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INSTRUCTOR’S SOLUTIONS
MANUAL
SUSAN JANE COLLEY
DANIEL H. STEINBERG

V ECTOR C ALCULUS
FOURTH EDITION

Susan Jane Colley


Oberlin College

Boston Columbus Indianapolis New York San Francisco Upper Saddle River
Amsterdam Cape Town Dubai London Madrid Milan Munich Paris Montreal Toronto
Delhi Mexico City Sao Paulo Sydney Hong Kong Seoul Singapore Taipei Tokyo
The author and publisher of this book have used their best efforts in preparing this book. These efforts include the
development, research, and testing of the theories and programs to determine their effectiveness. The author and
publisher make no warranty of any kind, expressed or implied, with regard to these programs or the documentation
contained in this book. The author and publisher shall not be liable in any event for incidental or consequential
damages in connection with, or arising out of, the furnishing, performance, or use of these programs.

Reproduced by Pearson from electronic files supplied by the author.

Copyright © 2012, 2006, 2002 Pearson Education, Inc.


Publishing as Pearson, 75 Arlington Street, Boston, MA 02116.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any
form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written
permission of the publisher. Printed in the United States of America.

ISBN-13: 978-0-321-78066-9
ISBN-10: 0-321-78066-3

www.pearsonhighered.com
Table of Contents
Chapter 1 Vectors
1.1 Vectors in Two and Three Dimensions 1
1.2 More About Vectors 7
1.3 The Dot Product 12
1.4 The Cross Product 17
1.5 Equations for Planes; Distance Problems 26
1.6 Some n-dimensional Geometry 33
1.7 New Coordinate Systems 44
True/False Exercises for Chapter 1 54
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 1 55

Chapter 2 Differentiation in Several Variables


2.1 Functions of Several Variables; Graphing Surfaces 75
2.2 Limits 85
2.3 The Derivative 93
2.4 Properties; Higher-order Partial Derivatives 102
2.5 The Chain Rule 113
2.6 Directional Derivatives 124
2.7 Newton’s Method 132
True/False Exercises for Chapter 2 138
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 2 138

Chapter 3 Vector-Valued Functions


3.1 Parametrized Curves and Kepler’s Laws 149
3.2 Arclength and Differential Geometry 159
3.3 Vector Fields: An Introduction 168
3.4 Gradient, Divergence, Curl and the Del Operator 177
True/False Exercises for Chapter 3 184
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 3 185

Chapter 4 Maxima and Minima in Several Variables


4.1 Differentials and Taylor’s Theorem 195
4.2 Extrema of Functions 205
4.3 Lagrange Multipliers 216
4.4 Some Applications of Extrema 228
True/False Exercises for Chapter 4 233
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 4 233

© 2012, Pearson Education, Inc.


Chapter 5 Multiple Integration
5.1 Introduction: Areas and Volumes 245
5.2 Double Integrals 247
5.3 Changing the Order of Integration 262
5.4 Triple Integrals 270
5.5 Change of Variables 280
5.6 Applications of Integration 291
5.7 Numerical Approximations of Multiple Integrals 304
True/False Exercises for Chapter 5 315
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 5 316

Chapter 6 Line Integrals


6.1 Scalar and Vector Line Integrals 337
6.2 Green’s Theorem 344
6.3 Conservative Vector Fields 356
True/False Exercises for Chapter 6 361
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 6 361

Chapter 7 Surface Integrals and Vector Analysis


7.1 Parametrized Surfaces 375
7.2 Surface Integrals 384
7.3 Stokes’s and Gauss’s Theorems 394
7.4 Further Vector Analysis; Maxwell’s Equations 413
True/False Exercises for Chapter 7 420
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 7 420

Chapter 8 Vector Analysis in Higher Dimensions


8.1 An Introduction to Differential Forms 439
8.2 Manifolds and Integrals of k-forms 444
8.3 The Generalized Stokes’s Theorem 449
True/False Exercises for Chapter 8 454
Miscellaneous Exercises for Chapter 8 454

© 2012, Pearson Education, Inc.


Chapter 1

Vectors

1.1 Vectors in Two and Three Dimensions

1. Here we just connect the point (0, 0) to the points indicated:

y
3
b
2.5

2
c
1.5

1 a

0.5

x
-1 1 2 3

2. Although more difficult for students to represent this on paper, the figures should look something like the following. Note that
the origin is not at a corner of the frame box but is at the tails of the three vectors.

2 a
z

1 b
c
0
-2 -2 0 2
0
2
x y

In problems 3 and 4, we supply more detail than is necessary to stress to students what properties are being used:
3. (a) (3, 1) + (−1, 7) = (3 + [−1], 1 + 7) = (2, 8).
(b) −2(8, 12) = (−2 · 8, −2 · 12) = (−16, −24).
(c) (8, 9) + 3(−1, 2) = (8 + 3(−1), 9 + 3(2)) = (5, 15).
(d) (1, 1) + 5(2, 6) − 3(10, 2) = (1 + 5 · 2 − 3 · 10, 1 + 5 · 6 − 3 · 2) = (−19, 25).
(e) (8, 10) + 3((8, −2) − 2(4, 5)) = (8 + 3(8 − 2 · 4), 10 + 3(−2 − 2 · 5)) = (8, −26).
4. (a) (2, 1, 2) + (−3,  9, 7) = (2 − 3, 1 + 9, 2 + 7) = (−1,
 10, 9).
(b) 12 (8, 4, 1) + 2 5,−7, 14 = 4, 2, 12 + 10, −14, 12 = (14, −12, 1).
(c) −2 (2, 0, 1) − 6 12 , −4, 1 = −2((2, 0, 1) − (3, −24, 6)) = −2(−1, 24, −5) = (2, −48, 10).
5. We start with the two vectors a and b. We can complete the parallelogram as in the figure on the left. The vector from the
origin to this new vertex is the vector a + b. In the figure on the right we have translated vector b so that its tail is the head of
vector a. The sum a + b is the directed third side of this triangle.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc. 1
2 Chapter 1 Vectors

y y
7 7

6 6
a+b a+b

5 5 b translated

b 4 b 4

3 3

2 a 2 a

1 1

x x
-2 -1.5 -1 -0.5 0.5 1 -2 -1.5 -1 -0.5 0.5 1

6. a = (3, 2) b = (−1, 1) 3 
a − b = (3 − (−1), 2 − 1) = (4, 1) 1
2
a = 2
,1 a + 2b = (1, 4)

a+2b
4

2 a

b 1 a-b
(1/2)a

x
-2 -1 1 2 3 4 5

-1


→ −→ −→
7. (a) AB = (−3 − 1, 3 − 0, 1 − 2) = (−4, 3, −1) BA = −AB = (4, −3, 1)


(b) AC = (2 − 1, 1 − 0, 5 − 2) = (1, 1, 3)


BC = (2 − (−3), 1 − 3, 5 − 1) = (5, −2, 4)
→ −→

AC + CB = (1, 1, 3) − (5, −2, 4) = (−4, 3, −1)
(c) This result is true in general:
B

Head-to-tail addition demonstrates this.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
Section 1.1. Vectors in Two and Three Dimensions 3

8. The vectors a = (1, 2, 1), b = (0, −2, 3) and a + b = (1, 2, 1) + (0, −2, 3) = (1, 0, 4) are graphed below. Again note that
the origin is at the tails of the vectors in the figure.
Also, −1(1, 2, 1) = (−1, −2, −1). This would be pictured by drawing the vector (1, 2, 1) in the opposite direction.
Finally, 4(1, 2, 1) = (4, 8, 4) which is four times vector a and so is vector a stretched four times as long in the same direction.

b
a+b
z
2

0
-2 0
1 0 2
x y

9. Since the sum on the left must equal the vector on the right componentwise:
−12 + x = 2, 9 + 7 = y, and z + −3 = 5. Therefore, x = 14, y = 16, and z = 8.
10. √
If we drop a perpendicular
√ from (3, 1) to the x-axis we see that by the Pythagorean Theorem the length of the vector (3, 1) =
32 + 12 = 10.
y
1

0.8

0.6

0.4

0.2

x
0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3

11. Notice that b (represented by the dotted line) = 5a (represented by the solid line).
y
10

8 b

2
a
x
1 2 3 4 5


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
4 Chapter 1 Vectors

12. Here the picture has been projected into two dimensions so that you can more clearly see that a (represented by the solid
line) = −2b (represented by the dotted line).

a 8

-8 -6 -4 -2 2 4

-2
b

-4

13. The natural extension to higher dimensions is that we still add componentwise and that multiplying a scalar by a vector means
that we multiply each component of the vector by the scalar. In symbols this means that:
a + b = (a1 , a2 , . . . , an ) + (b1 , b2 , . . . , bn ) = (a1 + b1 , a2 + b2 , . . . , an + bn ) and ka = (ka1 , ka2 , . . . , kan ).
In our particular examples, (1, 2, 3, 4) + (5, −1, 2, 0) = (6, 1, 5, 4), and 2(7, 6, −3, 1) = (14, 12, −6, 2).
14. The diagrams for parts (a), (b) and (c) are similar to Figure 1.12 from the text. The displacement vectors are:
(a) (1, 1, 5)
(b) (−1, −2, 3)
(c) (1, 2, −3)
(d) (−1, −2)
Note: The displacement vectors for (b) and (c) are the same but in opposite directions (i.e., one is the negative of the
other). The displacement vector in the diagram for (d) is represented by the solid line in the figure below:
y
1

0.75 P1

0.5

0.25

x
0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3

-0.25

-0.5
P2
-0.75

-1

15. In general, we would define the displacement vector from (a1 , a2 , . . . , an ) to (b1 , b2 , . . . , bn ) to be (b1 −a1 , b2 −a2 , . . . , bn −
an ).
In this specific problem the displacement vector from P1 to P2 is (1, −4, −1, 1).
−→
16. Let B have coordinates (x, y, z). Then AB = (x − 2, y − 5, z + 6) = (12, −3, 7) so x = 14, y = 2, z = 1 so B has
coordinates (14, 2, 1).
17. If a is your displacement vector from the Empire State Building and b your friend’s, then the displacement vector from you
to your friend is b − a.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
Section 1.1. Vectors in Two and Three Dimensions 5

you
a

b-a

Empire State Bldg

friend b

18. Property 2 follows immediately from the associative property of the reals:

(a + b) + c = ((a1 , a2 , a3 ) + (b1 , b2 , b3 )) + (c1 , c2 , c3 )


= ((a1 + b1 , a2 + b2 , a3 + b3 ) + (c1 , c2 , c3 )
= ((a1 + b1 ) + c1 , (a2 + b2 ) + c2 , (a3 + b3 ) + c3 )
= (a1 + (b1 + c1 ), a2 + (b2 + c2 ), a3 + (b3 + c3 ))
= (a1 , a2 , a3 ) + ((b1 + c1 ), (b2 + c2 ), (b3 + c3 ))
= a + (b + c).

Property 3 also follows from the corresponding componentwise observation:

a + 0 = (a1 + 0, a2 + 0, a3 + 0) = (a1 , a2 , a3 ) = a.

19. We provide the proofs for R3 :

(1) (k + l)a = (k + l)(a1 , a2 , a3 ) = ((k + l)a1 , (k + l)a2 , (k + l)a3 )


= (ka1 + la1 , ka2 + la2 , ka3 + la3 ) = ka + la.
(2) k(a + b) = k((a1 , a2 , a3 ) + (b1 , b2 , b3 )) = k(a1 + b1 , a2 + b2 , a3 + b3 )
= (k(a1 + b1 ), k(a2 + b2 ), k(a3 + b3 )) = (ka1 + kb1 , ka2 + kb2 , ka3 + kb3 )
= (ka1 , ka2 , ka3 ) + (kb1 , kb2 , kb3 ) = ka + kb.
(3) k(la) = k(l(a1 , a2 , a3 )) = k(la1 , la2 , la3 )
= (kla1 , kla2 , kla3 ) = (lka1 , lka2 , lka3 )
= l(ka1 , ka2 , ka3 ) = l(ka).

20. (a) 0a is the zero vector. For example, in R3 :

0a = 0(a1 , a2 , a3 ) = (0 · a1 , 0 · a2 , 0 · a3 ) = (0, 0, 0).

(b) 1a = a. Again in R3 :
1a = 1(a1 , a2 , a3 ) = (1 · a1 , 1 · a2 , 1 · a3 ) = (a1 , a2 , a3 ) = a.
21. (a) The head of the vector sa is on the x-axis between 0 and 2. Similarly the head of the vector tb lies somewhere on the
vector b. Using the head-to-tail method, sa + tb is the result of translating the vector tb, in this case, to the right by 2s
(represented in the figure by tb*). The result is clearly inside the parallelogram determined by a and b (and is only on the
boundary of the parallelogram if either t or s is 0 or 1.

x
tb
tb*

sa a


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
6 Chapter 1 Vectors

(b) Again the vectors a and b will determine a parallelogram (with vertices at the origin, and at the heads of a, b, and a + b.
The vectors sa + tb will be the position vectors for all points in that parallelogram determined by (2, 2, 1) and (0, 3, 2).
−−→ −−→
22. Here we are translating the situation in Exercise 21 by the vector OP0 . The vectors will all be of the form OP0 + sa + tb for
0 ≤ s, t ≤ 1.  √
23. (a) The speed of the flea is the length of the velocity vector = (−1)2 + (−2)2 = 5 units per minute.
(b) After 3 minutes the flea is at (3, 2) + 3(−1, −2) = (0, −4).
(c) We solve (3, 2)+t(−1, −2) = (−4, −12) for t and get that t = 7 minutes. Note that both 3−7 = −4 and 2−14 = −12.
(d) We can see this algebraically or geometrically: Solving the x part of (3, 2) + t(−1, −2) = (−13, −27) we get that
t = 16. But when t = 16, y = −30 not −27. Also in the figure below we see the path taken by the flea will miss the
point (−13, −27).
y

3,2
x
-15 -12.5 -10 -7.5 -5 -2.5 2.5 5
-5

-10

-15

-20

-13,-27 -25

-30

24. (a) The plane is climbing at a rate of 4 miles per hour.


(b) To make sure that the axes are oriented so that the plane passes over the building, the positive x direction is east and the
positive y direction is north. Then we are heading east at a rate of 50 miles per hour at the same time we’re heading north
at a rate of 100 miles per hour. We are directly over the skyscraper in 1/10 of an hour or 6 minutes.
(c) Using our answer in (b), we have traveled for 1/10 of an hour and so we’ve climbed 4/10 of a mile or 2112 feet. The plane
is 2112 − 1250 or 862 feet about the skyscraper.
25. (a) Adding we get: F1 + F2 = (2, 7, −1) + (3, −2, 5) = (5, 5, 4).
(b) You need a force of the same magnitude in the opposite direction, so F3 = −(5, 5, 4) = (−5, −5, −4).
26. (a) Measuring the force in pounds we get (0, 0, −50).
(b) The z components of the two vectors along the ropes must be equal and their sum must be opposite of the z component
in part (a). Their y components must also be opposite each other. Since the vector points in the direction (0, ±2, 1),
the y component will be twice the z component. Together this means that the vector in the direction of (0, −2, 1) is
(0, −50, 25) and the vector in the direction (0, 2, 1) is (0, 50, 25).
27. The force F due to gravity on the weight is given by F = (0, 0, −10). The forces along the ropes are each parallel to the
displacement vectors from the weight to the respective anchor points. That is, the tension vectors along the ropes are

F1 = k((3, 0, 4) − (1, 2, 3)) = k(2, −2, 1)


F2 = l((0, 3, 5) − (1, 2, 3)) = l(−1, 1, 2),

where k and l are appropriate scalars. For the weight to remain in equilibrium, we must have F1 +F2 +F = 0, or, equivalently,
that
k(2, −2, 1) + l(−1, 1, 2) + (0, 0, −10) = (0, 0, 0).
Taking components, we obtain a system of three equations:

⎨ 2k − l = 0
−2k + l = 0

k + 2l = 10.

Solving, we find that k = 2 and l = 4, so that

F1 = (4, −4, 2) and F2 = (−4, 4, 8).


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
Section 1.2. More about Vectors 7

1.2 More about Vectors

It may be useful to point out that the answers to Exercises 1 and 5 are the “same”, but that in Exercise 1, i = (1, 0) and in Exercise
5, i = (1, 0, 0). This comes up when going the other direction in Exercises 9 and 10. In other words, it’s not always clear whether
the exercise “lives” in R2 or R3 .
1. (2, 4) = 2(1, 0) + 4(0, 1) = 2i + 4j.
2. (9, −6) = 9(1, 0) − 6(0, 1) = 9i − 6j.
3. (3, π, −7) = 3(1, 0, 0) + π(0, 1, 0) − 7(0, 0, 1) = 3i + πj − 7k.
4. (−1, 2, 5) = −1(1, 0, 0) + 2(0, 1, 0) + 5(0, 0, 1) = −i + 2j + 5k.
5. (2, 4, 0) = 2(1, 0, 0) + 4(0, 1, 0) = 2i + 4j.
6. i + j − 3k = (1, 0, 0) + (0, 1, 0) − 3(0, 0, 1) = (1, 1, −3).
√ √ √
7. 9i − 2j + 2k = 9(1, 0, 0) − 2(0, 1, 0) + 2(0, 0, 1) = (9, −2, 2).
8. −3(2i − 7k) = −6i + 21k = −6(1, 0, 0) + 21(0, 0, 1) = (−6, 0, 21).
9. πi − j = π(1, 0) − (0, 1) = (π, −1).
10. πi − j = π(1, 0, 0) − (0, 1, 0) = (π, −1, 0).
Note: You may want to assign both Exercises 11 and 12 together so that the students may see the difference. You should stress
that the reason the results are different has nothing to do with the fact that Exercise 11 is a question about R2 while Exercise 12 is
a question about R3 . 
c1 + c2 = 3, and
11. (a) (3, 1) = c1 (1, 1) + c2 (1, −1) = (c1 + c2 , c1 − c2 ), so
c1 − c2 = 1.
Solving simultaneously (for instance by adding the two equations), we find that 2c1 = 4, so c1 = 2 and c2 = 1. So
b = 2a1 + a2 .
(b) Here c1 + c2 = 3 and c1 − c2 = −5, so c1 = −1and c2 = 4. So b = −a1 + 4a2 .
c1 + c2 = b1 , and
(c) More generally, (b1 , b2 ) = (c1 + c2 , c1 − c2 ), so
c1 − c2 = b2 .
b1 + b2 b1 − b2
Again solving simultaneously, c1 = and c2 = . So
2 2
b1 + b2 b1 − b2
b= a1 + a2 .
2 2

12. Note that a3 = a1 + a2 , so really we are only working with two (linearly independent) vectors.
(a) (5, 6, −5) = c1 (1, 0, −1) + c2 (0, 1, 0) + c3 (1, 1, −1); this gives us the equations:

⎨ 5 = c1 + c3
6 = c2 + c3

−5 = −c1 − c3 .

The first and last equations contain the same information and so we have infinitely many solutions. You will quickly see
one by letting c3 = 0. Then c1 = 5 and c2 = 6. So we could write b = 5a1 + 6a2 . More generally, you can choose any
value for c1 and then let c2 = c1 + 1 and c3 = 5 − c1 .
(b) We cannot write (2, 3, 4) as a linear combination of a1 , a2 , and a3 . Here we get the equations:

⎨ c1 + c3 = 2
c2 + c3 = 3

−c1 − c3 = 4.

The first and last equations are inconsistent and so the system cannot be solved.
(c) As we saw in part (b), not all vectors in R3 can be written in terms of a1 , a2 , and a3 . In fact, only vectors of the form
(a, b, −a) can be written in terms of a1 , a2 , and a3 . For your students who have had linear algebra, this is because the
vectors a1 , a2 , and a3 are not linearly independent.
Note: As pointed out in the text, the answers for 13–21 are not unique.

⎨ x=2+t
13. r(t) = (2, −1, 5) + t(1, 3, −6) so y = −1 + 3t

z = 5 − 6t.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
8 Chapter 1 Vectors

⎨ x = 12 + 5t
14. r(t) = (12, −2, 0) + t(5, −12, 1) so y = −2 − 12t

z = t.

x=2+t
15. r(t) = (2, −1) + t(1, −7) so
y = −1 − 7t.

⎨ x=2+t
16. r(t) = (2, 1, 2) + t(3 − 2, −1 − 1, 5 − 2) so y = 1 − 2t

z = 2 + 3t.

⎨ x=1+t
17. r(t) = (1, 4, 5) + t(2 − 1, 4 − 4, −1 − 5) so y=4

z = 5 − 6t.

x = 8 − 7t
18. r(t) = (8, 5) + t(1 − 8, 7 − 5) so
y = 5 + 2t.
Note: In higher dimensions, we switch ⎧ our notation to xi .

⎪ x1 = 1 − 2t

x2 = 2 + 5t
19. r(t) = (1, 2, 0, 4) + t(−2, 5, 3, 7) so
⎪ x3 = 3t


x4 = 4 + 7t.


⎪ x1 = 9 − 10t

⎪ − π)t
√ ⎨ x2 = π + (1 √
20. r(t) = (9, π, −1, 5, 2) + t(−1 − 9, 1 − π, 2 + 1, 7 − 5, 1 − 2) so x3 = −1 + ( 2 + 1)t



⎪ x = 5 + 2t
⎩ 4
x5 = 2 − t.

⎨ x = −1 + 2t
21. (a) r(t) = (−1, 7, 3) + t(2, −1, 5) so y =7−t

z = 3 + 5t.

⎨ x = 5 − 5t
(b) r(t) = (5, −3, 4) + t(0 − 5, 1 + 3, 9 − 4) so y = −3 + 4t

z = 4 + 5t.
(c) Of course, there are infinitely many solutions. For our variation on the answer to (a) we note that a line parallel to the
vector 2i − j + 5k is also parallel to the vector −(2i − j + 5k) so another set of equations for part (a) is:

⎨ x = −1 − 2t
y =7+t

z = 3 − 5t.

For our variation on the answer to (b) we note that the line passes through both points so we can set up the equation with
respect to the other point:

⎨ x = −5t
y = 1 + 4t

z = 9 + 5t.
(d) The symmetric forms are:

x+1 z−3
=7−y = (for (a))
2 5
5−x y+3 z−4
= = (for (b))
5 4 5
x+1 z−3
=y−7= (for the variation of (a))
−2 −5
x y−1 z−9
= = (for the variation of (b))
−5 4 5


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
Section 1.2. More about Vectors 9

22. Solve for t in each of the parametric equations. Thus


x−5 y−1 z+4
t= ,t = ,t =
−2 3 6
and the symmetric form is
x−5 y−1 z+4
= = .
−2 3 6
23. Solving for t in each of the parametric equations gives t = x − 7, t = (y + 9)/3, and t = (z − 6)/(−8), so that the symmetric
form is
x−7 y+9 z−6
= = .
1 3 −8
24. Set each piece of the equation equal to t and solve:
x−2
= t ⇒ x − 2 = 5t ⇒ x = 2 + 5t
5
y−3
= t ⇒ y − 3 = −2t ⇒ y = 3 − 2t
−2
z+1
= t ⇒ z + 1 = 4t ⇒ z = −1 + 4t.
4
25. Let t = (x + 5)/3. Then x = 3t − 5. In view of the symmetric form, we also have that t = (y − 1)/7 and t = (z + 10)/(−2).
Hence a set of parametric equations is x = 3t − 5, y = 7t + 1, and z = −2t − 10.
Note: In Exercises 26–29, we could say for certain that two lines are not the same if the vectors were not multiples of each
other. In other words, it takes two pieces of information to specify a line. You either need two points, or a point and a direction (or
in the case of R2 , equivalently, a slope).
26. The first line is parallel to the vector a1 = (5, −3, 4), while the second is parallel to a2 = (10, −5, 8). Since a1 and a2 are
not parallel, the lines cannot be the same.
27. If we multiply each of the pieces in the second symmetric form by −2, we are effectively just traversing the same path at a
different speed and with the opposite orientation. So the second set of equations becomes:
x+1 y+6 z+5
= = .
3 7 5
This looks a lot more like the first set of equations. If we now subtract one from each piece of the second set of equations (as
suggested in the text), we are effectively just changing our initial point but we are still on the same line:
x+1 3 y+6 7 z+5 5
− = − = − .
3 3 7 7 5 5
We have transformed the second set of equations into the first and therefore see that they both represent the same line in R3 .
28. If you first write the equation of the two lines in vector form, we can see immediately that their direction vectors are the same
so either they are parallel or they are the same line:

r1 (t) = (−5, 2, 1) + t(2, 3, −6)


r2 (t) = (1, 11, −17) − t(2, 3, −6).

The first line contains the point (−5, 2, 1). If the second line contains (−5, 2, 1), then the equations represent the same line.
Solve just the x component to get that −5 = 1 − 2t ⇒ t = 3. Checking we see that r2 (3) = (1, 11, −17) − 3(2, 3, −6) =
(−5, 2, 1) so the lines are the same.
29. Here again the vector forms of the two lines can be written so that we see their headings are the same:

r1 (t) = (2, −7, 1) + t(3, 1, 5)


r2 (t) = (−1, −8, −3) + 2t(3, 1, 5).

The point (2, −7, 1) is on line one, so we will check to see if it is also on line two. As in Exercise 28 we check the equation for
the x component and see that −1+6t = 2 ⇒ t = 1/2. Checking we see that r2 (1/2) = (−1, −8, −3)+(1/2)(2)(3, 1, 5) =
(2, −7, 2) = (2, −7, 1) so the equations do not represent the same lines.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
10 Chapter 1 Vectors

Note: It is a good idea to assign both Exercises 30 and 31 together. Although they look similar, there is a difference that
students might miss.

⎨ x = 3u + 7,
30. If you make the substitution u = t3 , the equations become: y = −u + 2, and

z = 5u + 1.
The map u = t3 is a bijection. The important fact is that u takes on exactly the same values that t does, just at different times.
Since u takes on all reals, the parametric equations do determine a line (it’s just that the speed along the line is not constant).

⎨ x = 5u − 1,
31. This time if you make the substitution u = t2 , the equations become: y = 2u + 3, and

z = −u + 1.
The problem is that u cannot take on negative values so these parametric equations are for a ray with endpoint (−1, 3, 1) and
heading (5, 2, −1).
32. (a) The vector form of the equations is: r(t) = (7, −2, 1) + t(2, 1, −3). The initial point is then r(0) = (7, −2, 1), and after
3 minutes the bird is at r(3) = (7, −2, 1) + 3(2, 1, −3) = (13, 1, −8).
(b) (2, 1, −3)  13 
(c) We only need to check one component
 34 1 (say the x): 7 + 2t = 34/3 ⇒ t = 13/6. Checking we see that r 6 =
(7, −2, 1) + 6 (2, 1, −3) = 3 , 6 , − 2 .
13 11

(d) As in part (c), we’ll check the x component and see that 7 + 2t = 17 when t = 5. We then check to see that r(5) =
(7, −2, 1) + 5(2, 1, −3) = (17, 3, −14) = (17, 4, −14) so, no, the bird doesn’t reach (17, 4, −14).
33. We can substitute the parametric forms of x, y, and z into the equation for the plane and solve for t. So (3t − 5) + 3(2 −
t) − (6t) = 19 which gives us t = −3. Substituting back in the parametric equations, we find that the point of intersection is
(−14, 5, −18).
34. Using the same technique as in Exercise 33, 5(1 − 4t) − 2(t − 3/2) + (2t + 1) = 1 which simplifies to t = 2/5. This means
the point of intersection is (−3/5, −11/10, 9/5).
35. We will set each of the coordinate equations equal to zero in turn and substitute that value of t into the other two equations.

x = 2t − 3 = 0 ⇒ t = 3/2. When t = 3/2, y = 13/2 and z = 7/2.


y = 3t + 2 = 0 ⇒ t = −2/3, so x = −13/3 and z = 17/3.
z = 5 − t = 0 ⇒ t = 5, so x = 7 and y = 17.

The points are (0, 13/2, 7/2), (−13/3, 0, 17/3), and (7, 17, 0).
36. We could show that two points on the line are also in the plane or that for points on the line:
2x − y + 4z = 2(5 − t) − (2t − 7) + 4(t − 3) = 5, so they are in the plane.
37. For points on the line we see that x − 3y + z = (5 − t) − 3(2t − 3) + (7t + 1) = 15, so the line does not intersect the plane.
38. First we parametrize the line by setting t = (x − 3)/6, which gives us x = 6t + 3, y = 3t − 2, z = 5t. Plugging these
parametric values into the equation for the plane gives

2(6t + 3) − 5(3t − 2) + 3(5t) + 8 = 0 ⇐⇒ 12t + 24 = 0 ⇐⇒ t = −2.

The parameter value t = −2 yields the point (6(−2) + 3, 3(−2) − 2, 5(−2)) = (−9, −8, −10).
39. We find parametric equations for the line by setting t = (x − 3)/(−2), so that x = 3 − 2t, y = t + 5, z = 3t − 2. Plugging
these parametric values into the equation for the plane, we find that

3(3 − 2t) + 3(t + 5) + (3t − 2) = 9 − 6t + 3t + 15 + 3t − 2 = 22

for all values of t. Hence the line is contained in the plane.


40. Again we find parametric equations for the line. Set t = (x + 4)/3, so that x = 3t − 4, y = 2 − t, z = 1 − 9t. Plugging
these parametric values into the equation for the plane, we find that

2(3t − 4) − 3(2 − t) + (1 − 9t) = 7 ⇐⇒ 6t − 8 − 6 + 3t + 1 − 9t = 7 ⇐⇒ −13 = 7.

Hence we have a contradiction; that is, no value of t will yield a point on the line that is also on the plane. Thus the line and
the plane do not intersect.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
Section 1.2. More about Vectors 11

41. We just plug the parametric expressions for x, y, z into the equation for the surface:

(at + a)2 b2 (ct + c)2 c2 (t + 1)2 c2 (t + 1)2


2
+ 2 − 2
= 2
+1− =1
a b c a c2
for all values of t ∈ R. Hence all points on the line satisfy the equation for the surface.
42. As explained in the text, we can’t just set the two sets of equations equal to each other and solve. If the two lines intersect at a
point, we may get to that point at two different times. Let’s call these times t1 and t2 and solve the equations

⎨ 2t1 + 3 = 15 − 7t2 ,

3t1 + 3 = t2 − 2, and

⎩ 2t + 1 = 3t − 7.
1 2

Eliminate t1 by subtracting the third equation from the first to get t2 = 2. Substitute back into any of the equations to get
t1 = −1. Using either set of equations, you’ll find that the point of intersection is (1, 0, −1).
43. The way the problem is phrased tips us off that something is going on. Let’s handle this the same way we did in Exercise 42.


⎨ 2t1 + 1 = 3t2 + 1,
−3t1 = t2 + 5, and

⎩ t −1=7−t .
1 2

Adding the last two equations eliminates t2 and gives us t1 = 13/2. This corresponds to the point (14, −39/2, 11/2).
Substituting this value of t1 into the third equation gives us t2 = 3/2, while substituting this into the first equation gives us
t2 = 13/3. This inconsistency tells us that the second line doesn’t pass through the point (14, −39/2, 11/2).
 √
44. (a) The distance is (3t − 5 + 2)2 + (1 − t − 1)2 + (4t + 7 − 5)2 = 26t2 − 2t + 13.
(b) Using a standard first year calculus trick, the distance is minimized when the square of the distance is minimized. So we
find D = 26t2 − 2t + 13 is minimized (at the vertex of the parabola) when t = 1/26. Substitute back into our answer
for (a) to find that the minimal distance is 337/26.
45. (a) As in Example 2, this is the equation of a circle of radius 2 centered at the origin. The difference is that you are traveling
around it three times as fast. This means that if t varied between 0 and 2π that the circle would be traced three times.
(b) This is just like part (a) except the radius of the circle is 5.
(c) This is just like part (b) except the x and y coordinates have been switched. This is the same as reflecting the circle about
the line y = x and so this is also a circle of radius 5. If you care, the circle in (b) was drawn starting at the point (5, 0)
counterclockwise while this circle is drawn starting at (0, 5) clockwise.
(d) This is an ellipse with major axis along the x-axis intersecting it at (±5, 0) and minor axis along the y-axis intersecting it
2 2
at (0, ±3) : x25 + y9 = 1.
y

x
-4 -2 2 4

-2

-4

46. The discussion in the text of the cycloid looked at the path traced by a point on the circumference of a circle of radius a as it is
−→
rolled without slipping on the x-axis. The vector from the origin to our point P was split into two pieces: OA (the vector from


the origin to the center of the circle) and AP (the vector from the center of the circle to P ). This split remains the same in our
problem.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
12 Chapter 1 Vectors

The center of the circle is always a above the x-axis, and after the wheel has rolled through a central angle of t radians the


x coordinate is just at. So OA = (at, a). This does not change in our problem.
−→
The vector AP was calculated to be (−a sin t, −a cos t). The direction of the vector is still correct but the length is not. If
−→
we are b units from the center then AP = −b(sin t, cos t).
We conclude then that the parametric equations are x = at − b sin t, y = a − b cos t. When a = b this is the case of the
cycloid described in the text; when a > b we have the curtate cycloid; and when a < b we have the prolate cycloid.
For a picture of how to generate one consider the diagram:

Here the inner circle is rolling along the ground and the prolate cycloid is the path traced by a point on the outer circle.
There is a classic toy with a plastic wheel that runs along a handheld track, but your students are too young for that. You could
pretend that the big circle is the end of a round roast and the little circle is the end of a skewer. In a regular rotisserie the roast
would just rotate on the skewer, but we could imagine rolling the skewer along the edges of the grill. The motion of a point on
the outside of the roast would be a prolate cycloid.
47. You are to picture that the circular dispenser stays still so Egbert has to unwind around the dispenser. The direction is
(cos θ, sin θ). The length is the radius of the circle a, plus the amount of tape that’s been unwound. The tape that’s been
unwound is the distance around the circumference of the circle. This is aθ where θ is again in radians. The equation is
therefore (x, y) = a(1 + θ)(cos θ, sin θ).

1.3 The Dot Product

Exercises 1–16 are just straightforward calculations. For 1–6 use Definition 3.1 and formula (1). For 7–11 use formula (4). For
12–16 use formula (5).
√ √
1. (1, 5) · (−2, 3)
= 1(−2) + 5(3) √= 13, (1, 5) = 12 + 52 = 26,
(−2, 3) = (−2)2 + 32 = 13.
 √
2. (4, −1) · (1/2,2) = 4(1/2) − 1(2) = 0, (4, −1) = 42 + (−1)2 = 17

(1/2, 2) = (1/2)2 + 22 = 17/2.
 √ √
3. (−1, 0, 7) · (2, 4,
−6) = −1(2) + 0(4) + 7(−6) = −44, (−1, 0, 7) = (−1)2 + 02 + 72 = 50 = 5 2, and
√ √
(2, 4, −6) = 22 + 42 + (−6)2 = 56 = 2 14.
√ √ 
√ 1, 0)·(1, −2, 3) = 2(1)+1(−2)+0(3) = 0,
4. (2, (2, 1, 0) = 22 + 1 = 5, and (1, −2, 3) = 12 + (−2)2 + 32 =
14.
√ √
(4i − 3j + k) · √
5. √ (i + j + k) = 4(1) + −3(1) + 1(1) = 2, 4i − 3j + k = 42 + 32 + 12 = 26, and i + j + k =
1 + 1 + 1 = 3.
 √
(i + 2j − k) · (−3j + 2k) = 2(−3) − 1(2) = −8,
6.  i + 2j − k = 12 + 22 + (−1)2 = 6, and − 3j + 2k =

(−3)2 + 22 = 13.
√ √
( 3i + j) · (− 3i + j) −3 + 1 −1 2π
7. θ = cos−1 √ √ = cos−1 = cos−1 = .
( 3i + j) − 3i + j (2)(2) 2 3


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
Section 1.3. The Dot Product 13

(−1, 2) · (3, 1) −3 + 2 1
8. θ = cos−1 = cos−1 √ √ = cos−1 − √ .
(−1, 2) (3, 1) 5 10 √ 2
5
(i + j) · (i + j + k) 1+1 2
9. θ = cos−1 = cos −1
√ √ = cos −1
√ .
i+j i+j+k 2 3 3
(i + j − k) · (−i + 2j + 2k) −1 + 2 − 2 −1
10. θ = cos−1 = cos−1 √ √ = cos−1 √ .
i+j−k − i + 2j + 2k ( 3)( 3) 3 3
(1, −2, 3) · (3, −6, −5) 3 + 12 − 15 π
11. θ = cos−1 = cos−1 √ √ = cos−1 (0) = .
(1, −2, 3) (3, −6, −5) 14 70 2

Note: The answers to 12 and 13 are the same. You may want to assign both exercises and ask your students
√ why this should be
true. You might then want to ask what would happen if vector a was the same but vector b was divided by 2.
(i + j) · (2i + 3j − k) 2+3 5 5
12. proji+j (2i + 3j − k) = (i + j) = (1, 1, 0) = , ,0 .
(i + j) · (i + j) 1+1 2 2
⎛  ⎞
i+j
√ · (2i + 3j − k)   1
√ (2 + 3) (1, 1, 0) 5 5
13. proj i+j (2i + 3j − k) = ⎝ 2
    ⎠ i+j
√ = 2
√ = , ,0 .
√ i+j i+j 2 1+1
2 2
2 √ · √ 2 2
2 2
(5k) · (i − j + 2k) 10
14. proj5k (i − j + 2k) = (5k) = (5k) = 2k.
(5k) · (5k) 25
(−3k) · (i − j + 2k) −6
15. proj−3k (i − j + 2k) = (−3k) = (−3k) = 2k.
(−3k) · (−3k) 9
(i + j + 2k) · (2i − 4j + k) 2−4+2
16. proji+j+2k (2i − 4j + k) = (i + j + 2k) = (1, 1, 2) = 0.
(i + j + 2k) · (i + j + 2k) 1+1+4
2i − j + k 1
17. We just divide the vector by its length: = √ (2, −1, 1).
||2i − j + k|| 6
i − 2k 1
18. Here we take the negative of the vector divided by its length: = √ (1, 0, −2).
i − 2k 5
3(i + j − k) 3 √
19. Same idea as Exercise 17, but multiply by 3: = √ (1, 1, −1) = 3(1, 1, −1).
i+j−k 3
20. There are a whole plane full of perpendicular vectors. The easiest three to find are when we set the coefficients of the coordinate
vectors equal to zero in turn: i + j, j + k, and −i + k.
21. We have two cases to consider.
If either of the projections is zero: proja b = 0 ⇔ a · b = 0 ⇔ projb a = 0.
If neither of the projections is zero, then the directions must be the same. This means that a must be a multiple of b. Let
a = cb, then on the one hand
cb · b
proja b = projcb b = cb = b.
cb · cb

On the other hand


b · cb
projb a = projb cb = b = cb.
b·b

These are equal only when c = 1.


In other words, proja b = projb a when a · b = 0 or when a = b.
22. Property 2: a · b = (a1 , a2 , a3 ) · (b1 , b2 , b3 ) = a1 b1 + a2 b2 + a3 b3 = b1 a1 + b2 a2 + b3 a3 = b · a.
Property 3: a · (b + c) = (a1 , a2 , a3 ) · ((b1 , b2 , b3 ) + (c1 , c2 , c3 )) = (a1 , a2 , a3 ) · (b1 + c1 , b2 + c2 , b3 + c3 ) = a1 (b1 +
c1 ) + a2 (b2 + c2 ) + a3 (b3 + c3 ) = (a1 b1 + a2 b2 + a3 b3 ) + (a1 c1 + a2 c2 + a3 c3 ) = a · b + a · c.
Property 4: (ka) · b = (k(a1 , a2 , a3 )) · (b1 , b2 , b3 ) = (ka1 , ka2 , ka3 ) · (b1 , b2 , b3 ) = ka1 b1 + ka2 b2 + ka3 b3 (for the
1st equality) = k(a1 b1 + a2 b2 + a3 b3 ) = k(a · b). (for the 2nd equality) = a1 kb1 + a2 kb2 + a3 kb3 = (a1 , a2 , a3 ) ·
(kb1 , kb2 , kb3 ) = a · (kb).
√  √ √
23. We have ka = ka · ka = k2 (a · a) = k2 a · a = |k| a .


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
14 Chapter 1 Vectors

24. The following diagrams might be helpful:


y y
2
F1
1.5 x
0.5 1 1.5 2
1 a

-0.5
0.5

x
0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4
-1 F2
-0.5
F
-1
-1.5

-1.5
F
-2 -2

To find F1 , the component of F in the direction of a, we project F onto a:

(i − 2j) · (4i + j) 2
F1 = proja F = (4i + j) = (4, 1).
(4i + j) · (4i + j) 17

To find F2 , the component of F in the direction perpendicular to a, we can just subtract F1 from F:

2 9 −36 9
F2 = (1, −2) − (4, 1) = , = (1, −4).
17 17 17 17

Note that F1 is a multiple of a so that F1 does point in the direction of a and that F2 · a = 0 so F2 is perpendicular to a.

−→
25. (a) The work done by the force is given to be the product of the length of the displacement ( P Q ) and the component of
force in the direction of the displacement (± proj− −→ F or in the case pictured in the text, F cos θ). That is,
PQ


−→ −
−→
Work = P Q F cos θ = F · P Q

using Theorem 3.3.



−→
(b) The displacement vector is P Q = i + j − 2k and so, using part (a), we have

−→
Work = F · P Q = (i + 5j + 2k) · (i + j − 2k) = 1 + 5 − 4 = 2.

26. The amount of work is



−→
F P Q cos 20◦ = 60 · 12 · cos 20◦ ≈ 676.6 ft-lb.
27. To move the bananas, one must exert an upward force of 500 lb. Such a force makes an angle of 60◦ with the ramp, and it is
the ramp that gives the direction of displacement. Thus the amount of work done is

−→
F P Q cos 60◦ = 500 · 40 · 1
2
= 10, 000 ft-lb.

28. Note that i, j, and k each point along the positive x-, y-, and z-axes. Therefore, we may use Theorem 3.3 to calculate that

(i + 2j − k) · i 1
cos α = = √ ;
i + 2j − k (1) 6
(i + 2j − k) · j 2
cos β = = √ ;
i + 2j − k (1) 6
(i + 2j − k) · k 1
cos γ = = −√ .
i + 2j − k (1) 6


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
Section 1.3. The Dot Product 15

29. As in the previous problem, we use a = 3i + 4k to find that

(3i + 4k) · i 3
cos α = = ;
3i + 4k (1) 5

(3i + 4k) · j
cos β = = 0;
3i + 4k (1)

(3i + 4k) · k 4
cos γ = = .
3i + 4k (1) 5

30. You could either use the three right triangles determined by the vector a and the three coordinate axes, or you could use
a·i a1 a2
Theorem 3.3. By that theorem, cos α = =  . Similarly, cos β =  and cos γ =
a i 2 2 2
a1 + a 2 + a 3 a1 + a22 + a23
2
a3
 .
a21 + a22 + a23
31. Consider the figure:

P2

P1
C


→ −

If P1 is the point on AB located r times the distance from A to B, then the vector AP1 = rAB. Similarly, since P2 is the point
−→ −

on AC located r times the distance from A to C, then the vector AP2 = rAC. So now we can look at the line segment P1 P2
using vectors.

−−−→ − → −
→ −
→ −
→ −
→ − → −

P1 P2 = AP2 − AP1 = rAC − rAB = r(AC − AB) = rBC.

−−−→ −

The two conclusions now follow. Because P1 P2 is a scalar multiple of BC, they are parallel. Also the positive scalar r pulls
−−−→ −→ −→
out of the norm so P1 P2 = rBC = r BC .
32. This now follows immediately from Exercise 31 or Example 6 from the text. Consider first the triangle ABC.


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
16 Chapter 1 Vectors

M1

M4 B

M2

D C
M3

If M1 is the midpoint of AB and M2 is the midpoint of BC, we’ve just shown that M1 M2 is parallel to AC and has
half its length. Similarly, consider triangle DAC where M3 is the midpoint of CD and M4 is the midpoint of DA. We see
that M3 M4 is parallel to AC and has half its length. The first conclusion is that M1 M2 and M3 M4 have the same length and
are parallel. Repeat this process for triangles ABD and CBD to conclude that M1 M4 and M2 M3 have the same length and
are parallel. We conclude that M1 M2 M3 M4 is a parallelogram. For kicks—have your students draw the figure for ABCD a
non-convex quadrilateral. The argument and the conclusion still hold even though one of the “diagonals” is not inside of the
quadrilateral.
33. In the diagram in the text, the diagonal running from the bottom left to the top right is a + b and the diagonal running from
the bottom right to the top left is b − a.

a+b = −a + b ⇔
 
(a + b) · (a + b) = (−a + b) · (−a + b) ⇔
√ 
a · a + b · b + 2a · b = (−1)2 a · a + b · b − 2a · b ⇔
a·b = 0

Since neither a nor b is zero, they must be orthogonal.


34. Using the same set up as that in Exercise 33, we note first that
2
(a + b) · (−a + b) = a · (−a) + b · (−a) + a · b + b · b = − a + b 2.

It follows immediately that


(a + b) · (−a + b) = 0 ⇔ a = b .
In other words that the diagonals of the parallelogram are perpendicular if and only if the parallelogram is a rhombus.
35. (a) Let’s start with the two circles with centers at W1 and W2 . Assume that in addition to their intersection at point O that
they also intersect at point C as shown below.

W1 W2

The polygon OW1 CW2 is a parallelogram. In fact, because all sides are equal, it is a rhombus. We can, therefore, write
−→ −→ −→
the vector c = OC = OW1 + OW2 = w1 + w2 . Similarly, we can write b = w1 + w3 and a = w2 + w3 .


c 2012 Pearson Education, Inc.
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should die, lying as he did under the guilt of double rebellion. ‘If I am
to die,’ said Radcliffe, splenetically, ‘Lord Morton ought to be
executed at Paris, on the same day.’ Morton was a gossiping tourist,
who, being in Brittany, made some idle reflections on the defences of
Port L’Orient in a private letter, which the French postal authorities
took the liberty to open. This brought the writer into some difficulty in
France, but as no harm was meant, Lord Morton suffered none.
The ever-to-be-amused public were not left without TO
diversity of grim entertainment between the KENNINGTON
condemnation of Radcliffe and the execution of his COMMON.
sentence. On Friday, November 28th, there was the
strangling (with the other repulsive atrocities), of five political
prisoners, on Kennington Common, in the morning, and the revival of
a play (which had years before been condemned because of the
political opinions of the author), in the evening. In the morning, two
sledges stood ready for the dragging of eight prisoners from the New
Prison, Southwark, to the gallows, disembowelling block, and fire, on
the Common. This was not an unfrequent spectacle; and on this
occasion, as on others, there was, without cowardly feeling, a certain
dilatoriness on the part of the patients, who never knew what five
minutes might not bring forth. Sir John Wedderburn, indeed, went
into the foremost sledge, with calm readiness, and Governor (of
Carlisle) Hamilton stept in beside him. Captain Bradshaw stood
apart, hoping not to be called upon. There was a little stir at the gate
which attracted feverish attention on the part of the patients.—‘Is
there any news for me?’ asked Bradshaw, nervously. ‘Yes,’ replied a
frank official, ‘the Sheriff is come and waits for you!’ Bradshaw had
hoped for a reprieve; but hope quenched, the poor fellow said he
was ready. Another Manchester Captain, Leath, was equally ready
but was not inclined to put himself forward. Captain Wood, after the
halter was loosely hung for him around his neck, called for wine,
which was supplied with alacrity by the prison drawers. When it was
served round, the captain drank to the health of the rightful king,
James III. Most lucky audacity was this for Lindsay, a fellow officer
from Manchester, bound for Kennington. While the wine was being
drunk, Lindsay was ‘haltering,’ as the reporters called it. He was nice
about the look of the rope, but just as he was being courteously
invited to get in and be hanged, a reprieve came for him, which
saved his life. Two other doomed rebels, for whom that day was to
be their last, had been reprieved earlier in the morning, and that was
why the puzzled spectators, on the way or at the place of sacrifice,
were put off with five judicial murders when they had promised
themselves eight.
In the evening, the play which was to tempt the CIBBER’S
town was a revival of Cibber’s ‘Refusal, or the Ladies’ ‘REFUSAL.’
Philosophy.’ It had not been acted for a quarter of a
century (1721), when it had failed through the opposition of the
Jacobites, who damned the comedy, by way of revenge for the satire
which Cibber had heaped on the Nonjurors. Now, the play went
triumphantly. No one dared,—when the hangman was breathless
with over-work, and the headsman was looking to the edge of his
axe, for the ultimate disposal of Jacobites,—to openly avow himself
of a way of thinking which, put into action, sent men to the block or
the gallows. All that could be done in a hostile spirit was done,
nevertheless. The Jacks accused Cibber of having stolen his plot
from predecessors equally felonious; but they could not deny that the
play was a good play; and they asserted, in order to annoy the Whig
adaptor, that the Witling of Theophilus Cibber was a finer touch of art
than that of his father in the same part.
On the 8th of December, Charles Radcliffe closed EXECUTION
the bloody tragedies of the year, with his own. He OF
came from the Tower like a man purified in spirit, RADCLIFFE.
prepared to meet the inevitable with dignity. They who
had denied his right to call himself a peer, allowed him to die by the
method practised with offenders of such high quality. The only bit of
bathos in the scene on the scaffold was when the poor gentleman
knelt by the side of the block, to pray. Two warders approached him,
who took off his wig, and then covered his head with a white skull
cap. His head was struck off at a blow, except, say the detail-loving
newspapers, ‘a bit of skin which was cut through in two chops.’ The
individual most to be pitied on that December morning was
Radcliffe’s young son, prisoner in the Tower, who was still believed
by many to be the brother of the young Chevalier.
There was another prisoner there whose life was in peril; namely
Simon, Lord Lovat. The progress up to London of Lovat and of the
witnesses to be produced against him was regularly reported. There
was one of the latter who hardly knew whether he was to be traitor or
witness, Mr. Murray of Boughton. The following describes how he
appeared on his arrival at Newcastle, and is a sample of similar
bulletins. ‘July 17th. On Thursday Afternoon, arrived here in a Coach
under the Care of Lieutenant Colonel Cockayne, escorted by a Party
of Dragoons, John Murray, Esq., of Boughton, the Pretenders
Secretary, and yesterday Morning he proceeded to London. He
seem’d exceedingly dejected and looked very pale.’
The London papers sketched in similar light LOVAT’S
touches the progress of Lovat. In or on the same PROGRESS.
carriage in which he sat were other Frasers, his
servants or retainers who, as he knew, were about to testify against
him, and whose company rendered him extremely irritable. The
whole were under cavalry escort, travelling to London, only by day.
On the morning Lovat left his inn at Northampton, the landlady was
not there to bid him farewell. The old gallant enquired for her. He
was told that she was unavoidably absent. ‘I have kissed,’ said he,
‘every one of my hostesses throughout the journey; and am sorry to
miss my Northampton landlady. No matter! I will salute her on my
way back!’ On Lovat’s arrival at St. Albans, Hogarth left London, for
what purpose is explained in part of the following advertisement,
which appears in the papers under the date of Thursday, August
28th. ‘This day is published, price one shilling, a whole length print of
Simon Lord Lovat, drawn from the life and etch’d in Aqua fortis, by
Mr. Hogarth. To be had at the Golden Head, in Leicester Fields, and
at the Print shops. Where also may be had a Print of Mr. Garrick in
the character of Richard III., in the first scene, price 7s. 6d.’
On the day on which the above advertisement HOGARTH’S
appeared, the Rev. Mr. Harris enclosed one of the PORTRAIT OF
sketches of Lovat in a letter to Mrs. Harris, written in LOVAT.
Grosvenor Square, in which he says:—‘Pray excuse my sending you
such a very grotesque figure as the enclosed. It is really an exact
resemblance of the person it was done for—Lord Lovat—as those
who are well acquainted with him assure me; and, as you see, it is
neatly enough etched. Hogarth took the pains to go to St. Albans,
the evening that Lord Lovat came thither in his way from Scotland to
the Tower, on purpose to get a fair view of his Lordship before he
was locked up; and this he obtained with a greater ease than could
well be expected; for, in sending in his name and the errand he came
about, the old lord, far from displeased, immediately had him in,
gave him a salute and made him sit down and sup with him, and
talked a good deal very facetiously, so that Hogarth had all the
leisure and opportunity he could possibly wish to have, to take off his
features and countenance. The portrait you have may be considered
as an original. The old lord is represented in the very attitude he was
in while telling Hogarth and the company some of his adventures.’
The old roystering Lovelace who kissed his ARRIVAL AT
hostesses on his way up, and talked of saluting them THE TOWER.
on his way back, was so infirm that to descend from
his carriage he leaned heavily on the shoulders of two stout men,
who put their arms round his back to keep him from falling. As he
crossed Tower Hill he came suddenly on the partly dismantled
scaffold on which the two lords had recently suffered; and he was
heard to mutter something as to his perception of the way it was
intended he should go. But, on being lifted from the carriage, he said
to the lieutenant, ‘If I were younger and stronger, you would find it
difficult to keep me here.’—‘We have kept much younger men here,’
was the reply. ‘Yes,’ rejoined Lovat, ‘but they were inexperienced;
they had not broke so many gaols as I have.’ The first news
circulated in London after Murray, the Chevalier’s ex-secretary, had
passed into the same prison, was that he had given information
where a box of papers, belonging to the Pretender, was buried, near
Inverness. A couple of king’s messengers riding briskly towards the
great North Road were taken to be those charged with unearthing
the important deposit.
Of the two prisoners,—one was eager to save his life by giving all
the information required of him. The other, equally eager, pleaded his
innocence, his age, and his debility; but apart from declaring that he
was a loyal subject, and that he willingly had no share in the
rebellion, although his son had, he remained obstinately mute to all
questioning, or he answered the grave queries with senile banter.
Murray yielded at the first pressure. As early as REBELS AND
July, Walpole speaks of him as having made ‘ample WITNESSES.
confessions, which led to the arrest of the Earl of
Traquair and Dr. Barry; and to the issuing of warrants for the
apprehension of other persons whom Murray’s information had put in
peril. Walpole believed that the Ministry had little trustworthy
knowledge of the springs and conduct of the rebellion, till Murray sat
down in the Tower and furnished them with genuine intelligence.
While he and Lord Lovat were travelling slowly by land to the
Tower, traitors were coming up, by sea, to depose against him, or
any other, by whose conviction they might purchase safety. The
‘General Advertiser’ announced the arrival in London (from a ship in
the river) of six and twenty ‘Scotch rebels,’ who were conducted to
the Plaisterer’s Corner, St. Margaret’s Lane, Westminster, where
they were kept under a strong military guard. ‘They are brought up,’
says the above paper, ‘as evidences for the king. Several of them
are young. Some have plaids on; others in waistcoats and bonnets,
and upon the whole make a most despicable and wretched figure.’
Meanwhile Lovat struggled hard for the life he affected to despise,
and which he tried to persuade his accusers was not worth the
taking. He kept them at bay, for months, by his pleas; and he
vehemently declared his innocence of every one of the seven heads
of accusation brought against him,—of every one of which he was
certainly guilty. Towards the close of December, he was arraigned at
the bar of the House of Lords. There is no better condensation of
what took place than that furnished by Walpole, on Christmas Day,
1746:—‘Old Lovat has been brought to the bar of the House of
Lords. He is far from having those abilities for which he has been so
cried up. He saw Mr. Pelham at a distance, and called to him, and
asked him, if it were worth while to make all this fuss to take off a
grey head fourscore years old. He complained of his estate being
seized and kept from him. Lord Granville took up this complaint very
strongly, and insisted on having it enquired into. Lord Bath went
farther and, as some people think, intended the duke; but I believe
he only aimed at the Duke of Newcastle.... They made a rule to order
the old creature the profits of his estate till his conviction. He is to put
in his answer on the 13th of January.’
In the meantime, the papers reported that there TILBURY
were nearly four hundred Scottish rebels cooped up FORT.
in Tilbury Fort. Watermen’s arms were weary with
rowing boats full of Londoners down to the fort, to visit the wretched
captives, or to stare at the fort which held them in. Most of them
were transported to the Plantations. There was a sanguinary feeling
against all such offenders. The last words in the ‘General Advertiser’
for December 31st, 1746, are contained in the two concluding lines
of a poem, signed ‘Williamite,’ and which are to the following
charitable effect:—
A righteous God, with awful hands,
In justice, Blood for Blood demands.
At the same time a print was selling which represented ‘Temple
Bar, the City Golgotha,’ with three heads on the spikes,—allegorical
devils, rebel flags, &c.,—and more ‘blood for blood’ doggrel
intimating that the naughty sons of Britain might there see ‘what is
rebellion’s due.’
The idea of altogether sacrificing Charles Edward FRENCH IDEA.
was as distasteful to his numberless friends in
France, as it was to the English Jacobites. One of the most singular
of the French suggestions for a definite arrangement was made to
this effect, in some of the French papers, namely:—that George II.
should withdraw to his electorate of Hanover, taking his eldest son
and heir with him; renouncing the English crown for himself and
successors, of the elder line, for ever;—that the Chevalier de St.
George should remain as he was;—that the Prince Charles Edward
should be made King of Scotland and Ireland;—and that the Duke of
Cumberland should, as King of England, reign in London. It was a
thoroughly French idea,—making a partition of the United Kingdom,
and establishing the duke in the metropolis to reign over a powerless
fragment of it,—a Roi de Cocagne! Both political parties laughed at it
in their several houses of entertainment.
The Prince of Wales, himself, was something of a Jacobite; but he
was a Jacobite for no other reason, probably, than because his
brother, the Duke of Cumberland, had crushed the Jacobite cause. It
is due to the Prince, however, to notice that he once solemnly
expressed his sympathy when the Princess, his wife, had just
mentioned, ‘with some appearance of censure,’ the conduct of Lady
Margaret Macdonald, who harboured and concealed Prince Charles
when, in the extremity of peril, he threw himself on her protection.
‘And would not you, Madam,’ enquired Prince Frederick, ‘have done
the same, in the same circumstances? I am sure,—I hope in God,—
you would.’ Hogg relates this incident in the introduction to his
‘Jacobite Relics,’ and it does honour to the prince, himself,—who
used at least to profess fraternal affection, if not political sympathy,
by standing at an open window at St. James’s overlooking the Park,
with his arm round the Duke of Cumberland’s neck.
Frederick, however, was not a jot more acceptable A LONDON
to the Jacobites, because he was on bad terms with ELECTOR’S
the king, and that he refrained from paying any other WIT.
compliment than the above-named one to the Duke of
Cumberland, on his victory at Culloden. The prince invariably came
off, more or less hurt, whenever he engaged personally in politics.
When his sedan-chair maker refused to vote for the prince’s friend,
Lord Trentham, a messenger from his royal highness’s household
looked in upon the elector, and bluntly said, ‘I am going to bid
another person make his royal highness a chair!’ ‘With all my heart!’
replied the chair maker, ‘I don’t care what they make him, so they
don’t make him a throne!’ Again, on that day which all Tories kept as
an anniversary of crime and sorrow, the 30th of January,—‘the
martyrdom of King Charles,’ the prince entered a room where his
sister Amelia was being tended by her waiting woman, Miss Russell,
who was a great grand-daughter of Oliver Cromwell. Frederick said
to this lady, sportively, ‘Shame, Miss Russell, why have you not been
to Church, humbling yourself, for the sins on this day committed by
your ancestors?’ To which she replied, ‘Sir: I am a descendant of the
great Oliver Cromwell. It is humiliation sufficient to be employed, as I
am, in pinning up your sister’s tail!’
During the early months of 1747, the Londoners TRIAL OF
waited with impatience for the trial of Lord Lovat. The LOVAT.
old rebel had exhausted every means of delay. The
time of trial came at last. On the 9th of March, Lovat was taken from
the Tower to Westminster Hall. An immense crowd lined the whole
way, and the people were the reverse of sympathetic. One woman
looked into his coach, and said: ‘You ugly old dog, don’t you think
you will have that frightful head cut off?’ He replied, ‘You ugly old
——, I believe I shall!’ Lovat was carried through the hall in a sedan-
chair, and to a private room, in men’s arms. Mr. Thomas Harris,
writing of the trial next day, from Lincoln’s Inn, says:—‘It was the
largest and finest assembly I ever saw: the House of Commons on
one side; ladies of quality on the other, and inferior spectators
without number, at both ends.’—After much pantomimic ceremony
on the part of officials, Lovat, having been brought in, knelt (as he is
described to have done on each of the nine days of the trial). On
each occasion Lord Hardwicke solemnly said to him, ‘My Lord Lovat,
your Lordship may rise.’ On the opening day, the prosecuting
managers of the impeachment sent up by the Commons, ‘went at
him,’ at dreary, merciless, length. After them, the prosecuting
counsel opened savagely upon him, especially Murray, the Solicitor-
General, whose chief witness was his own Jacobite brother, and who
was himself suspected of having drunk the Pretender’s health on his
knees. Lovat lost no opportunity of saving his life. He
SCENE IN
pitifully alluded to his having to rise by 4 o’clock, in WESTMINSTE
order to be at Westminster by 9. He spoke of his R HALL.
frequent fainting fits; he often asked leave to retire,
and, in short, he so exasperated the Lord High Steward as to make
that official grow peevish, and to wrathfully advise Lord Lovat to keep
his temper. When the Attorney-General called his first witness,
Chevis of Murtoun, the lawyer described him, with solemn
facetiousness, as being as near a neighbour as man could be to
Lovat, but as far apart from him as was possible in thought and
action. Lovat protested against the legal competency of the witness,
he being Lovat’s tenant and vassal. Hours were spent over this
objection, and the old lord wearied the clerk, whom he called upon to
read ancient Acts of Parliament, from beginning to end. The protest
was disallowed; and the witness having been asked if he owed Lovat
money, and if a verdict of guilty might help him not to pay it,
emphatically declared that he owed Lovat nothing. He then went into
a long array of evidence, sufficient to have beheaded Lovat many
times over, as a traitor to the reigning family, and indeed no faithful
servant of the family desiring to reign. The traitor himself laughed
when this witness quoted a ballad in English, which Lovat had
composed, ‘in Erse’:—
When young Charley does come over,
There will be blows and blood good store.
‘When,’ said the witness, ‘I refused a commission offered me by the
Pretender, Lord Lovat told me I was guilty of High Treason.’ Further,
Lovat had drunk ‘Confusion to the White Horse and the whole
generation of them;’ and had cursed both the Reformation and the
Revolution. Lovat retorted by showing that this not disinterested
witness was a loyal man living at the expense of Government. ‘He is
trying to hang an old man to save himself,’ said Lovat. This was
warmly denied, but Lovat was right in the implication.
Lovat’s secretary, Fraser, was a dangerous FATHER AND
witness. He proved that, by Lord Lovat’s order, he, SON.
the secretary, wrote to Lord Loudon (in the service of
George II.) informing him that he was unable to keep his son out of
the rebellion, and another letter to the Pretender that, though unable
to go himself to help to restore the Stuarts, he had sent his eldest
son to their standard. It was shown that the son was disgusted at his
father’s double-dealing, and only yielded to him at last (in joining the
army of Charles Edward), on the ground that he was bound to obey
his sire and the chief of the clan Fraser. Undoubtedly, the attempt to
save himself by the sacrificing of his son, was the blackest spot in
Lovat’s mean, black, and cruel character. According to Walpole, ‘he
told’ Williamson, the Lieutenant of the Tower, ‘We will hang my eldest
son and then my second shall marry your niece!’
Fraser after Fraser gave adverse evidence. Lovat THE
maintained that they were compelled to speak against FRASERS.
him. One of them confessed, with much simplicity,
that he lived and boarded at a messenger’s house; but that he had
no orders to say what he had said. ‘I am free: I walk in the Park or
about Kensington; I go at night to take a glass,’—but he allowed that
the messenger went with him. One or two witnesses had very short
memories, or said what they could for their feudal superior. Another,
Walker, spoke to the anger of Lovat’s son, on being driven into
rebellion. ‘The Master of Lovat took his bonnet and threw it on the
floor. He threw the white cockade on the fire, and damned the
cockade, &c.’ Lord Lovat, on the other hand, had sworn he would
seize the cattle and plaids of all the Frasers who refused to rise, and
would burn their houses. One of these adverse Frasers, being hard
pressed by Lovat, allowed that he expected to escape punishment,
for his evidence, but that he had not been promised a pardon. ‘If,’
said he, ‘I give evidence, in any case it should be the truth; and,’ he
added, with a composure so comic that it might well have disturbed
the august solemnity, ‘if the truth were such as I should not care to
disclose, I would declare positively I would give no evidence at all.’
Another witness, a Lieutenant Campbell, in the king’s service, but
who had been a prisoner in the power of the Jacobites, being
questioned as to a conversation he had had with Lovat, made the
amusingly illogical remark, ‘As I did not expect to be called as a
witness, so I do not remember what passed on that occasion.’ The
lieutenant did, however, recollect one thing, namely, that Lovat had
said that his son had gone into the rebellion, but that he himself was
a very loyal person. A second officer, Sir Everard Falconer, secretary
to the Duke of Cumberland (and very recently married to Miss
Churchill, daughter of the old general), stated that he had been sent
by the duke to converse with Lovat, and he repeated the loyal
assertions that the prisoner had made. ‘Will your Lordship put any
question to Sir Everard?’ asked the Lord High Steward, of Lovat. ‘I
have only,’ replied Lovat, ‘to wish him joy of his young wife.’
The most important witness of all was, of course,
MURRAY OF
Mr. Murray, of Boughton, late secretary to the young BOUGHTON.
Chevalier, and, only a day or two before, a prisoner in
the King’s Bench, from which he had been discharged. In the course
of his answers, Murray said he had been ‘directed’ to give a narrative
of the springs and progress of the late rebellion,—when he came to
be examined at the Bar of the High Court of Justice, where he was
then standing. ‘Directed?’ exclaimed the Earl of Cholmondely, ‘who
directed you?’ The Lord High Steward and the Earl of Chesterfield
protested they had not heard the word ‘directed’ used by the witness.
There was a wish to have the matter cleared up, and Murray then
said, ‘Some days after my examination in the Tower, by the
honourable Committee of the House of Commons, a gentleman,
who, I believe was their secretary, came to me to take a further
examination; and to ask me as to any other matter that had occurred
since my last examination. Some days after that, he told me I should
be called here before your Lordships, upon the trial of my Lord
Lovat, and that at the same time, it would be expected that I should
give an account of the rise and progress of the Rebellion in general.’
The above shows pretty clearly how the weak MURRAY’S
natures of prisoners in the Tower were dealt with, in EVIDENCE.
order to get evidence by which they would destroy at
once the life of a confederate and their own honour. Murray did what
he was ‘directed’ or ‘expected’ to do, without passion but with some
sense of pain and shame. The whole rise and course of the
insurrection may be found in his testimony; he was prepared for the
questions, equally so with the answers he gave to them; and his
evidence is of importance for a proper understanding of the
outbreak. Some merit was made of his ‘voluntary surrender,’ but
Lord Talbot, quite in Lovat’s interest, roughly asked if Murray had
really intended to surrender himself at the time he became a prisoner
to the Royal forces. The poor man truthfully answered that ‘it was not
then my intention particularly to surrender myself’;—adding, ‘it was
not my intention till I saw the dragoons;’—but that he had never
since attempted to escape.—‘Have you ever taken the Oaths of
Allegiance and Fidelity to the King?’ asked Lord Talbot. He never
had. ‘Did you ever take such Oaths to anybody else?’ Murray let
drop a murmured ‘No’; and then Sir William Yonge,
CROSS
one of the Managers for the Commons, came to his EXAMINATION.
help, with the expression of a hope that the king’s
witness should not be obliged to answer questions that tended to
accuse himself of High Treason. To which Lord Talbot replied that the
gentleman had already confessed himself guilty of that crime. Lord
Talbot then asked Murray if he was a voluntary evidence. Murray
requested him to explain what he meant by those two words. ‘Are
you here?’ said Talbot, ‘in hopes of a pardon? And if you had been
pardoned, would you now be here as a witness at all?’ The Attorney-
General came to the rescue. It was an improper question, he said,
resting upon the supposition of a fact which had not happened. Lord
Talbot insisted: he asked Murray, ‘Do you believe your life depends
upon the conformity of the evidence you shall give on this trial, with
former examinations which you have undergone?’ There was a fight
over this matter, but a lull came in the fray, and then Murray spoke
with a certain dignity, and said: ‘I am upon my oath and obliged to tell
the truth; and I say that possibly and very probably, had I been in
another situation of life, I should not have appeared before your
Lordships as a witness against the noble Lord at the Bar.’ There was
a touch of mournful sarcasm in Murray’s truthful answer, which
escaped Lord Talbot, for he remarked: ‘I am extremely well satisfied
with the gentleman’s answer; and it gives me a much better opinion
of his evidence than I had before.’
The conclusion of the protracted affair was that
THE VERDICT.
Lovat was pronounced guilty by the unanimous
verdict of 117 peers. He made no defence by which he could profit;
and when he spoke in arrest of judgment, he said little to the
purpose. There was a sorry sort of humour in one or two of his
remarks. He had suffered in this trial by two Murrays, he said, by the
bitter evidence of one, and the fatal eloquence of another, by which
he was hurried into eternity. Nevertheless, though the eloquence had
been employed against him, he had listened to it with pleasure. ‘I
had great need of my friend Murray’s eloquence for half an hour,
myself; then, it would have been altogether agreeable to me!’ In
whatever he himself had done, there was, he said, really no
malicious intention. If he had not been ill-used by the Government in
London, there would have been no rebellion in the Frasers’ country.
George I. had been his ‘dear master;’ for George II. he had the
greatest respect. He hoped the Lords would intercede to procure for
him the royal mercy. The Commons had been severe against him, let
them now be merciful. Nothing of this availed Lovat. The peevish
Lord Hardwicke called him to order; and then, with a calm
satisfaction, pronounced the horrible sentence which told a traitor
how he should die. Lovat put a good face on this bad matter.—‘God
bless you all!’ he said, ‘I bid you an everlasting farewell.’ And then,
with a grim humour, he remarked:—‘We shall not meet all in the
same place again, I am quite sure of that!’ He afterwards desired, if
he must die, that it should be in the old style of the Scottish nobility,
—by the Maiden.
While this tragic drama was in progress, there
GENTLEMAN
arose a report in the coffee-houses of a Jacobite plot. HARRY.
It came in this way. At the March sessions of the Old
Bailey, a young highwayman, named Henry Simms, was the only
offender who was capitally convicted. ‘If it hadn’t been for me,’ said
the handsome highwayman, ‘you would have had a kind of maiden
assize; so, you might as well let me go!’ As the judges differed from
him, he pointed to some dear friends in the body of the court, and
remarked, ‘Here are half a dozen of gentlemen who deserve hanging
quite as much as I do.’ The Bench did not doubt it, but the remark
did not profit Gentleman Harry, himself, as the young women and
aspiring boys on the suburban roads called him. But Mr. Simms was
a man of resources. As he sat over his punch in Newgate, he
bethought himself of a means of escape. He knew, he said, of a
hellish Jacobite plot to murder the king and upset the Happy
Establishment. Grave ministers went down to Newgate and listened
to information which was directed against several eminent persons.
Harry, however, lacked the genius of Titus Oates; and besides, the
people in power were not in want of a plot; the information would not
‘hold water.’ The usual countless mob of savages saw him ‘go off’ at
Tyburn; and then eagerly looked forward to the expected grander
display on Tower Hill. But Lovat and his friends spared no pains to
postpone that display altogether.
The Scots made a national question of it. The Duke of Argyle
especially exerted himself to get the sentence commuted for one of
perpetual imprisonment. This was accounted for by Mr. Harris
(Malmesbury Correspondence), in the following manner: ‘The Duke
owes Lord Lovat a good turn for letting the world know how active
his Grace was in serving the Government in 1715, and for some
panegyric which the Duke is not a little pleased with.’
In the Tower, Lovat mingled seriousness and buffoonery together.
But this was natural to him. There was no excitement about him, nor
affectation. He naturally talked much about himself; but he had
leisure and self-possession to converse with his visitors on other
topics besides himself. Only two or three days before his execution
he was talking with two Scottish landed proprietors. The subject was
the Jurisdiction Bill. ‘You ought to be against the Bill,’ said Lovat; ‘the
increase of your estates by that Bill will not give you such an interest
at Court as the power did which you are thereby to be deprived of.’
The interest of his own friends at Court was gone.
On April the 2nd, the Sheriffs of London received THE DEATH
the ‘death warrant’ from the Duke of Newcastle for WARRANT.
Lovat’s execution. At the same time, a verbal
message was sent expressing the duke’s expectation that the
decapitated head should be held up, and denounced as that of a
traitor, at the four corners of the scaffold.
On the 9th, the hour had come and the old man EXECUTION.
was there to meet it. It is due to him to say that he
died like a man, therein exemplifying a remark made by Sir Dudley
Carleton, on a similar occurrence, ‘So much easier is it for a man to
die well than to live well.’ Lovat was very long over his toilet, from
infirm habit, and he complained of the pain and trouble it gave him to
hobble down the steps from his room, in order to have his head
struck off his shoulders. On the scaffold, he gazed round him and
wondered at the thousands who had assembled to see such a
melancholy sight. He quoted Latin lines, as if they illustrated a
patriotism or virtue which he had never possessed or practised. He
would have touched the edge of the axe, but the headsman would
not consent till the Sheriffs gave their sanction. With, or apart from all
this, ‘he died,’ says Walpole, ‘without passion, affectation,
buffoonery, or timidity. His behaviour was natural and intrepid.’
Walpole adds, ‘He professed himself a Jansenist.’ Other accounts
say, ‘a Papist,’ which is a Jansenist and something more. ‘He made
no speech; but sat down a little while in a chair on the scaffold, and
talked to the people round him. He said, he was glad to suffer for his
country, dulce est pro patriâ mori; that he did not know how, but that
he had always loved it, Nescio quâ natale solum, &c.; that he had
never swerved from his principles, (!) and that this was the character
of his family who had been gentlemen for 500 years! He lay down
quietly, gave the sign soon, and was despatched at a blow. I believe
it will strike some terror into the Highlands, when they hear there is
any power great enough to bring so potent a tyrant to the block. A
scaffold fell down and killed several persons; one, a man that had
ridden post from Salisbury the day before to see the ceremony; and
a woman was taken up dead with a live child in her arms.’ This
scaffold consisted of several tiers which were occupied by at least a
thousand spectators. It was built out from the Ship, at the corner of
Barking alley. About a dozen people were killed at the first crash,
which also wounded many who died in hospital. The master-
carpenter who erected it, had so little thought of its instability, that he
established a bar and tap beneath it. He was joyously serving out
liquors to as joyous customers, when down came the fabric and
overwhelmed them all. The carpenter was among the killed.
The head was not held up nor its late owner GEORGE
denounced as a traitor. The Duke of Newcastle was SELWYN.
displeased at the omission, but the Sheriffs justified
themselves on the ground that the custom had not been observed at
the execution of Lord Balmerino, and that the duke had not
authorised them to act, in writing. A sample of the levity of the time is
furnished in the accounts of the crowds that flocked to the trial as
they might have done to some gay spectacle; and an example of its
callousness may be found in what Walpole calls, ‘an excessive good
story of George Selwyn.’ ‘Some women were scolding him for going
to see the execution, and asked him how he could be such a
barbarian to see the head cut off?’ “Nay,” says he, “if that be such a
crime, I am sure I have made amends, for I went to see it sewed on
again!” When he was at the undertaker’s, Stephenson’s in the
Strand, as soon as they had stitched him together, and were going to
put the body into the coffin, George, in my Lord Chancellor’s voice,
said, “My Lord Lovat, your Lordship may rise.”’
Lovat had expressed a passionate desire to be
LOVAT’S
buried in his native country, under the shadow of its BODY.
hills, his clansmen paying the last duty to their chief,
and the women of the tribe keening their death-song on the way to
the grave. The Duke of Newcastle consented. The evening before
the day appointed for leaving the Tower, a coachman drove a hearse
about the court of the prison, ‘before my Lord Traquair’s dungeon,’
says Walpole, ‘which could be no agreeable sight, it might to Lord
Cromartie, who is above the chair.’ Walpole treats Lord Traquair with
the most scathing contempt, as if he were both coward and traitor,
ready to purchase life at any cost. After all, Lovat’s body never left
the Tower. ‘The Duke of Newcastle,’ writes Walpole to Conway, 16th
April, on which night London was all sky-rockets and bonfires for last
year’s victory, ‘has burst ten yards of breeches-strings, about the
body, which was to be sent into Scotland; but it seems it is
customary for vast numbers to rise, to attend the most trivial burial.
The Duke, who is always at least as much frightened at doing right
as at doing wrong, was three days before he got courage enough to
order the burying in the Tower.’
Lovat’s trial brought about a change in the law. On the 5th of May,
Sir William Yonge, in the House of Commons, brought in a good-
natured Bill, without opposition, ‘to allow council to prisoners on
impeachment for treason, as they have on indictments. It hurt
everybody at old Lovat’s trial, all guilty as he was, to see an old
wretch worried by the first lawyers in England, without any
assistance, but his own unpractised defence. This was a point
struggled for in King William’s reign, as a privilege and dignity
inherent in the Commons—that the accused by them should have no
assistance of council. How reasonable that men chosen by their
fellow-subjects for the defence of their fellow-subjects should have
rights detrimental to the good of the people whom they are to
protect. Thank God! we are a better-natured age, and have
relinquished this savage principle with a good grace.’ So wrote
Walpole in Arlington Street.
After Lovat’s death, the friends of the Happy Establishment
ceased to have fears for the stability of the happiness or for that of
the establishment. Walpole declined thenceforth to entertain any
idea of Pretender, young or old, unless either of them got south of
Derby. When Charles Edward ‘could not get to London with all the
advantages which the ministry had smoothed for him, how could he
ever meet more concurring circumstances?’ Meanwhile, the ‘Duke’s
Head,’ as a sign, had taken place of Admiral Vernon’s in and about
the metropolis, as Vernon’s had of the illustrious Jacobite’s—the
Duke of Ormond.
There was in Piccadilly an inn, whose loyal host, THE WHITE
Williams, had set up the then very loyal sign of ‘The HORSE,
White Horse’ (of Hanover). While Lovat’s trial was PICCADILLY.
proceeding, that Whig Boniface had reason to know
that the Jacobites were not so thoroughly stamped out as they
seemed to be. Williams attended an anniversary dinner of the
Electors of Westminster, who supported ‘the good old cause.’ He
was observed to be taking notes of the toasts and speeches, and he
was severely beaten and ejected. He laid an information against this
Jacobite gathering, and he described one of the treasonable
practices thus:—‘On the King’s health being drunk, every man held a
glass of water in his left hand, and waved a glass of wine over it with
the right.’ A Committee of the House of Commons made so foolish
an affair of it as to be unable to draw up a ‘Report.’ If the enquiry had
extended three years back, Walpole thinks, ‘Lords Sandwich and
Grenville of the Admiralty would have made an admirable figure as
dictators of some of the most Jacobite toasts that ever were
invented. Lord Donerail ... plagued Lyttelton to death with pressing
him to enquire into the healths of the year ’43.’
On the first anniversary of Culloden, the JACOBITE
celebration of the day was as universally joyous as TOASTS.
when the news of the victory first reached town. The
papers speak of a ‘numerous and splendid appearance of nobility,’ at
St. James’s; of foreign ministers and native gentry, eager to pay their
compliments to his Majesty on this occasion. At night, London was in
a blaze of bonfires and illuminations. At the same time, in houses
where Jacobites met, they drank the very enigmatical toast, ‘The
three W’s,’ and talked of a private manifesto of the Chevalier to his
faithful supporters, which stated that the late attempt was an essay,
which would be followed in due time by an expedition made with an
irresistible force. But there were also Jacobites who ‘mourned
Fifteen renewed in Forty-five,’ and whose sentiments were
subsequently expressed by Churchill’s Jockey in the ‘Prophecy of
Famine’:—
Full sorely may we all lament that day,
For all were losers in the deadly fray.
Five brothers had I on the Scottish plains,
Well do’st thou know were none more hopeful swains:
Five brothers there I lost in manhood’s pride;
Two in the field, and three on gibbets died.
Ah! silly swains to follow war’s alarms;
Ah, what hath shepherd life to do with arms?
There was still an untried rebel peer in the Tower, THE EARL OF
the Earl of Traquair. He bore the royal name of TRAQUAIR.
Charles Stuart, and had some drops of the Stuart blood in his veins.
Captured in 1746, he had seen the arrival of Lovat at, and also his
departure from, the Tower. Soon after the latter event, there was
some talk of impeaching the earl; but this was held to be idle talk
when the earl was seen enjoying the liberty of the Tower—walking in
one of the courts with his friends. Whether he had rendered any
service to Government, to be deserving of this favour and
subsequent immunity, is not known. Walpole, when Lovat’s trial was
going on, said, ‘It is much expected that Lord Traquair, who is a great
coward, will give ample information of the whole plot.’ However, it is
certain that many Jacobites were pardoned without any such
baseness being exacted from them. Sir Hector Maclean and half-a-
dozen other semi-liberated rebels were to be seen going about
London, with a messenger attending on them. Other messengers,
however, were often sudden and unwelcome visitors in private
houses, in search for treasonable papers and traitorous persons.
Gentleman Harry’s idea of a plot was said, in loyal coffee-houses, to
be a reality; and the quidnuncs there were quite sure that money
was going into the Highlands from France, and small bodies of
Frenchmen were also being sent thither, and capable Scottish and
English sergeants were now and then disappearing. The only
ostensible steps taken by the Government was to make a new army-
regulation, namely, that the 3rd (Scottish) regiment of Foot Guards,
and all other regiments, bearing the name Scottish, should
henceforward be called English, and ‘the drums to beat none but
English marches.’
Therewith came a doubtful sort of pardoning to PLOTTING
about a thousand rebels cooped up in vessels on the AND
Thames, or in prisons ashore. They, and some PARDONING.
Southwark prisoners who had been condemned to
death, were compelled to suffer transportation to the American
Plantations. ‘They will be transported for life,’ the papers tell their
readers, ‘let them be of what quality and condition soever.’
There was one Jacobite prisoner in Newgate who ÆNEAS
was disinclined to live in durance, to take his trial, or MACDONALD.
to be hanged after it or transported without it. This
was Æneas or Angus Macdonald, known as the Pretender’s Banker.
He had surrendered soon after Culloden, and was lodged in
Newgate. Seeing the death-like aspect of things, Macdonald got two
friends to call upon him, one evening. There was nothing strange in
such a visit. Newgate was like a huge hotel, open at all hours, where
turnkeys acted as footmen who introduced visitors. Young Mr.
Ackerman, the keeper’s son, received Mr. Macdonald’s friends. As
soon as he had opened the wicket, behind which the prisoner was
standing, they knocked Ackerman down, and as he was attempting
to rise, they flung handfuls of snuff into his face. He succeeded in
getting on his legs, but, when he could open his eyes, the captive
and his friends had disappeared. Alarm was given; young Ackerman
led the pursuit, and he came up with Macdonald in an adjacent
street. Æneas faced his pursuer as if to quietly surrender, but as
soon as Ackerman came near, he flung a cloud of snuff into his face.
The gaoler struck him down with his keys and broke his collarbone.
When Macdonald was again within the prison walls, he politely
apologised for the trouble he had given. Mr. Ackerman quite as
politely begged him not to think of it, ‘but, you see, Sir,’ he added, ‘I
am bound to take care it does not happen again,’ and clapping a
heavy suit of irons on the prisoner’s limbs, he stapled and screwed
the banker down to the floor, sending the surgeon to him to look to
his collarbone.
The banker’s trial was put off from time to time, THE
between July and December. The public in general COUNTESS
were beginning to doubt its ever coming on at all; and OF
the autumn seemed dull to people now long used to DERWENTWAT
ER.
excitement, when London suddenly heard that
Charles Radcliffe’s widow, with a son and two daughters, had arrived
in London, and had taken a mansion in, then highly fashionable,
Golden Square. She was a Countess (of Newburgh), in her own
right; but, of course, the gentry with Jacobite sympathies, who called
on her, recognised her as Countess of Derwentwater. This arrival in
Golden Square may have had some influence on a demonstration at
Westminster Abbey. For years, on the anniversary of that rather un-
English king and canonized saint, Edward the Confessor, groups of
Roman Catholics were accustomed to gather round his shrine,
kneeling in prayer. ‘Last Tuesday,’ says the ‘Penny Post,’ ‘being the
anniversary of Edward the Confessor, the tombs were shut in
Westminster Abbey, by order of the Dean and Chapter, to prevent
the great concourse of Roman Catholics, who always repair there on
that day. Notwithstanding which, most of them were kneeling all the
day at the gates, paying their devotions to that Saint.’
This incident having passed out of discussion, the trial of
Macdonald was looked for. When it did come on, in December, at St.
Margaret’s, Southwark, it disappointed the amateurs of executions,
and delighted the Jacobites. The prisoner’s main plea was that he
was French, and was legally at Culloden. The jury found that he was
not French, but was a Scotch rebel. He was sentenced to death; but
the whole thing was a solemn farce, the sentence was not carried
out; and we shall presently see wherefore he was immediately

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