
pp. 80–112.
xii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
xiii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Schaeffer Conroy, emeritus professor at the University of Colorado at
Denver, patiently answered my queries relating to late imperial Russia’s
pharmaceutical and vaccine capabilities and their relation to early
Soviet programmes. An extensive dialogue was conducted with Kristina
Westerdahl at the Swedish Defence Research Agency who, together with
her colleagues, has a deep knowledge and understanding of the historical
Soviet BW programme.
xiv
INTRODUCTION
This study seeks to fill a significant gap in the scientific and military
history of the Soviet Union and to provide a deeper understanding
of the global development of biological weapons. There has been
an enormous amount of material published on the Soviet offensive
biological weapons (BW) programme of the 1970s–90s, culminating
in the magisterial study completed by Milton Leitenberg and Raymond
Zilinskas in 2012.1 However, there has been scant attention paid to the
origins of the USSR’s BW activity during the 1920s–50s, which laid the
foundations on which the later programme was based. The accounts that
exist rely very heavily on German intelligence reports originating in the
Second World War, which are intermittently reliable, and there has been
little or no attempt to examine materials in the various Moscow archives
or a range of newly available Russian-language secondary sources. In
addition, there has been no comprehensive analysis published of a series
of fourteen British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) reports focusing on
the early Soviet BW programme, which were issued between 1 October
1924 and 14 January 1927. Access to this array of newly available sources
and materials allows a comprehensive re-evaluation to be made of
Stalin’s early BW effort and strongly suggests that the programme, with
its network of dedicated facilities and proving grounds, may have been
much more extensive than previously believed, easily outstripping that
of the major Western powers.
1
STALIN’S SECRET WEAPON
The study of Stalin’s military biological programme, initially developed
as a response to, and extension of, biological sabotage programmes
pursued by Germany in the First World War, can shed much light on
how states in the modern era might initiate and progress clandestine BW
programmes. It is notable that the early Soviet programme relied heavily
upon the substantive scientific foundations put in place by imperial Russia,
which, in the last three decades of its existence, had created an extensive
and advanced network of civil bacteriological R&D and production
facilities. During the 1920s and 1930s, Stalin made full use of the Soviet
system of totalitarian government to brutally exploit this scientific
base and redirect its endeavours to military objectives. Moreover, the
work on this first generation of offensive biological weapons was often
undertaken without full regard for safety—as witnessed by the human
casualties associated with the early years of the programme.
A key feature of Stalin’s aggressive pursuit of an ambitious offensive
BW programme was the apparent ease with which the Soviet Union
was able to circumvent its international treaty obligations. It was legally
bound by the 1925 Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of
Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods
of Warfare—the Geneva Protocol. Even though the Soviet Union had
acceded to the Geneva Protocol in 1928, Stalin continued to expand his
military biological network and to embark upon a programme of large-
scale open-air testing on Vozrozhdenie Island in the Aral Sea. Some of
this military work was concealed within ostensibly civil organisations
such as the RSFSR People’s Commissariat of Public Health (RSFSR
Narkomzdrav). The later Soviet leadership was to closely follow Stalin’s
example in their signing of the 1972 Biological and Toxin Weapons
Convention alongside the initiation and pursuit of a vast offensive BW
programme throughout the 1970s and 1980s. They were also to follow
Stalin’s example of partial concealment with key military work in genetic
engineering being conducted within the Biopreparat complex, part of
the Soviet civil microbiological industry. In addition, in both the early
and later programmes, the state security services played a pivotal role in
the concealment and management of BW research and production. It
is readily apparent in the light of the past Soviet experience that a key
weakness of the existing 1972 Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention
is the lack of provision of any means to ensure the compliance of the
nations that have signed and ratified it.
2
INTRODUCTION
The present book sheds new light on the role of Stalin with regard
to the management of the early Soviet offensive BW programme.
His hand is everywhere to be seen, from the promotion of favoured
scientific personnel to the political repression and, in some cases at least,
execution of leading scientists. He can be largely credited with having
greatly strengthened the USSR’s preparedness for biological warfare.
He is reported to have displayed intense interest in this class of weapons,
and during an April 1934 meeting of the Politburo focused on offensive
BW experiments, Stalin launched a barrage of questions. At the same
meeting, he personally took the decision to combine ‘All institutes
working on the problems of bacteriological war … into a single powerful
institute.’ It was as a result of this decision that the Red Army’s Military
Scientific-Medical Institute absorbed microbiological scientists from
other units and became the Soviet Union’s primary facility for biological
weapons research for decades to come.
The Soviet Union’s biological warfare capabilities were then to
be severely undermined by Stalin’s launch of the mass repression
dubbed the Great Terror. These centralised, planned operations of
state terror reached their culmination in the winter of 1937 through
to the autumn of 1938, when it is estimated that approximately three-
quarters of a million Soviet citizens were subject to summary execution
and more than a million others were imprisoned within the labour
camps of the Gulag.2 Staff at bacteriological laboratories and scientific
institutes concerned with microbiology were specifically targeted by
state directives, and this resulted in the effective decapitation of the
leadership of the Red Army’s BW programme. Among those arrested
were Mikhail Nikolaevich Tukhachevsky, the chief moderniser of the Red
Army and a major advocate for the USSR’s development of chemical
and biological weapons, and Yakov Moiseevich Fishman, responsible
for the organisation of the country’s offensive BW effort. Crucially, the
repression led also to the arrest and execution of Ivan Mikhailovich
Velikanov, a brilliant scientist leading Soviet work on biological weapons.
The reasons for the military purges are not fully understood, although it
has been speculated that Stalin and his intelligence advisers were seduced
by a Nazi campaign of disinformation. Certainly, in the case of the Soviet
military biological programme, the elimination at this critical juncture
of the country’s principal authorities in this area of warfare meant that
the USSR was much less likely to be ready to defend itself against, or
3
STALIN’S SECRET WEAPON
indeed deploy, biological warfare when conflict broke out with Germany.
The Stalinist purges may indeed have been a critical factor in forestalling
the integration of biological warfare into its military doctrine before the
German invasion of the USSR.
The Soviet possession of a powerful military-biological complex
appears to have played a major role in deterring the German use of
chemical or biological weapons during the Second World War. Stalin
himself recognised the importance of his BW arm. In April 1941, on the
eve of war on the Eastern front, he had himself briefed on the country’s
preparations for biological warfare by one the most senior and loyal
Red Army BW officers, Colonel Mikhail Mikhailovich Faibich. Stalin
also personally intervened with regard to the evacuation eastwards of
the Red Army’s main BW facility. It was eventually relocated to an
infectious diseases hospital in Kirov where, in February 1909, while a
prisoner of the imperial authorities, Stalin himself had been admitted
after falling ill with relapsing fever. By the summer of 1942, both the
fate of the Soviet Union and that of the Third Reich hung precariously
in the balance during the build-up to, and outcome of, the battle of
Stalingrad. It was at this critical juncture that, if either side was going
to break the 1925 Geneva Protocol that prohibited the use of gas and
bacteriological warfare, to which they had both agreed to abide, then
this was the most likely moment. German intelligence was fully aware
that, despite the weakening of the biological warfare arm with the
execution of Velikanov and other senior officers, Stalin continued to
retain powerful capabilities in this area. Meanwhile, there was a strong
misperception at this time, both in the Soviet Union and among
its Western allies, that Germany had embarked upon an advanced
biological warfare programme. The available evidence suggests that
both sides in the conflict at this time believed their opponents were
preparing for the use of biological warfare, and this may have acted as
a decisive deterrent.
In the post-war period, it was Stalin, with his acute awareness of
the increased international political leverage that accrued from the
possession of weapons of mass destruction, who expanded the Red
Army’s BW network with the construction of two new facilities focused
on viruses and toxins. As is the case with the US programme, know-
how and expertise gleaned from captured BW experts from Japan may
have been utilised in the new military biological institutes. In 1952,
4
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things the first is more important, in others the second. For example,
under normal conditions the height of a man or woman is determined
almost altogether by inheritance, for no one by taking thought can
add a cubit to his stature. Intelligence, likewise, is to a large degree
an inherited quality. But morals, manners, education, and personal
habits are determined much more largely by environment than by
inheritance.
The respective influences of inheritance and Which is the more
environment cannot, however, be in all cases potent influence?
clearly separated. Both often work to produce the same result, as
when a person who inherits a strong body and a sound mind is
fortunate enough to be placed in an environment where both body
and mind are developed by out-of-door life and a good education.
Sometimes they work in opposite directions, as when a child starts
life with a strong physique and good natural intelligence, but grows
up in a crowded tenement amid sordid conditions which weaken the
one and fail to afford scope for the other. We cannot say, therefore,
that one factor is always stronger or weaker than the other. The
social progress of the race is promoted by improving both influences.
Environment especially can be improved by human effort. Man’s
control of his inheritance is not nearly so complete, but everything
that conduces to the betterment of health or education and promotes
a higher morality is a step towards improving its influence.
Physical and Social Inheritance.—The The two forms of
influence of inheritance is exerted from two inheritance.
quarters which may be distinguished by calling them physical and
social. By the former we mean the influence (a) Physical.
exerted upon human beings by the bodily and
mental traits which are handed down to them by their own parents.
Not all the characteristics of parents are transmitted to their children
but mainly those which the parents themselves have inherited. Traits
or qualities which have been acquired by the parents during their
own lives do not ordinarily descend to their children.[5] Parents who
are born feeble-minded will in all probability have feeble-minded
children; but parents who acquire through education a high degree of
learning and culture cannot transmit any of this to their children by
inheritance. There is no royal road to learning. Some of us are born
with better or worse possibilities than others, but we are all born
illiterate.
The other form of inherited influence is called (b) Social.
our social heritage because it represents the
whole accumulation of knowledge, habits, and expedients which
have come down to us by the social process of teaching and
learning. Each generation of mankind is enormously dependent upon
its social inheritance; without it everything that we now call
civilization would collapse in a very short time. Each generation
takes over all the knowledge possessed by the one which went
before; each generation adds something to this stock of knowledge,
habits, and expedients for the benefit of the generation which comes
after it. Each generation, if it is to live happily, must adapt this social
inheritance to its own particular needs.
Physical and Social Environment.—The The two kinds of
other great influence is that of environment. By environment:
physical environment we mean the conditions of nature and society
in which man lives, moves, and has his being. Physical environment
includes the geographic, climatic, and other natural conditions which
surround the people. These conditions have an (a) Physical.
important influence upon the trend of human
development and they are not, for the most part, under man’s
control. Man must adapt himself and his ways of life to them. In cold
climates he must wear warm clothing, provide artificial heat in
houses, and consume warmth-giving food. Groups of men must
everywhere mould their occupations to the character of the soil, the
natural resources, and the other conditions of the physical
environment in which they live. It is because of differences in
physical environment that the Southern states developed cotton-
culture on a large scale and employed slave labor, while the
Northern states gave their attention to farming and industry with free
labor.
Physical environment, moreover, determines in some measure the
relations of the various races with their neighbors. Men will be
influenced by neighboring groups of men in so far as physical
features make intercourse easy or difficult. A race of men who live
on a distant island, or in any other shut-off region, will not be so
easily influenced by neighboring races as if they dwelt in the midst of
a fertile plain. To some extent, as has been said, man is able to
overcome the difficulties which physical environment sets in the face
of progress. If there is inadequate rainfall, he may devise a system of
irrigation and carry on certain forms of agriculture as successfully as
though rainfall were abundant. By means of railroads, steamships,
and electric or radio communication he can be in constant contact
with other men who are separated from him by physical obstructions.
But however much the conditions of nature may be controlled, they
still exert a great influence upon human progress.
The social environment is quite a different (b) Social.
thing. By it we mean the conditions altogether
apart from geographic or natural features, which influence the daily
life of mankind. We include within social environment such things as
family life, the schools, the churches, the organization and methods
of industry, the form of government—everything that society
develops in the way of institutions. Many of these, as has been
pointed out, are natural growths, but the mind of man has also had a
large part in shaping their course.
Most of the things we do, whether as a body How customs and
of people or as individuals, are merely the result laws create a social
of custom or general habit. Why do men have environment.
their hair cut short while women let their hair grow long? Why do
people wear black when they are in mourning? In some countries
they wear white. The answer is merely that every nation, through
long-continued habit, develops its own ways of doing things and
keeps on doing things in that way regardless of any present reason.
Orientals, when they eat their meals, squat on the floor; Europeans
and Americans seat themselves at the table. Aryans shake hands
when they meet; the Esquimos hold their hands high above their
heads as a token of greeting. The gentleman of today, when he
greets a lady on the street, raises his hat. This is not a particularly
graceful custom, nor is it in rainy weather an altogether hygienic one;
but it has been in vogue among the people of western Europe for
many centuries. It goes back to the days of chivalry when the
armored knight raised his visor to show his countenance and
disclose his identity.
Primitive races are governed largely by customs, and not until a
race has shown itself amenable to the influence of custom is it
prepared to be governed by laws. Laws differ from customs in that
they have a definite sanction, in other words are enforced by some
official authority. The institutions and practices which make up the
social environment may be the outcome of long-standing custom,
like the system of trial by jury, for example; or they may be brought
into existence by law, as, for instance, the admission of women to
suffrage or the establishment of national prohibition. The avowed
purpose of all human institutions is to promote the greatest good of
the greatest number, in other words to provide the best social
environment.
Some Important Social Forces.—The basis of custom is habit.
Customs, in other words, are habits which extend to the whole
community and receive its approval. We do not Two important
always realize how great a part habit plays in social forces: habit
our daily lives.[6] Without it the day’s work could and imitation.
not be done. By habit we walk, eat, dress ourselves, and perform
many other common acts. Just think how long it would take a novice
to put the various parts of a watch together; but the watchmaker,
being habituated to the task, can do it in an hour. The foundation of
habit is imitation. One man does a thing successfully; others follow
his lead; a habit develops and a general practice or custom may be
the ultimate outcome. The influence of custom is usually
conservative, for when a custom is once firmly established it does
not easily give way. Take the custom of smoking tobacco, for
example. Europeans found it in vogue among the Indians when they
first came to America; they adopted it and have kept it up for more
than four hundred years. Sometimes, however, the habit or custom is
only of short duration, in which case we commonly call it a fashion.
Fashions come and go. A century ago men used snuff and women
powdered their hair; but these things have wholly passed out of
fashion today.
The Course of Social Progress.—Having considered the various
social factors and forces (development, inheritance, environment,
custom, and so on) we are now in a position to ask and to answer
the following question: In accordance with what principle has human
society developed?
There was a time when even educated people imagined that such
organizations as the state were planned in advance, that individuals
merely came together in prehistoric days and agreed after calm
deliberation to establish a civil government. That, of course, was an
absurd idea. Today we realize that one step in social organization led
gradually to another, that institutions were not created but evolved,
that various social factors and forces exerted an influence upon their
development, and that the strongest institutions survived while the
weaker disappeared.
In the course of human history associations of Institutions that
every type have come into existence; many still have succumbed in
continue to flourish while others merely abode the struggle for
their little hour and went their way. The existence.
organizations which we have today, including the family, the school,
the church, the community, the state, are among those that have
survived. Those that succumbed during the long journey down the
ages would make a formidable list. Who ever hears nowadays of the
totem-kin, the clan, or the gens? Where do we now find tribunes,
praetors, augurs, and triumvirates? Absolute monarchy, as a form of
government, once held sway over most of the world. But democratic
government entered into competition with it, and as there was not
room enough for both, one crowded the other off the stage. The
great mediaeval institution of feudalism dominated the rural life of
Europe for more than five hundred years, but the last relics of feudal
tenure have practically all been swept away. The trade guilds of the
olden days, the orders of nobility, the crowns and coronets, the
soothsayers and the alchemists—all of them have disappeared or
are rapidly disappearing. The beaches of history are strewn with the
wrecks of social and political institutions. Some others, like the
hereditary peerages of a few European countries, are barely able to
keep afloat. The institutions which survive and flourish are the ones
that have been found best fitted to survive.
The Fundamental Social Group.—In human Importance of the
society the foundation-group is the family. family.
Human beings are social by nature; the motive which draws people
together is so universal that we call it a natural instinct. Individuals
do not live in isolation. Nobody leads the hermit type of life if he can
avoid it. Robinson Crusoe was not on his little island because he
wanted to be there. Even among the least civilized races of men,
among savage tribes, there is a grouping of men, women, and
children on the basis of blood relationship. The family, as a unit, is
older than either the state or the community. It is the foundation upon
which other groups and organizations have been built, hence it is
rightly called the “social microcosm” or basis of society.
The primary function of the family is to keep The function of the
the human race in existence. Its first duty is the family.
rearing of children so that a new generation may take the place of
the old. Other duties that belong to the family may be handed over to
the school (the duty of secular education) or to the church (the duty
of religious instruction); but the primary function of the family, that of
perpetuating the race, is one which cannot be transferred.
The whole stream of human life flows through the family
organization. The same virtues which make for harmony in the
household,—obedience, co-operation, loyalty, and service,—are the
ones which mark good citizenship; therefore the home is the primary
school of all the civic virtues. For this reason the collapse of the
home and of home life would be nothing short of a human
catastrophe.
THE FAMILY. By Charles Sprague Pearce
From a Copley Print, copyright by Curtis & Cameron, Boston.
Reproduced by permission.
THE FAMILY
The purpose of this chapter is to explain how the population of the United
States has grown, how it is distributed, the varied races of which it is
composed, and the racial problems which immigration has created.
MEDIAN POINT
1880 TO 1920