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The Wealth of the Elite
Toward a New Gilded Age
Stamatios Tsigos
Kevin Daly
The Wealth of the Elite
Stamatios Tsigos • Kevin Daly
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Singapore Pte
Ltd. 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the
whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does
not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective
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The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are
believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors
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Contents
1 Introduction 1
Introduction 1
Objectives of the Book 4
Limitations of the Study 7
Organisation of the Book and Main Findings 8
Contributions 10
References 11
v
vi Contents
6 Conclusion191
Summary of Findings 192
Policy Implications 195
Avenues for Future Research 197
References 199
References201
Index219
Abbreviations
ix
x Abbreviations
xi
xii List of Figures
xiii
1
Introduction
Introduction
A key characteristic surrounding the wealth inequality debate is the extent to
which personal initiative and productivity contribute to the amassment of
vast fortunes. The associated debates have raged since the Gilded Age, which
was characterised by the rise of vast wealth holdings amongst the few in the
United States (US). Andrew Carnegie, for example, is often quoted as saying,
‘People who are unable to motivate themselves must be content with medioc-
rity, no matter how impressive their other talents’. In stark contrast to the
previous economic system of feudalism, in which feudal lords extracted rents
from serfs through rights and privileges bestowed by kings, under the capital-
ist system any individual could pursue great fortune solely through success in
commerce. This element of human agency, which anyone can attain great
wealth through the successful application of their natural talents, has remained
a central tenet in arguments against wealth redistribution. As Krugman (2014)
states, ‘implied in all this is that wealth is the reward for virtue, which makes
it hard to argue for redistribution’. This centrality of the individual in the
wealth story has persisted in mainstream economics. Contemporary econo-
mists such as Kaplan and Rauh (2013), for example, have sought to justify the
existence of an ultra-rich class, as represented by the Forbes 400, along the
lines of skill and entrepreneurial talent. This ‘skill’ is at the core of the extreme
wealth levels of a few thousand individuals according to such narratives.
According to this viewpoint, Krugman (2014) argues, through hard work,
along with a sprinkle of genius and luck, a vast accumulation of fortunes can
arise. From a policy perspective, arguments that centralise and elevate
individuals’ skills and talent above other factors in the wealth debate present
a formidable challenge to any notion of wealth redistribution. Among busi-
ness publications and the mass media, for example, one often encounters bio-
graphical portrayals of the wealthy containing ‘rags-to-riches’ stories. These
stories simultaneously represent records of their success and the possibility
that any individual, through sufficient application of productive hard work,
can also attain the dizzying heights of extreme wealth (e.g. Baer, 2014; Giang
& Goudreau, 2014; Stonington, 2010).
The wealthy and the concomitant wealth distribution skewed in their
favour is gaining much focus among the contemporary media, policy makers
and non-governmental organisations. In the wake of the financial system cri-
sis in the US and the sovereign debt crisis that has engulfed Europe since
2008, there has been much renewed debate over the extent to which prevail-
ing economic structures and institutions brought on the crises and, as a corol-
lary, exacerbated the levels of wealth inequality observed across the world.
Indeed, the importance of the issue of the levels of wealth and income
accumulation can be seen from the drastic policies recommended or consid-
ered when viewed through the prism of inequality. A report by the organisa-
tion Oxfam (2014) details the extent to which inequality has for the past
decade increased substantially, as the wealth held by the top 1% now amounts
to a staggering sum of USD110 trillion. In the US, home to the world’s most
Forbes billionaires, the top 1% captured 95% of the growth in wealth com-
pared to the bottom 90%, who became poorer (Oxfam, 2014). To reverse the
growing inequality, Oxfam (2014) recommended a number of policy initia-
tives. These policy recommendations ranged from reducing the incidence of
tax evasion, enforce disclosure and transparency in all wealth holdings, the
establishment of a living wage and, perhaps most controversially (depending
on which side of the political spectrum one falls), the creation of progressive
income and wealth tax regimes.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) also explored the issue of income
inequality, including its key drivers and its impact on economic growth
(Dabla-Norris, Kochhar, Suphaphiphat, Ricka, & Tsounta, 2015). Dabla-
Norris et al. (2015) find that significant income inequality decreases economic
growth and that there is no ‘trickle down’ effect that represented the corner-
stone of growth and development theories since the 1950s. They recommend
investing more into education and training to develop the human capital for
the poorest classes as well as implementing progressive tax regimes. The issue
has already the entered political debate at the national government level. In
2012, for example, President Barack Obama raised the capital gains and divi-
dend tax for couples with incomes above USD250,000 (Sanders, 2015). Of
1 Introduction 3
course, some countries have maintained a wealth tax for some time. France
instituted the Solidarity Tax on Wealth in 1981, while a number of other
western European nations have maintained wealth taxes throughout their
respective histories, including Norway and Switzerland. Still, other countries
have abandoned such an approach. Germany, for example, repealed a prop-
erty tax law after it was found to be unconstitutional by the Federal
Constitutional Court in Germany (“Umfairteilung” , 2012).
Recently, the Group of Twenty (G20) bloc has sought to reduce tax evasion
via offshore financial centres by creating and enforcing a series of bilateral tax
agreements and treaties (Lewis, 2014). More recently still, the Australian
Taxation Office (ATO) has considered applying a 40% tax penalty, otherwise
known as the ‘Google tax’, against multinationals with global incomes of
$1bn AUD in a bid to address tax avoidance (Knaus, 2019).
The purpose of this book is to analyse the processes through which the
modern forms of large fortunes are amassed. Despite the recent spate of gov-
ernmental and non-governmental interest in inequality (be it wealth or
income), the most privileged and fortunate have not generated much interest
in mainstream economics. However, the publication of Piketty’s (2014a)
book, Capital in the 21st Century, has once again catapulted wealth into the
focus of scholarly debate. As the issue of wealth is multifaceted, this book is
not merely an exercise in business history but deals with the issue from mul-
tiple perspectives, accordingly, employing alternative research methods.
Broadly, the trends and dynamics in high-tier wealth accumulation are cou-
pled to the economic, political and social mechanisms that have been in play
for at least half a century or more in some parts of the world. This approach
leads to potential policy implications since much of the debate on wealth
distribution centres on the extent to which wealth has been ‘justly’ attained.
Both world governments and non-government organisations are directing
attention to the related issues of tax policy, wealth concentration and inequal-
ity. Piketty (2014a) forced a reconsideration on how economics and the social
sciences at large tackle the issues driving wealth accumulation and concentra-
tion. By emphasising the importance of ‘capital’ in capitalism and the transi-
tion from an affluent society to a society based, potentially, on inheritance and
patrimony, Piketty has revealed tremendous gaps and logic in how the latter
is analysed.
Amongst mainstream economics, when the issues of high wealth concen-
tration have been recognised and explored, the boundary of analysis has been
restrictive. This body of research has typically focused on the returns to skills
and education as an overriding aspect of the new economic elite. One of the
most recent works in this strain, Kaplan and Rauh (2013), seeks to attribute
4 S. Tsigos and K. Daly
1. Which regions of the world have given rise to the greatest private fortunes?
The first research question is explored in Chap. 3, where the general pat-
terns of the rich are established at the regional level.
This sets the global context by demonstrating how wealth accumulation
is rapidly increasing at the highest wealth tier and establishing that this
process is not just restricted to the developed world. Further, this research
examines not only where today’s wealth is generated, but also conducting
an analysis that explores the generation of wealth across all sectors, such as
information technology (IT) and pharmaceuticals, to more traditional
commercial activities such as finance and retailing.
2. To what extent do various structural changes in economy and society
impact upon wealth distribution and concentration across advanced
economies?
This question is examined in Chap. 3. The chapter seeks to establish a
causal link, analytically, to historical trends in various factors associated
with wealth dynamics. Significant emphasis is also placed on the changes
in the structure of top income shares and the impact of tax policy on the
dynamics of high wealth concentration, and the role of financialisation
and consumerism in influencing the savings rates and the potential for
household investment. Chapter 4 adopts an analytical approach in explor-
ing how the above factors have played a role in increasing wealth concen-
tration amongst the advanced economies.
3. Is inheritance concentrated in a few countries or regions, or does it mani-
fest itself evenly across the globe, particularly in advanced, developed, capi-
talist societies?
4. What is the relationship between government policy and the creation and
endurance of economic elites through succeeding generations of family
dynasties?
6 S. Tsigos and K. Daly
5. For the great self-made fortunes, are there differences in the role of entre-
preneurialism versus appropriation in the initial creation of wealth depend-
ing on a country’s pattern of development?
6. Do entrepreneurs, depending on their budgetary constraints, specialise in
‘low’ budget risks or ‘high’ budget risks?
1
Unbalanced panel refers to data in which observations for a group are missing across time.
1 Introduction 7
necessary condition for wealth in the Gilded Age in the US. In contemporary
times, Torgler and Piatti (2013) and Petras (2008) posit that corruption plays
a major role in some countries, while Sanandaji and Leeson (2013) find that
secure property rights are the most important element. Alternatively, do these
forces differ depending on the associated historical developments of these
countries, as Richard Jones (1831) once argued?
Generally, these issues are explored in an analytical and qualitative frame-
work. The use of econometric analysis was rejected because the complexity of
the micro data used in the study and its relationship to macro-wide or politi-
cal factors does not readily lend itself to such an approach. Piketty (2014a),
for example, argues that the use of a regression framework to explore the
relationship between income and wealth inequality and r>g (where, r = rate of
return on capital and g = rate of national income growth) encounters a major
impediment. The obstacle is that the growth of wealth stocks can be a very
long process, often spanning generations, making it difficult to select an
appropriate lag length. Indeed, the present study found numerous instances,
for example, where an individual acquired wealth from their father’s construc-
tion business that was built up before the Second World War. Subsequently,
their progeny was catapulted into extreme wealth levels some two decades
later. How does one choose an appropriate lag length in such an instance? In
more extreme scenarios, some European dynasties span generations greater
than three or four centuries, or greater than the existence of some nations.
This book follows Piketty’s (2014a) preferred approach, which relies ‘on a
mixture of careful case studies and structural theoretical models’ (p. 77) and
has been used previously in a number of economic history studies such as
Rubinstein (1980) and Rockoff (2012).
data and to ensure consistency across time, such instances were checked and
validated from other primary sources including newspaper articles or bio-
graphical sources to ensure the coherence and consistency from period to
period. Still, data accuracy represents a major caveat to the analysis of the data.
Secondly, the issue of gender is not explored. Some literature has identified
this as an area demanding greater scholarship. For example, it would be
instructive to observe the apportionment of wealth between siblings of differ-
ent genders. Are these related to cultural norms or do the ultra-rich take a
different approach? Such an issue could be explored in the primogeniture
theoretical frameworks of Stiglitz (1969). Data on gender and inheritance is
available in our database but the aforementioned research avenue is not
explored here. In addition, the relationship between sector and gender is
worthwhile exploring.
Thirdly, a major limitation of the study is not being able to expand the
scope of certain sections to include more countries in the study. A primary
obstacle is a lack of data availability in a longitudinal format. This is particu-
larly in relation to distributional data on wealth, income and taxation. This
limitation is particularly acute for this study focusing on the economic elite as
many of these individuals come from Asia or Latin America for which rele-
vant data is scarce. Even in the instances of advanced industrialised econo-
mies, significant data impediments were encountered despite great strides
over the recent past toward this end. For example, wealth distribution data
over a long time period, and without missing observations, for Canada,
Germany or Japan is not available. Further, data on some variables may sim-
ply be missing or not directly comparable across countries due to definitional
changes. In addition, much of the data that is available comes from household
surveys undertaken on usually intermittent basis. These may only be pro-
duced once every ten years. These impediments ultimately limit the scope of
what can be studied.