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■ Solution-Focused Brief Therapy with
Clients Managing Trauma
Solution-Focused Brief
Therapy with Clients
Managing Trauma
EDITED BY
Adam S. Froerer
Jacqui von Cziffra-Bergs
Johnny S. Kim
Elliott E. Connie
3
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
■ Adam S. Froerer: To my wonderful wife, Becca, who fills
my life with hope. To my kids, Rachel, Toby, and Julia, who
have taught me the value of letting hope grow!
Acknowledgments ix
Contributors xi
1 Introduction 1
Elliott E. Connie
6 Interpersonal Violence 84
Dawn Crosswhite, Johnny S. Kim, and
Stacey ANNE Williams
vii
viii ■ Contents
This book is only possible because of the clients who trusted us with their care
and healing. We want to express appreciation for the courage, strength, and hope
they shared with us. We would also like to thank our publisher, Dana Bliss, for
his support and encouragement throughout this process. Many thanks are due
to the contributing authors who contributed significant chapters to this book
and were willing to share their work with us and the world. We would like to
express appreciation to the reviewers and those around us who provided valu-
able feedback. Finally, we would like to thank those meaningful people in our
personal lives who surround us and fan our hope, not just through this project
but also in all aspects of our lives.
ix
■ CONTRIBUTORS
xi
1 Introduction
■ ELLIOTT E. CONNIE
Hope. Having been given the privilege of writing the opening chapter for this
book, I wondered about how to begin. Then it hit me: this is actually a book
about optimism. Or perhaps even more accurately, this is a book about courage.
So I cannot think of a better word to open this book than the word hope. I don’t
mean this as a euphemism. In fact, I mean that quite literally; this really is a book
about hope, especially since hope is the key ingredient to helping people over-
come challenging events in their lives. So although this book will feature content
and treatment suggestions for managing trauma, it is just a stage on which to
demonstrate the power of hope.
In this book we (the editors and authors) will be discussing people that have
been faced with overwhelming traumas in their lives; we will be explaining how
to use this approach in various settings with survivors of traumatic experiences.
However, before we get into that I want to make sure you understand a few
things about this approach because it will help you make sense of the content
that comes later in this book.
As I mentioned above, hope is powerful, and hope is a crucial component of
solution-focused brief therapy (SFBT). In fact, I would even take this statement
a step further; I argue that any effective psychotherapy must contain an element
of hope. This means that if the professional does not believe in the client’s ability
to change, then client-change is less likely to occur. This is a radical statement
that places some onus for change on the therapist and what the therapist does
during psychotherapy sessions. In SFBT, hope is overt and is a clear part of the
conversation, which means that hope should also be a clear and overt compo-
nent of this book.
It is not lost on the editors of this book that this may be a different way for
readers to view the topic of trauma. Many books written for helping professionals
are focused on educating the reader on the problem itself. It is not uncommon
for several chapters of professional books to focus on diagnostic symptoms, pos-
sible implications of a given diagnosis, and/or potential historical factors that
might contribute to the client/patient becoming more vulnerable to trouble-
some situations. In this context, a book like this one about trauma is focused on
increasing the reader’s knowledge about trauma. You would typically read some-
thing about the potential causes of trauma, the many diagnostic features that
1
2 ■ SFBT with Clients Managing Trauma
healthy? If I talk about all of the unhealthy food I ate over the years and all the
healthy foods I should have eaten but didn’t, and if I talk about the exercise that
I should have done but didn’t, does any of that help me lose a single pound? No,
focusing on the problem doesn’t help me move toward a helpful solution.
On the other hand, if I begin following an exercise program, if I eat healthy
foods in appropriate quantities, and if I gather supporters around me, I am likely
to begin losing weight. I can reach my goals without focusing on what caused me
to gain weight.
When the question is posed about weight loss, how we traditionally think
about this concept begins to make sense. However, it is also worth asking a sim-
ilar question in the context of psychotherapy: Do we need to focus on what
caused the problem in order move in a helpful direction? If someone has had a
difficult (or even a traumatic) experience in their life and they have a goal they
would like to achieve that is being impacted by their life experience, would it be
more helpful to focus on all of the details surrounding that troubling life event—
or would it be more helpful to focus on the path to accomplishing their goal in
spite of the troubling event from the past? We proposed that focusing on the
path to achieving change is more helpful. It was in this way that the solution-
focused approach made some sense to me during that first lecture, even though
I was having a hard time fully accepting what I was hearing.
Ironically it was a book about another approach that drove home the point
about the power of hope and impacted my belief in the solution-focused ap-
proach. In his book Man’s Search for Meaning, Viktor Frankl (1959) explains the
role of hope in his ability to deal with the atrocities of one of the most dreadful
events in human history: the Holocaust, which took place during World War
II in an attempt to exterminate European Jews. Frankl (1959) shared several
stories in which even the smallest hints of hope carried him through some
of the traumas he experienced while imprisoned in a concentration camp.
Perhaps the story that illustrated the power of hope most tangibly comes from
what Frankl shared about what would occur as the prisoners were served their
meals. In one of his examples, when it was time to eat, the prisoners would line
up and have soup ladled into their bowls. Given the nature of these camps, the
soup they were served didn’t have much in the way of substantial ingredients
such as meat and potatoes. In fact, much of what the prisoners were served
was merely the broth of the soup. However, occasionally the person serving
the meal would accidently drop the ladle into the soup, causing it to sink to
the bottom where the few pieces of meat and potatoes rested. In these cases,
the person to receive the next serving of soup was quite lucky, as their bowl
would surely contain a bit more sustenance than usual. What were the chances
that he would be the prisoner to receive this little bonus? But this was the
type of thing that Frankl would hope for as he coped with the horrors of his
environment.
4 ■ SFBT with Clients Managing Trauma
■ T H E H I S T O R Y O F T H E S O L U T I O N - F O C U S E D
APPROACH
Since the following chapter of this book contains a detailed description of SFBT,
I would just like to point out a couple of aspects about the origins of this ap-
proach and allow the subsequent chapters to further elaborate on this topic.
The reason for needing to understand the beginnings of this approach are quite
simple and pragmatic: it provides the context for why we are doing the things we
are doing now in our work from this approach.
The first thing you must understand is that from its inception SFBT has been
an evolving approach, and this remains true into the 21st century. So, as you read
this text about how we use this approach to work with people who have expe-
rienced a trauma, understand that this information is not static. This may seem
like a bit of a paradox, as this is both a book about how to use SFBT with clients
managing trauma and a book that expresses the idea that SFBT is used the same
way with all clients regardless of the issue that brought them into therapy, in-
cluding trauma. But this approach in its current guise may change as we continue
Introduction ■ 5
to learn more and more about what helps people. This approach was founded
on the process of observing what works and putting that approach into practice.
By stating what we do to help clients managing trauma now, we don’t want to
lose the value of believing that we might still come up with increasingly effective
ways. We’ll keep watching for these improvements, and we hope you will too.
This belief in continued evolution has been the case within SFBT from the
beginnings of Steve de Shazer’s work at the Mental Research Institute (MRI)
under the tutelage of John Weakland. As the solution-focused approach evolved
and de Shazer moved to Milwaukee, Wisconsin with Insoo Kim Berg, an analysis
of the problem was eventually dropped all together; they began, instead, to only
look at the client’s preferred future. Because of this evolution and move away
from problem analysis, a SFBT professional now conducts a SFBT session with
someone who has experienced a trauma and may not ever be aware of the client’s
traumatic past. A professional taking this approach should not be thought of as
neglectful but, in fact, respectful of the client. This distinction gets back to pre-
cisely the importance of hope that I mentioned above. The emphasis of the ap-
proach is on the future—not just any future but the future that the client most
hopes for. Thus, a professional using this approach should be compelled to focus
the conversation on the client’s hoped-for future. Imagine the difference a client
will feel when they get to talk about the future they hope for rather than the past
they would like to forget. This future focus is not compromised by the knowledge
of a traumatic experience in the client’s past; if anything, it makes the presence
of a hoped-for future even more critical for the process of change. Throughout
this book you will see many examples of clients who have experienced various
traumas; however, do not get sucked into the trauma story to the point that you
lose sight of the client’s strength. Do not immerse yourself in the trauma story
to the extent that you no longer believe that the client can experience a change
simply from describing their hoped-for future as a result of answering solution-
focused questions. Do not get so taken in by the traumas being described that
you forget to the see the hope that is being expressed in each of the situations.
More than anything else, this is the message I would like to leave you with as you
read this book: be more interested in your client’s capacity to change than you
are in following their trauma narrative. Trauma narratives are not where hope
lies, and they are not the best way to inspire change.
The SFBT approach has been described as a future-focused approach ever
since it was developed by the team of clinicians at the Brief Family Therapy
Center in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, led by Steve de Shazer and Insoo Kim Berg.
After observing hundreds of hours of therapy over the course of several years,
the team developed major tenets that have guided this approach. It is important
to note that SFBT is not “theory-based” but was pragmatically developed by the
team in Milwaukee with many professionals contributing to these ideas from
simply observing what worked in the therapy room.
6 ■ SFBT with Clients Managing Trauma
It is difficult to recite the history of the SFBT approach in a single chapter and do
it, as well as all of the people who contributed to the development of this approach,
justice. So I will only focus on a few key parts that are relevant to this chapter.
First, the story of the SFBT approach starts with John Weakland becoming
friends with Steve de Shazer while he was living in Palo Alto, California. It was
also John Weakland who introduced de Shazer to Insoo Kim Berg in the hopes
they would get along, since their professional ideas seemed similar. This not only
led to Steve and Insoo becoming lifelong professional partners but also resulted
in a marriage that would last until Steve’s death in 2005. The couple eventually
moved to Milwaukee from California and began working with a team to create
solution-focused brief therapy. According to de Shazer, when they moved to
Milwaukee their work still looked very much like the work of the MRI. They
continued to be interested in problem patterns and giving clients tasks that
would lead to change, which would in turn impact the presence of the problem
(Ratner, George, & Iveson, 2012).
Eventually, according to Ratner et al. (2012), their work evolved to become
more focused on exceptions, with a keen interest on what the client wanted in-
stead of what the client did not want (or even what they wanted less of). This
shift began while the team was working with a family that was reported as having
exactly 23 problems they wanted to solve. The team, not knowing which problem
to start with, asked the family to focus on the things they wanted to keep the same
so they could describe those things to the team when they returned to therapy.
To the team’s surprise, when the family returned they reported that many of
the problems they initially complained about had been solved. The family had
made so much progress that they soon decided that they no longer needed the
therapy. The Milwaukee team was so affected by this progress that they began
asking other clients to notice things in their lives they wanted to stay the same.
The results were consistent: clients continued to improve without even focusing
on the problem, and the team became more and more impressed. They set up
an experiment where they gave this assignment to every client, referring to this
as the first session formula task (FSFT), and the outcomes continued to be re-
markable (Ratner et al., 2012).
This was the beginning of the solution-focused departure from interventions
that are linked to the client-specific problem presentation. Even in the 21st
century, this is a groundbreaking idea, but in the early 1980s it was nothing short
of earth shattering. The team could not ignore the results of their research; this
generic intervention was being given to clients, regardless of their presenting
problems, and time and time again positive outcomes were achieved. Clients
were reporting positive outcomes without spending any time focused on what
originally brought them to therapy, instead focusing on what they wanted the
future to look like. De Shazer later said that it was out of this experiment that the
SFBT approach was born.
Introduction ■ 7
In reading the subsequent chapters of this book there will be the temptation
to think of how to use the SFBT to help clients overcome the different types of
trauma highlighted throughout these chapters. You might feel overwhelmed, as
the Milwaukee team did, by the presence of significant effects. You might feel
tempted to do what you have always done. But I urge you to fight the temp-
tation to think of this approach in that way. Be willing to see something new,
like the Milwaukee team did. Instead of succumbing to the temptation to fix
your clients’ trauma-related problems, allow these chapters to convince you that
clients can overcome the kinds of traumas included in this book and many more.
Allow these chapters to convince you that you can believe in your clients. Allow
the chapters to convince you that clients can have hope in themselves. That
hope that clients can feel and reexperience is the curative element that brings
lasting change for clients. This hope is the element that will truly help clients
manage their traumatic experiences. People are amazing. You need to be able
to hold on to the belief that people are amazing as you engage in these SFBT
conversations with clients, especially with clients who are managing trauma.
Holding on to this view is important for any psychotherapist, but it is especially
true for professionals using this approach. Because this is a questions-based ap-
proach, and these questions must be based in the client’s hope, clinicians using
this approach must ask their questions from a place of hope. If the professional
loses hope in the client, the questions they ask will also inherently change. If
clinicians lose hope in their clients’ abilities and strength, they may stop asking
their clients hopeful questions altogether.
Let me use an example to highlight the importance of this hopeful idea that
was stumbled upon in those early days. I met with a client early in my practice
who taught me this lesson. The client was a woman in her mid-twenties that I’ll
refer to as Kimberly. When Kimberly arrived for her session, I could quickly tell
that she had been really struggling with something. The was evident because she
was crying while she was waiting for me in my waiting room. I escorted her to
my therapy office, and we began to work. From the opening question the SFBT
approach is different from other more problem-focused therapies. While other
professionals may have reacted to her tears—with “Are you OK?” or “What’s
troubling you today?” or even “What brings you to therapy?”—SFBT does not
begin therapy in this problem-focused way. In doing solution-focused work my
initial task was to first identify her desired outcome from the therapy; this was
done by asking, “What are your best hopes from our work together?” The client’s
response was somewhat surprising given what I later learned about her.
She wiped away her tears and stated, “All I want is to be happy.” In hindsight,
this answer should not have been that surprising. Regardless of what a person has
been through, or what traumas they have experienced or witnessed, the pursuit
of happiness is a reasonable desire and makes a wonderful focus of therapy. As
a consequence of asking this best-hopes question instead of a problem-focused
Another random document with
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Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, “was for committing in order that some
middle ground, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the
clause as it stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt
on the dilemma to which the Constitution was exposed by agreeing
to the clause it would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists and many
others in the States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States
might be lost to the Union. Let us then,” he said, “try the chance of a
commitment.”[7]
On the question of committing, the vote was: New Hampshire, no;
Massachusetts, abstaining from voting; Connecticut, aye; New
Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, no; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye;
Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, aye; Georgia,
aye;[8] In a total of eleven States at Convention seven ayes, three
noes, one not voting.
The clause having been referred to a committee consisting of
Messrs. Langdon, King, Johnson, Livingston, Clymer, Dickinson, L.
Martin, Madison, Williamson, C. C. Pinckney, and Baldwin, the
committee reported in favor of the clause, with an amendment
making it read: “The migration or importation of such persons as the
several States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be
prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800, but a tax or duty
may be imposed on such migration or importation at a rate not
exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.”[9]
Gen. Pinckney moved to strike out the words “the year 1800 and
to insert the words eighteen hundred and eight.”
Mr. Gorham, of Massachusetts, seconded the motion. This action
brought from one, who up to that time does not appear to have
participated in the discussion, Mr. Madison, the declaration that:
“twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended
from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be more
dishonorable to the national character than to say nothing about it in
the Constitution.”[10]
The reported clause had been referred to the committee against
the vote of New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. Virginia
and New Jersey both opposed the amendment; but as it received the
vote of both New Hampshire and Massachusetts, which had not
voted for the commitment, it was supported by seven out of the
eleven States, the three New England States present and four of the
five Southern States, the three Middle States present, and one
Southern State, opposing.
While reasonable men must always be alive to the necessity of
compromise, and while also the great responsibilities of the situation
concerning this matter are apparent, yet this most important
discussion and vote establishes some facts, with regard to the
constitutional Union, which the honest historian cannot disregard.
First: The migration or importation of Negroes was prohibited in
spite of the declaration of the representatives of the three Southern
States, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, that some of the
Southern States could not accept the Constitution if it did.
Second: A tax upon the importation was imposed through the aid
of the vote of New England, whose representatives had warned the
Convention that it would be a recognition of slavery to tax
importation. The claim, therefore made, that South Carolina and
Georgia forced the recognition of the slave trade is not borne out by
the facts in the case. Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut,
Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia followed the
suggestion of Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania, and, abandoning
the principles for which they had contended, “formed a bargain” by
which the slave trade was surrendered for the recognition of slavery
by the Constitution.
Upon considering the discussion, although Ellsworth’s shrewd
criticism crippled, to some extent, the lofty flight of Mason of Virginia,
yet the speech of the latter puts him upon a higher plane of
statesmanship than that occupied by any deputy present. On the
other hand, no matter how high their reputations otherwise may have
been established, none descended to so low a plane as King, of
Massachusetts and Rutledge of South Carolina; while no individual
exhibited as much ignorance of the existing situation as he, who by
the temperance of his utterance and the influence of his high
personal character, most thoroughly mastered it.
Gen. C. C. Pinckney did not seem to know that South Carolina
had not been permitted by Great Britain to throw off the slave trade,
when, as a province, she sought to do so,[11] or that the sentiment of
the people of his State, even while he was speaking, had found
expression in an Act which prohibited the bringing into the State of
“any Negro slave contrary to the Act to regulate the recovery of
debts and prohibiting the importation of Negroes”[12] and which was
sufficiently strong even after the above compromise to negative, by a
vote of 93 to 40, Gillon’s attempt in the South Carolina Legislature in
1788, to repeal the law prohibiting importation.[13] No severer
criticism of the General’s statesmanship on this point was ever
promulgated than that, thirty-four years later, which his devoted
brother, Gen. Thomas Pinckney, furnished, in some reflections,
published by him[14] without any thought of how positively they ran
counter to the dictum of his brother—“South Carolina and Georgia
cannot do without slaves”—he warned South Carolinians that Negro
artisans were taking the places of whites.
But, turning from this discussion, it is of importance to consider
just how the Negro population of the United States was located at
the time of the adoption of the Constitution.
By the census taken in 1790 it was indicated that about six-
sevenths of the entire colored population of the thirteen States
constituting the Union, inhabited the four States of Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, of which about one-half
were found in Virginia, the population in the order of their numbers
being as follows: Virginia 305,493; Maryland 111,099; South
Carolina, 108,895; North Carolina, 105,547. The Negro population of
Georgia at that date was but slightly in excess of the Negro
population of New York, being only 29,662 to New York’s 25,978,
while in the region north of Maryland there were nearly three times
as many Negroes as in the region south of South Carolina.
Considering the percentage of blacks to whites in the different
sections, South Carolina had the greatest, with a colored population
rising as high as 44 per cent of the total. Virginia came second, with
a percentage of 41, Georgia was third, with 36; Maryland fourth, with
35; North Carolina fifth, with 27; Delaware sixth, with 26; New Jersey
seventh, with 9; New York eighth, with 8; Rhode Island ninth, with 7,
and Pennsylvania tenth, with less than three per cent.
There is still another standpoint, however, from which this
population might be considered; that is with regard to the area of the
State containing the same, and considered in this light, Maryland,
with a Negro population in excess of that of South Carolina, and with
an area of only one-third, was the most distinct Negro State of the
Union. Delaware came second, and Virginia third. In the two States
of Maryland and Virginia, with a combined area of 79,124 square
miles, there was considerably more than one-half of the colored
population of the United States, 416,572. In the region to the south,
embracing the three States of North Carolina, South Carolina and
Georgia, with an area of 143,040 square miles, there were as yet but
244,104 Negroes, or about one-third of the number, considered with
regard to the area they inhabited, which makes very obvious the
contention of Ellsworth that the abrogation of the slave trade would
have operated as a distinct commercial benefit to Maryland and
Virginia, enabling them to supply to the region south of them, at
enhanced prices, the slaves they might raise for market.
Virginia, Maryland and Delaware then constituted at this time the
black belt, containing, as they did, four-sevenths of the colored
population of the Union, three-fourths of the remainder being in the
region below and one-fourth above.
In the first decade of the Constitution the density of this colored
population in Virginia and Maryland was actually increased; while, at
the same time, through an extraordinary accession to her white
population, in spite of great gains to the colored, South Carolina’s
colored percentage decreased, and it is on this account that what
happened in the next decade of the Constitution in South Carolina is
of so much importance. A consideration of these events will show,
that, in spite of the declaration of her great deputies, that “South
Carolina could not do without slaves,” and that her people “would
never be such fools as to give up so important an interest” as “their
right to import slaves,” they not only proposed to give up the right,
but strove earnestly to do so, and only after thirty years of unavailing
effort, accompanied by an ever increasing investment in that class of
property, did the strong minority, which had opposed it, acquiesce in
Calhoun’s most unwise view, that the blacks furnished “the best
substratum of population, upon which great and flourishing
Commonwealths may be most easily and safely reared.”[15]
Once it was accepted, the march was steadily on to disaster.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Phillips, American Negro Slavery, p. 361.
[2] Statutes of S. C., Vols. 2 & 7, pp. 153, 367, 370.
[3] S. C. Gazette, Feb. 26, 1732, McCrady, S. C. under the
Royal Government, p. 378.
[4] Compendium of the Ninth Census of the United States, p.
13.
[5] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, p. 183.
[6] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, p. 364.
[7] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, pp. 369,
374.
[8] Ibid. p. 374.
[9] Ibid. p. 400.
Prof. Farrand renders “abst” absent, which the context
contradicts. King of Massachusetts, was put on the committee.
[10] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, p. 415.
[11] S. C. Gazette, Feb. 19, 1732, Stat. S. C. Vol. 7, pp. 367-
370. McCrady, S. C. Under the Royal Government, p. 378.
[12] Stat. S. C. Vol. 7, p. 430.
[13] State Gazette, Jan. 28, 1788.
[14] Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne and His Times, p. 130.
[15] Calhoun’s Correspondence, p. 369.
CHAPTER II
FOOTNOTES:
[16] Stat. S. C. Vol. 7 pp. 431-448.
[17] Charleston Courier, December 5, 1803.
[18] Ibid. December 6, 1803.
[19] Ibid. December 13, 1803.
[20] S. C. Hist. & Genealog. Mag. Vol. 2, p. 72.
[21] Annual Report American Hist. Ass. 1896, Vol. 1, p. 870.
[22] Charleston Courier, December 26, 1803.
[23] Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne & His Times, p. 148.
[24] Charleston Courier, December 26, 1803.
[25] Ibid. January 2, 1804.
[26] City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, December 21, 1803.
[27] Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Vol. 2, p. 270.
[28] Charleston Courier, December 12, 1804.
[29] Ibid. December 24, 1804.
[30] Charleston Courier, December 2, 1805.
[31] Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne & His Times, p. 534.
[32] Annual Report American Hist. Assn. 1896, Vol. 1, p. 868.
[33] Charleston Courier, December 13, 1805.
[34] Annual Report American Hist. Assn. Vol. 1, p. 878, 1896.
[35] Charleston Courier, December 9, 1805.
[36] Charleston Year Book, 1880, p. 263.
[37] Thomas’s Reminiscences, Case Tiffany & Burnham, Vol. 2,
p. 35.
[38] C. L. Martzolff, Ohio University, Nov. 30, 1909.
[39] S. C. Reports, Brevard, Vol. 2, p. 145. State vs. McDowell.
[40] Charleston Courier, February 27, 1811.
CHAPTER III