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THE NEW CAMBRIDGE HISTORY
OF INDIA
A list of individual titles in preparation will be found at the end of the volume.
M. N. PEARSON
SCHOOL OF HISTORY,
UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES
CE
Vll
The New Cambridge History of India covers the period from the beginning
of the sixteenth century. In some respects it marks a radical change in
the style of Cambridge Histories, but in others the editors feel that they
are working firmly within an established academic tradition.
During the summer of 1896, F. W. Maitland and Lord Acton
between them evolved the idea for a comprehensive modern history. By
the end of the year the Syndics of the University Press had committed
themselves to the Cambridge Modern History, and Lord Acton had been
put in charge of it. It was hoped that publication would begin in 1899
and be completed by 1904, but the first volume in fact came out in
1902 and the last in 1910, with additional volumes of tables and maps
in 1911 and 1912.
The History was a great success, and it was followed by a whole series
of distinctive Cambridge Histories covering English Literature, the
Ancient World, India, British Foreign Policy, Economic History,
Medieval History, the British Empire, Africa, China and Latin
America; and even now other new series are being prepared. Indeed, the
various Histories have given the Press notable strength in the publica-
tion of general reference books in the arts and social sciences.
What has made the Cambridge Histories so distinctive is that they
have never been simply dictionaries or encyclopedias. The Histories
have, in H. A. L. Fisher's words, always been 'written by an army of
specialists concentrating the latest results of special study'. Yet as Acton
agreed with the Syndics in 1896, they have not been mere compilations
of existing material but original works. Undoubtedly many of the
Histories are uneven in quality, some have become out of date very
rapidly, but their virtue has been that they have consistently done more
than simply record an existing state of knowledge: they have tended to
focus interest on research and they have provided a massive stimulus to
further work. This has made their publication doubly worthwhile and
has distinguished them intellectually from other sorts of reference book.
The editors of the New Cambridge History of India have acknowledged
this in their work.
IX
XI
HOUSE OF AVIZ
Joao I, 1385-1433
Duarte, 1433-8
Affonso V, 1438-81
Joao II, 1481-95
Manuel I, 1495—1521
Joao III, 1521-57
Sebastian, 1557—78
Henry, 1578—80
HOUSE OF BRAGANCJA
Joao IV, 1640—56
Affonso VI, 1656-67
Pedro II, 1667—1706
Joao V, 1706—50
Jose, 1750-77
Maria I, 1777—92
Joao VI, 1792—1826
Pedro IV, 1826-34
Miguel, 1828—34
Maria II, 1834—53
Pedro V, 1853-61
Luis I, 1861—89
Carlos I, 1889—1908
Manuel II, 1908-10
Xll
All viceroys were also governors. Thus the serial number refers to governorships;
those governors who were further honoured by being called viceroys have an
asterisk. Gaps in the sequence, as between numbers 53 and 54, are because in
these years there was a Council of Government. With a few exceptions, I have not
includedtitles.
xin
xiv
xv
xvi
This glossary is intended solely for the convenience of readers of this book. It
makes no claim to being authoritative; nor does it cover all possible meanings of
all the words; nor is it a work of linguistic reference.
aforamento quit-rent
alvard royal order or decree
araq spirit distilled from palms
bhakti Hindu devotionalism
cafila convoy
Camara municipal council
carreira da India Lisbon—Goa round trip
cartaz passport; licence
Casa da India India House, in Lisbon
casado married man; householder
castico Portuguese born in India
chettyar member of Coromandel Hindu merchant
community
choli Hindu blouse
Christdo-Novo New Christian; a convert from Judaism
colecta tax on food
Conselho da Fazenda financial council
cruzado coin worth 400 reis, about 4 English shillings
descendente mixed blood; mestizo
dhoti Hindu male nether-garment
Estado da India the Portuguese state in India
fidalgo a noble or gentleman; 'son of somebody'
foro land revenue
gaunkar land controller
hajj Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca
Indiatico Portuguese born in India
jama masjid congregational mosque
juiz judge
keling Tamil-speaking Hindu
XVI1
XVI11
Language: English
By
Meredith Nicholson
London
CONSTABLE & CO. Limited
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
1913
COPYRIGHT, 1912, BY MEREDITH NICHOLSON
Twelfth Night.
III
In discussions under captions similar to mine it is often maintained
that railways, telegraphs, telephones, and newspapers are so
knitting us together, that soon we shall all be keyed to a metropolitan
pitch. The proof adduced in support of this is the most trivial, but it
strikes me as wholly undesirable that we should all be ironed out and
conventionalized. In the matter of dress, for example, the women of
our town used to take their fashions from “Godey’s” and “Peterson’s”
via Cincinnati; but now that we are only eighteen hours from New
York, with a well-traveled path from the Wabash to Paris, my
counselors among the elders declare that the tone of our society—if I
may use so perilous a word—has changed little from our good old
black alpaca days. The hobble skirt receives prompt consideration in
the “Main” street of any town, and is viewed with frank curiosity, but it
is only a one day’s wonder. A lively runaway or the barbaric yawp of
a new street fakir may dethrone it at any time.
New York and Boston tailors solicit custom among us semi-annually,
but nothing is so stubborn as our provincial distrust of fine raiment. I
looked with awe, in my boyhood, upon a pair of mammoth blue-jeans
trousers that were flung high from a flagstaff in the centre of
Indianapolis, in derision of a Democratic candidate for governor,
James D. Williams, who was addicted to the wearing of jeans. The
Democrats sagaciously accepted the challenge, made “honest blue
jeans” the battle-cry, and defeated Benjamin Harrison, the “kid-glove”
candidate of the Republicans. Harmless demagoguery this, or bad
judgment on the part of the Republicans; and yet I dare say that if
the sartorial issue should again become acute in our politics the
banner of bifurcated jeans would triumph now as then. A Hoosier
statesman who to-day occupies high office once explained to me his
refusal of sugar for his coffee by remarking that he didn’t like to
waste sugar that way; he wanted to keep it for his lettuce! I do not
urge sugared lettuce as symbolizing our higher provincialism, but
mayonnaise may be poison to men who are nevertheless competent
to construe and administer law.
It is much more significant that we are all thinking about the same
things at the same time, than that Farnam Street, Omaha, and Fifth
Avenue, New York, should vibrate to the same shade of necktie. The
distribution of periodicals is so managed that California and Maine
cut the leaves of their magazines on the same day. Rural free
delivery has hitched the farmer’s wagon to the telegraph-office, and
you can’t buy his wife’s butter now until he has scanned the produce
market in his newspaper. This immediacy of contact does not alter
the provincial point of view. New York and Texas, Oregon and Florida
will continue to see things at different angles, and it is for the good of
all of us that this is so. We have no national political, social, or
intellectual centre. There is no “season” in New York, as in London,
during which all persons distinguished in any of these particulars
meet on common ground. Washington is our nearest approach to
such a meeting-place, but it offers only short vistas. We of the
country visit Boston for the symphony, or New York for the opera, or
Washington to view the government machine at work, but nowhere
do interesting people representative of all our ninety millions ever
assemble under one roof. All our capitals are, as Lowell put it,
“fractional,” and we shall hardly have a centre while our country is so
nearly a continent.
Nothing in our political system could be wiser than our dispersion
into provinces. Sweep from the map the lines that divide the States
and we should huddle like sheep suddenly deprived of the protection
of known walls and flung upon the open prairie. State lines and local
pride are in themselves a pledge of stability. The elasticity of our
system makes possible a variety of governmental experiments by
which the whole country profits. We should all rejoice that the
parochial mind is so open, so eager, so earnest, so tolerant. Even
the most buckramed conservative on the eastern coast-line, scornful