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Title Pages
Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of

Jewishness in Early Christian Writings
Jennifer Otto
Print publication date: 2018

Print ISBN-13: 9780198820727
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: June 2018
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198820727.001.0001
Title Pages
Jennifer Otto
(p.i) Oxford Early Christian Studies
(p.ii) The Oxford Early Christian Studies
(p.iii) Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of Jewishness in Early Christian

Writings
General Editors
Gillian Clark Andrew Louth
series includes scholarly volumes on the thought and history of the early
Christian centuries. Covering a wide range of Greek, Latin, and Oriental
sources, the books are of interest to theologians, ancient historians, and
specialists in the classical and Jewish worlds.
Titles in the series include:
The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto
Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century
Andrew Cain (2016)
Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose of Milan
Brian P. Dunkle, SJ (2016)
Social Justice and the Legitimacy of Slavery

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Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in OSO for personal use.
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Title Pages
The Role of Philosophical Asceticism from Ancient Judaism to Late Antiquity
Ilaria L. E. Ramelli (2016)
Making Amulets Christian
Artefacts, Scribes, and Contexts
Theodore de Bruyn (2017)
Isaac of Nineveh’s Ascetical Eschatology
Jason Scully (2017)
The Roman Martyrs
Introduction, Translations, and Commentary
Michael Lapidge (2017)
Liturgy and Byzantinization in Jerusalem
Daniel Galadza (2017)
St Theodore the Studite’s Defence of the Icons
Theology and Philosophy in Ninth-Century Byzantium
Torstein Theodor Tollefsen (2018)
Gregory of Nyssa’s Doctrinal Works
A Literary Study
Andrew Radde-Gallwitz (2018)
The Donatist Church in an Apocalyptic Age
Jesse A. Hoover (2018)
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United Kingdom
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Title Pages
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Abbreviations

Jennifer Otto

Print ISBN-13: 9780198820727
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198820727.001.0001
(p.ix) Abbreviations
Jennifer Otto
Works of Philo
Abr.
De Abrahamo (On Abraham)
Aet.
De Aeternitate Mundi (On the Eternity of the World)
Agr.
De Agricultura (On Husbandry)
Anim.
De Animalibus (On Animals)
Cher.
De Cherubim (On the Cherubim)
Conf.
De Confusione Linguarum (On the Confusion of Tongues)
Congr.
De Congressu Eruditionis Gratia (On Mating with the Preliminary
Studies)
Contempl.
De Vita Contemplativa (On the Contemplative Life)
Decal.
De Decalogo (On the Decalogue)
Det.
Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat (That the Worse is Wont to
Attack the Better)
Deus
Quod Deus sit immutabilis (On the Unchangeableness of God)
Page 1 of 5
Abbreviations
Ebr.
De Ebrietate (On Drunkenness)
Flacc.
In Flaccum (Flaccus)
Fug.
De Fuga et Inventione (On Flight and Finding)
Gig.
De Gigantibus (On the Giants)
Her.
Quis Rerum Divinarum Heres Sit (Who Is the Heir of Divine Things?)
Hypoth.
Hypothetica
Jos.
De Josepho (On Joseph)
Leg.
Legum Allegoriae (The Allegories of the Laws)
Legat.
Legatio ad Gaium (Embassy to Gaius)
Migr.
De Migratione Abrahami (On the Migration of Abraham)
Mos.
De Vita Mosis (On the Life of Moses)
Mut.
De Mutatione Nominum (On the Change of Names)
Opif.
De Opficio Mundi (On the Creation of the World)
Plant.
De Plantatione (On Noah’s Work as a Planter)
Post.
De Posteritate Caini (On the Posterity of Cain and His Exile)
Praem.
De Praemiis et Poenis (On Rewards and Punishments)
Prob.
Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit (Every Good Man is Free)
Prov.
De Providentia (On Providence)
QE
Quaestiones in Exodum (Questions on Exodus)
QG
Quaestiones in Genesim (Questions on Genesis)
(p.x) Sacr.
De Sacrificiis Abelis et Caini (On the Sacrifices of Abel and Cain)
Sobr.
De Sobrietate (On Sobriety)
Page 2 of 5
Abbreviations
Somn.
De Somniis (On Dreams)
Spec.
De Specialibus Legibus (On the Special Laws)
Virt.
De Virtutibus (On the Virtues)
Works of Clement
Protr.
Protreptikos
Paed.
Paedagogus
Strom.
Stromateis
QDS
Quis Dives Salvetur? (Who is the Rich Man Who is Saved?)
Exc.
Excerpta ex Theodoto
Ecl.
Eclogae Propheticae
Works of Origen
Cels.
Contra Celsum
Comm. Jo.
Commentarii in Evangelium Joannis
Comm. Matt.
Commentarium in Evangelium Matthaei
Comm. Rom.
Commentarii in Romanos
Hom. Lev.
Homiliae in Leviticum
Hom. Num.
Homiliae in Numeros
Princ.
De principiis (On First Principles)
Sel. Ezech.
Selecta in Ezechielem
Works of Eusebius
HE
Historia Ecclesiastica
PE
Preparatio Evangelica
DE
Page 3 of 5
Abbreviations
Demonstratio Evangelica
CH
Chronicon
MP
Martyrs of Palestine
Other Abbreviations
ANF
The Ante-Nicene Fathers
BGL
Bibliothek der Griechischen Literatur
CPJ
V. A. Tcherikover and A. Fuks, eds, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum,
vols. 1–3 (Cambridge, MA: 1964–75)
ER
The Encyclopedia of Religion
FOTC
Fathers of the Church
(p.xi) GCS
Die griechische christliche Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte
HTR
Harvard Theological Review
JECS
Journal of Early Christian Studies
JJS
Journal of Jewish Studies
JSJ
Journal for the Study of Judaism
JSNT
Journal for the Study of the New Testament
NTS
New Testament Studies
ODCC
The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church
RGG
Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart
RSR
Recherches de science religieuses
SC
Sources Chrétiennes
SJT
Scottish Journal of Theology
SP
Studia Patristica
Page 4 of 5
Abbreviations
SPhA
Studia Philonica Annual
VC
Vigilae Christianae (p.xii)
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Page 5 of 5
Introduction

Jennifer Otto

Print ISBN-13: 9780198820727
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198820727.001.0001
Introduction
Jennifer Otto
DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198820727.003.0001
Abstract and Keywords

Between the second and the sixteenth centuries CE, references to the Jewish
exegete Philo of Alexandria occur exclusively in texts written by Christians.
David T. Runia has described this phenomenon as the adoption of Philo by
Christians as an “honorary Church Father.” Drawing on the work of Jonathan Z.
Smith and recent investigations of the “Parting of the Ways” of early Christianity
and Judaism, this study argues that early Christian invocations of Philo reveal
ongoing efforts to define the relationship between Jewishness and Christianness,
their areas of overlap and points of divergence. The introduction situates
invocations of Philo within the wider context of early Christian writing about
Jews and Jewishness. It considers how Philo and his early Christian readers
participated in the larger world of Greco-Roman philosophical schools, text
production, and the ethical and intellectual formation (paideia) of elite young
men in the Roman Empire.
Keywords: Philo of Alexandria, Parting of the Ways, David T. Runia, Jonathan Z. Smith, Christianity
and Judaism, paideia, philosophical school
The writings of Philo of Alexandria, the first-century statesman, philosopher, and

prolific interpreter of the Jewish scriptures, survived antiquity and are extant
today because they were read and copied by Christians. Although Philo earns a
favorable mention from the Jewish apologist and historian Josephus within
decades of his death, the next surviving reference to him by a Jewish author
dates to the Italian Renaissance.1 Between the first and sixteenth centuries
stands a long Christian reception tradition, first definitively attested in the
Page 1 of 27
Introduction
works of Clement.2 Writing and teaching in Alexandria from c.180 CE until his
flight to Jerusalem around 202, Clement mentions Philo in his largest surviving
work, the Stromateis, on four occasions and includes scores (p.2) of
unacknowledged Philonic borrowings in his corpus.3 Clement’s familiarity with
Philo’s writings was shared by his fellow Alexandrian and possible student,
Origen.4 Philo’s name comes up three times in Origen’s surviving corpus, twice
in Contra Celsum and once in the Commentary on Matthew, while several dozen
Philonic borrowings are left unattributed. When Origen relocated from
Alexandria to Caesarea Maritima, he brought his copies of Philo’s texts with him,
where they later found a place in the library curated by Pamphilus and his more
famous student, Eusebius. Eusebius scatters mentions of Philo across his corpus,
excerpting him at length in book 2 of Historia Ecclesiastica and books 7 and 12
of Preparatio Evangelica. Eusebius’s successor as bishop of Caesarea, Photius,
had Philo’s treatises copied from papyrus into parchment codices, from which
the medieval Greek manuscripts that stand behind the modern critical editions
descend.5
The fact that early Christians read and preserved Philo’s works while their
Jewish contemporaries did not has been noted frequently by students of
Christian origins.6 The reception of Philo in the Christian (p.3) tradition has
been most squarely addressed by David T. Runia, in particular in his monograph,
Philo in Early Christian Literature: A Survey.7 Following a detailed examination
of Philonic borrowings in Christian writings through the age of Augustine, Runia
suggests that, by the beginning of the fourth century, Philo had been
“Christianized” and was regarded as an “honorary Church Father.”8 Yet in spite
of this Christianization, Runia maintains that the Christians who consulted
Philo’s works were “well aware that Philo is a Jew who lived at the very
beginning of the Christian Church.”9 Runia pauses to appreciate how
counterintuitive it is that Philo the Jew was “adopted” by the Christian tradition.
Given that, “from the outset Christianity engaged in continuous and not seldom
acrimonious rivalry with its ‘mother-religion,’” Runia asks, “is it not remarkable
and quite unexpected that Philo the Alexandrian Jew should have been accepted
within Christianity to the extent that we have observed?”10
Curiously, however, none of the early Christian witnesses to Philo refer to him as
“the Alexandrian Jew.” Clement, the first in the Christian (p.4) tradition to cite
Philo’s works openly, refers to him twice as a Pythagorean. Origen, who
mentions Philo by name only three times in his extensive corpus, makes far more
frequent reference to him in the guise of an anonymous “predecessor.” Eusebius,
who invokes Philo on many more occasions than does Clement or Origen, most
often refers to Philo as a “Hebrew.”
What are we to make of the fact that Philo’s early Christian readers employ
epithets other than Ioudaios, most often translated as “Jew,” when they refer to
him and his work?11 In the pages that follow, I will argue that early Christian
Page 2 of 27
Introduction
invocations of Philo are best understood not as attempts simply to “adopt” an

illustrious Jew into the Christian fold. Rather, I suggest that these citations of
Philo reveal ongoing efforts by Christians to conceptualize and demarcate the
difference between two emerging but fluid collective identities, “Christianness”
and “Jewishness.”12
(p.5) In his seminal essay “Differential Equations: On Constructing the Other,”

Jonathan Z. Smith identifies the articulation and elision of difference as a
ubiquitous preoccupation of human culture. “Culture-itself,” Smith posits, “is
constituted by the double process of both making differences and relativizing
those very same distinctions. One of our fundamental social projects appears to
be our collective capacity to think of, and to think away, the differences we
create.”13 The most meaningful—and therefore the most unsettling—of
differences are those that distinguish “us” not from the exotically foreign, but
from those to whom we are most similar. In Smith’s words,
while difference or “otherness” may be perceived as being either like-us or

not-like-us, it becomes most problematic when it is too-much-like-us or
when it claims to be-us. It is here that the real urgency of theories of the
“other” emerges, called forth not so much by a requirement to place
difference, but rather by an effort to situate ourselves. This, then, is not a
matter of the “far” but preeminently of the “near.” The deepest intellectual
issues are not based upon perceptions of alterity, but, rather, of similarity,
at times, even, of identity.14
While Smith argues his thesis using data derived from modern anthropological
studies, he suggests that its implications are particularly relevant for
understanding difference-making between and within religious communities.15
Following Smith’s insight, the central question this book seeks to answer, then,
is not why Philo “the Alexandrian Jew” was “adopted” by the adherents of the
new religion, “Christianity.” Rather, this study explores the ways in which
invocations of Philo reveal early Christian attempts both to “think of” and “think
away” continuities and distinctive features of their Christianness in relation to
the beliefs and practices of their “near-others,” the Jews. Via an analysis of early
Christian portrayals of Philo, we will discover a variety of different ways that
Christians expressed their similarity to—and distinctiveness from—both Jews
and other “proximate others” among whom they lived, worked, studied, and
argued in the cities of the Roman Empire.
(p.6) Philo at the Parting of the Ways

In recent years, scholars investigating early Judaism and early Christianity have
become increasingly attentive to the fluidity and diversity of both Christian and
Jewish belief and practice in the early centuries of the Common Era. In
particular, the claim that a fully formed Christianity decisively “parted ways”
from Judaism already in the first century CE has attracted significant suspicion
Page 3 of 27
Introduction
and scrutiny. The “Parting of the Ways” model finds early articulations in James
Parkes’s The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue (1934)16 and Marcel
Simon’s Verus Israel (1964).17 Challenging the supercessionist model dominant
in Christian scholarship prior to the Second World War, which understood
nascent Christianity to have quickly broken free of a Judaism grown stale and
legalistic,18 Simon emphasized Christianity’s Jewish roots, arguing that it
remained a minority expression of Judaism for more than a generation.
According to Simon, it was the Jewish revolts of 66–70 CE that resulted in a
decisive split between church and synagogue. The exact date and cause of the
split between Christians and Jews is a question of debate among “separatists,”
with some preferring a date close to the time of Paul and others defending a
relatively late separation resulting from the Bar Kokhba revolts in 135.19 After
this pivotal rupture, Judaism and Christianity developed separately; their only
contact consisted in their fierce (p.7) competition for converts and legitimacy
in the eyes of Greco-Roman elites, with Christianity eventually emerging
victorious.
Judith Lieu’s 1995 essay, “The Parting of the Ways: Theological Construct or
Historical Reality?” was one of the first to challenge the model, which had
become “a truism which needs no justification.”20 Emphasizing that the “Parting
of the Ways” metaphor is, in fact, a model, “and only one among a number of
possible models of the changing relationship between Judaism and Christianity
in the first two centuries CE,” Lieu argued that the “Parting of the Ways” works
best not as a description of a historical process but as (Christian) theological
apologetic.21 Lieu’s follow-up monograph, Image and Reality: The Jews in the
World of the Christians in the Second Century, analyses a range of second-
century Christian texts hailing from Asia Minor for their presentations of Jews
and Judaism, catching in the reflection of the constructed “other” an image of
the Christian self.22 Although the Christian authors Lieu surveys fiercely argue
for the “otherness” of Jews, her study reveals the intimacy and continuity of
interaction between these Christians and their Jewish opponents, so that “pagan
writers who still confused the two religions may have been representative of
some popular perception even among adherents of the two religions.” She
continues, “Contemporary, and not just ‘Old Testament,’ Judaism continued in
the second century to be part of the immediate religious, literary, and social
world of early Christianity.”23 Lieu affirms that, in spite of its often inchoate
theological and social manifestations, “even from the New Testament period
there is a consciousness of being a single body, the church,” (p.8) and
acknowledges that “whatever the fuzziness at the edges, the use of the term
Ioudaioi without apology both in pagan literature and in Jewish inscriptions
implies a coherent perception from outside and from within”; what made the one
different from the other, however, remained contested.24
Page 4 of 27
Introduction
Daniel Boyarin has pressed Lieu’s critique further. Describing the relationship
between nascent Judaism and Christianity using the biblical image of Rebecca’s
twins, he argues that the two religions had an unusually long period of
gestation, contending that they did not emerge fully formed and separate until
the fourth century. During the first three centuries of the Common Era, the
embryos that would become orthodox Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism “jostled
in the womb” of a “complex religious family.”25 Rather than speaking of Judaism
and Christianity as separate religions, Boyarin proposes that in this period
“Judaeo-Christianity” existed as a “single circulatory system,” a continuum of
beliefs and practices without a firm boundary. Lacking a singular, authoritative
decision-making body, Christians continued to contest the criteria for
determining which practices were legitimately Christian and which were to be
rejected as lapses into Jewishness. Only in the fourth century, when Emperor
Constantine invested the ecumenical Councils with the power to police the
borders of orthodoxy, did firm and legally enforceable boundaries between
Christian and Jewish identity emerge. “In short,” Boyarin argues, “without the
power of the Orthodox Church and the Rabbis to declare people heretics and
outside the system—‘neither Jews nor Christians,’ in Jerome’s words, in his
famous letter to Augustine, it remains impossible to declare phenomenologically
who is a Jew and who is a Christian.”26
(p.9) The “Parting of the Ways” model is further challenged from a number of
perspectives in the essays collected by Annette Yoshiko Reed and Adam H.
Becker in their provocatively titled book, The Ways that Never Parted.27 Becker
and Reed approach Judaism and Christianity “as traditions that remained
intertwined long after the Second Temple had fallen and the dust had settled
from the Jewish revolts against Rome,” paying particular attention to “points of
intersection, sites of interaction, and dynamics of interchange” between the two
traditions.28 Becker and Reed’s articulation affirms that, by the second century,
it was possible for an individual to identify as a Jew but not a Christian (or,
conversely, as a Christian but not a Jew). Nevertheless, they resist the
essentialism and assertion of clear differentiation between “Christianity” and
“Judaism” in the second century that the Parting of the Ways model takes for
granted. Many of the contributors to Becker and Reed’s collection share the
suspicion that the opinions preserved in the writings of the invariably elite male
ecclesial leaders do not reflect the lived realities of everyday Christians and
Jews. As a consequence, they suggest that those texts that assert the clear
distinction of Christian from Jew most insistently may in fact be more interested
in prescribing proper belief and practice than in describing actual social,
theological, and liturgical boundaries.29 Assertions such as we find in Ignatius’s
Letter to the Magnesians that “it is utterly absurd to profess Jesus Christ and to
practice Judaism” may be better understood as indicating that some members of
the Magnesian community would have argued the opposite.30
Page 5 of 27
Introduction
(p.10) Synthesizing the results of the past two decades of research, Tobias
Nicklas has recently highlighted the variability of the boundaries drawn by
Christians and Jews that separated the one from the other.31 He identifies the
“Christ-event” of the first century as a catalyst, inspiring some first-century Jews
to begin to reinterpret their system of lifestyle and beliefs in its wake. The
results of this reinterpretation, however, were anything but uniform. Rather,
Nicklas contends, “the re-organizations of the system took shape in very
different manners.”32 In order adequately to acknowledge this variability,
Nicklas advocates that interpreters “try to develop images of the past which are
complex enough to at least understand better what we cannot grasp as a whole
anymore.”33 In an attempt to draw just such an image, Nicklas suggests that
scholars abandon the familiar model of the “Parting of the Ways” as a tree with
two large branches diverging at a single point from a shared trunk in favour of
another arboreal image:
Perhaps we could better use the image of a very robust bush without just
one long trunk, but with a lot of bigger and smaller, stronger and weaker
branches, who not only influence each other’s growing in many ways, but
partly blocking each other in their mutual way to catch as much as possible
from the sun…If we look at it from a certain distance we have the image
that this bush is cut into two main parts, but as soon as we look closer we
see that there are many more divisions, but there have always been veins
connecting the different parts of this plant.34
Although the critics of the Parting of the Ways model are not themselves without
critics,35 their efforts have succeeded in complicating (p.11) narratives that
assume Judaism and Christianity were clearly defined and mutually exclusive
entities prior to the accession of Constantine. In this light, Runia’s contention
that “we must never lose sight of the fact that Philo was a Jew and was
recognized as such” by his Christian readers becomes problematic, as it
assumes that a stable and essentialized concept of “the Jew” was shared among
Philo’s early Christian commentators and remains intuitive to modern readers.36
To say that Philo’s Christian readers knew him to be “a Jew” and not a
“Christian” requires us to ask further, what was it about Philo that made him
Jewish in their eyes?
Who is a Jew? Philo’s Distinction Between Ioudaioi and Israel

Before we begin our consideration of early Christian constructions of Philo and
his relationship to Jewishness, let us briefly consider what Philo himself had to
say about the topic. As Ellen Birnbaum has shown, the definition of Jewishness
operative in Philo’s own thought is not as straightforward as modern readers
might expect. In The Place of Judaism in Philo’s Thought: Israel, Jews and
Proselytes, Birnbaum observes that Philo does not use the terms Israel (Israel)
and Ioudaioi (Jews) interchangeably. Via word studies and a close reading of
Philo’s (p.12) treatises, she demonstrates that the two terms do not usually
Page 6 of 27
Introduction
occur in the same treatise. Moreover, Philo employs the word Israel most
frequently in the treatises that comprise his Allegorical Commentary, which
Birnbaum contends was written with an elite, highly educated segment of the
Jewish audience in mind. In these treatises, Philo interprets Israel according to
its Hebrew etymology, which he then translates into Greek as horōn theon,
“seeing God.”37 From this interpretation, he understands biblical references to
Israel to designate individuals who possess an elite spiritual or mystical
capability to experience a vision of God. This capability may be inborn or
attained through philosophical study and practice. On the other hand, Philo
writes of Ioudaioi in his Exposition of the Law, writings that Birnbaum suggests
were intended for a more general Jewish readership. In these treatises, Ioudaioi
are praised as the discrete social group that follows the laws of Moses and thus
alone properly worships the one true God.
Theoretically, Philo opens both designations to individuals who were not born
into the Jewish people. The “membership requirements” for the two groups,
however, differ. Proselytes, Birnbaum claims, seek to become Jews, not members
of Israel. She observes, “Philo mentions that proselytes leave behind mythical
inventions, polytheistic beliefs, ancestral customs, family, friends, and country
and come over to the one true God, truth, piety, virtue, the laws, and a new
polity.”38 In contrast, “because the distinguishing mark of ‘Israel’ is its ability to
see God, it would seem that anyone who qualifies—whether Jew or non-Jew—
may be considered part of ‘Israel.’” Birnbaum continues, “Philo speaks quite
admiringly of non-Jews like the Persian Magi and other unnamed sages from
Greek and foreign lands. Although he never calls these people ‘Israel’ or speaks
of them as seeing God per se, his description of them would lead one to think
that they meet the requirements for belonging.”
According to Birnbaum’s reading, Philo has no concept of “Israel according to

the flesh”; membership in Israel is determined purely by spiritual capability.
Jews as a people therefore have no inherent claim to the title Israel. She
contends,
(p.13)
Philo himself does not explicitly draw a connection between the vision of
God and Jewish worship of Him. We may speculate that seeing God may
lead one to worship Him in the Jewish way and worshipping God in the
Jewish way may lead one to be able to see Him. Despite these possibilities,
however, Jewish worship of God and the vision of Him are not necessarily
connected. We therefore cannot determine precisely the relationship
between those who see God—“Israel”—and those who worship Him in the
Jewish way—the Jews. Although these two entities may overlap or be one
and the same, the exact connection between them remains unclear.39
Page 7 of 27
Introduction
Birnbaum interprets Philo as effectively associating Israel with the ontologically

superior spiritual realm and the Jews with the lower, corporeal realm,
maintaining that there is no necessary connection between the two.
Although some have questioned whether the distinction between the categories
of “Israel” and “Jew” in Philo’s thought are as rigid as Birnbaum suggests,40
Philo’s conceptual separation of the title “Israel” from Jewishness, and his
subsequent association of that title with a mystical encounter with the divine,
opens up possibilities for its appropriation by readers of the Hebrew scriptures
who reject their halakhic and liturgical demands. Philo’s distinction between
Israel (those who mystically “see” God) and the Jews (the people who worship
God properly according to the law of Moses) held significant appeal for Clement,
Origen, and Eusebius. In the chapters that follow, we shall see how this semantic
distinction, rooted in Philo’s writings, continues to reverberate in the definitions
that each early Christian author constructs for the terms Israel, Hebraios, and
Ioudaios.41
(p.14) Why this New Race—OR Practice?

Philo’s thinking about Jewishness developed within the political and cultural
structures of the first-century Alexandrian society. As an elite member of the
Jewish community in Alexandria, Philo rubbed shoulders with well-born (and
well-moneyed) Greeks and Egyptians. In his treatises In Flaccum and Legatio ad
Gaium, he argues vigorously against the representatives of those nations in the
face of threats to the rights and privileges of Jews in relation to other ethnic
groups in the city.
Some centuries later, Clement, Origen, and Eusebius also inhabited large
cosmopolitan port cities in the Eastern Mediterranean, where they too were
members of marginal minority communities surrounded by ta ethnē, the nations
that made up the diverse populace of the Roman Empire. As they sought to
define their collective identity, these early communities of Jesus-followers only
slowly adopted the name “Christian” for themselves. The apologist and gospel-
harmonizer Tatian notably avoids the term, identifying himself instead as one
born among the Assyrians and educated in the teachings of the Greeks who has
become a “disciple of the barbarian philosophy.”42 Employing a different
strategy, Tatian’s contemporary, Theophilus of Antioch, vigorously defends the
name “Christian,” which his addressee, Autolycus, seemingly uses as a slur.43
Even in the later writings of Clement and Origen, the word “Christian” occurs
relatively rarely, invoked most frequently in discussions of martyrdom.
While the followers of Moses and Jesus44 debated between and amongst
themselves over who could rightfully claim the names of (p.15) Christian, Jew,
and Israel, they also contended with the representatives of Greek learning and
Roman government over their place within the empire and access to its cultural
resources.45 As they sought to defend the legitimacy—even the superiority—of
Page 8 of 27
Introduction
their way of life before a sometimes-hostile audience, Christians adopted

discursive strategies that other peoples, notably including the Jews of the
Diaspora, had already developed.46 These strategies included the compilation of
comparative chronologies, ranking the dignity of various peoples according to
their antiquity, and the study of genealogies to establish kinship, often fictive,
between races.47 The relatively recent incarnation and life of Jesus proved a
persistent problem for Christians to overcome as they debated with those who
considered antiquity to be honorable and novelty suspect.48 As we survey Philo’s
function in early Christian apologetic, we will take note of how his readers used
his writings to establish the continuity of the Christian way of life with
humanity’s earliest history, paying careful attention to the rhetorical role played
by the Jewish people in these contexts.
A number of recent studies have drawn attention to the adoption by early

Christians of the language of race/ethnicity/peoplehood (p.16) prominent in
Hellenistic and imperial discourses of identity.49 In her influential study, Why
This New Race: Ethnic Reasoning in Early Christianity, Denise K. Buell dubs this
phenomenon “ethnic reasoning,” which she defines as “a mode of persuasion
that may or may not include the use of a specific vocabulary of peoplehood” that
“offered Christians both a way to define themselves relative to ‘outsiders’ and to
compete with other ‘insiders’ to assert the superiority of their varying visions of
Christianness.”50 The recognition of racial and ethnic elements in early Christian
articulations of identity has been particularly helpful for deconstructing
theologically charged evaluations that contrast an inward-looking and
particularist Judaism with a supposedly universalistic Christianity.51 It is worth
noting, however, that the quotation that serves as the title of Buell’s book (taken
from the Epistle to Diognetus, an enigmatic example of early Christian
apologetic usually dated to the late second century) is cut off mid-sentence.52
The Epistle’s anonymous author’s full question asks, in relation to Christianity,
why “this new race (genos) or practice (epitēdeuma) has only recently made its
appearance?” Offering an alternative interpretation of the question, Daniel
Boyarin has pointed to this text as evidence that the early Christians were
uncertain as to what exactly their new collective was—the concept of “religion”
not yet being available to describe a system of beliefs and practices oriented
towards the divine and distinct from national or ethnic identity.53 This
uncertainty, (p.17) Boyarin contends, is what prompted Diognetus’s
interlocutor to grasp at two possible terms describe Christian collective identity,
“race of people” and “practice/way of life.”54
While its use in the Epistle to Diognetus is one of the earliest appearances of the
word epitēdeuma in extant Christian literature, the term recurs with some
frequency in Hellenistic Jewish and Greek texts. In Philo’s treatises, epitēdeuma
can be used in reference to the illicit “practices” of adulterers, pederasts, and
usurers, but also to describe a “way of life” that is of good fame and good repute
(eukeilas kai euphēmias).55 In the roughly contemporary Discourses of the Stoic
Page 9 of 27
Introduction
philosopher Epictetus, epitēdeuma is used in the sense of “occupation,”

examples of which include musician, carpenter, philosopher, and rhetor.56 A
century later, Eusebius, quoting Oenomaus in PE 5.34.10, uses epitēdeuma in the
sense of a “godly way of life.” By describing Christianity as a genos or an
epitēdeuma, the author of the Epistle to Diognetus suggests that the emerging
Christian entity is in some ways similar to an ethnic or political collective, in
other ways similar to a chosen occupation or pursuit of a particular way of life.
As we observe early Christian invocations of Philo in apologetic contexts, it will
be important to keep this tension between the “ethnic” and “occupational” or
“lifestyle” aspects of emerging Christian identity in mind.
Christianity as Philosophy
By the middle of the second century, a number of Christian teachers began to
present themselves as pursuing the way of life and occupation of a
philosopher.57 One of the earliest writers to express his (p.18) Christianity as a
philosophy was Justin Martyr, who not only employed literary topoi common in
philosophical writing but, according to Eusebius, even dressed the part, donning
the philosopher’s characteristic cloak.58 In the account of his martyrdom, Justin
is styled as an independent philosophical teacher, reportedly offering anyone
who wished to seek his instruction “the word of truth that abides in me.”59 In his
self-conscious adoption of the methods and terminology of the philosophical
schools, Justin presages the teaching activities of Clement, Origen, and
Eusebius. But Clement and Origen would not have had to look as far afield as
Justin’s Rome for their model. As David Brakke notes,
Although the origins of Alexandrian Christianity remain obscure, the first

Alexandrian Christians to whom we can point with any clarity are teachers
and their students…Like other Hellenistic philosophers, such Christian
teachers would rent their own premises, gather a group of students, and
publish learned treatises under their own names. Within these small study
circles, Christians advanced spiritually and intellectually under the
guidance of their teachers.60
To an outside observer, the teachings and the methods of these Christians would
not have differed notably from those of the philosophical schools.
While George Nickelsburg observes that the “Christian usage of Philo was
connected with the fact that Christian theology in these centuries was
increasingly being clothed in philosophical dress,”61 it has long been questioned
how well the philosopher’s cloak fitted the teachers of the Gospel. At the turn of
the twentieth century, Adolf von (p.19) Harnack identified Christianity’s
increasingly philosophical self-presentation as a betrayal of its primeval Hebraic
character. As Winrich Löhr explains, “Harnack believed that the fact that
Christianity presented itself as a philosophy transformed Christianity itself. It
became something to be taught, a knowledge and a doctrine, something
Page 10 of 27
Introduction
complicated and fully comprehensible only to the educated. For Harnack, then,
the self definition of Christianity as a philosophy was both historically necessary
and deeply problematical.”62 Harnack’s equation of Christian philosophy with an
intellectual doctrine is challenged by the French philosopher Pierre Hadot, who
clarifies that, for the ancients, philosophy was far more than an exclusively
academic pursuit. It was a way of life lived under the direction of a spiritual
master and in the company of a practicing community.63 The purpose of the
philosophical schools of the ancient world was above all therapeutic, aiming to
convert their students from an animal existence of enslavement to the passions
to the ennobled life devoted to reason.64 Consequently, Hadot reasons, “if doing
philosophy meant living in conformity with Reason, then the Christians were
philosophers, for they lived in conformity with the divine Logos.”65
Loveday Alexander further questions the Harnackian view that Christianity’s

self-presentation as a philosophy was a second-century innovation, contending
that “to the casual pagan observer the activities of the average synagogue or
church would look more like the activities of a school than anything else.” She
elaborates, “teaching or preaching, moral exhortation, and the exegesis of
canonical texts are activities associated in the ancient world with philosophy, not
religion.”66 Alexander cites Arthur Darby Nock’s classic study of (p.20)
conversion in late antiquity to further argue that the philosophical schools and
not the “religious” cults required adherents to transform their way of life.
According to Nock’s definition, conversion consists in “the reorientation of the
soul of an individual, his deliberate turning from indifference or from an earlier
form of piety to another, a turning which implies a consciousness that a great
change is involved, that the old was wrong and the new is right.”67 He contends,
“there was therefore in these rivals [i.e. the civic cults] of Judaism and
Christianity no possibility of anything which can be called conversion. In fact the
only context in which we find it in ancient paganism is that of philosophy, which
held a clear concept of two types of life, a higher and a lower, and which
exhorted men to turn from the one to the other.”68 As we survey the early
Christian testimonia to Philo, we shall note the ways in which Philo’s readers use
his texts to help them to establish Christianity as a virtuous way of life, parallel
to the pursuits of the philosophical schools.
Yet Harnack’s observation that the presentation of Christianity in increasingly

philosophical terms made it less accessible to the average man on the street,
“something complicated and fully comprehensible only to the educated,”
remains a valid concern. In the second century, critics including Galen and
Celsus could make exactly the opposite charge, contending that Christian
teachers offered no rational proofs for their doctrines and beguiled “boys and
slaves” in the marketplaces rather than attempting to convert educated men.69
Clement and Origen spin the alleged intellectual weakness of their doctrine into
a strength: they cite Christianity’s universal accessibility as a sign of its
superiority to the complicated philosophies of the Greeks.70 But their claims to
Page 11 of 27
Introduction
the simplicity of the Christian philosophy are counter-balanced by the

development of increasingly sophisticated defenses of its doctrines and the
awareness that the majority of their fellow community-members were either
unwilling or incapable of delving into the deeper mysteries of the sacred texts,
restricting them from ascending from the knowledge of God as revealed in Jesus
to the knowledge of God, the transcendent Father.
(p.21) As they strove to build a systematic worldview that could match the
intellectual rigor of the philosophical schools, Clement and Origen in Alexandria
(and, to a lesser extent, Eusebius in Caesarea) needed to account for the
differing capabilities of their community’s adherents to grasp the truths taught
by Christ. This problem was made all the more pressing by the presence of
schools in Alexandria founded by so-called gnostic teachers such as Valentinus
and Basilides, who defended a theory of election that excluded the freedom of
the will championed by middle Platonists. According to their detractors, these
“gnostics falsely so-called” taught that humans were born with one of three
kinds of natures—somatic (bodily), psychic (soulish), or pneumatic (spiritual)—
which allowed them greater or lesser innate ability to know God, the cosmos,
and their place within it.71
As we follow the Philonic citations in the writings of these three Church leaders
and teachers of Christian philosophy, we will see how Philo’s description of the
relationship between ascetic Jewish communities and the masses of ordinary
Jews help Clement, Origen, and Eusebius to conceptualize the two-tiered
structure of the Christian community. In response to the challenge of Valentinus
and Basilides, in the latter books of the Stromateis Clement develops his concept
of the true gnostic, an elite Christian who, in the fashion of the sages of the
philosophical schools, combines an ascetic lifestyle with exegetical expertise and
a philanthropic spirit that seeks to pass on its knowledge to others.72 Although
Origen bemoans the limited exegetical capabilities of those he deems
simpliciores, the homilies he preached over three years in Caesarea offer a
glimpse into the benevolent service expected of true gnostics. In the writings of
Eusebius, we see the impulses of Clement and Origen further developed and
institutionalized, so that Eusebius can claim that there is not just (p.22) one
but two Christian ways of life, a higher and a lower, making it possible for all to
practice Christian philosophy.73
Philo and the Wisdom of the Greeks

In modern scholarship, Philo often plays the role of the poster child of
Hellenistic Judaism, that strain within the Diaspora that sought to accommodate
itself to the philosophical convictions and literary forms of the dominant Greek
culture.74 Although Philonic scholarship has begun to address the particularly
Alexandrian and Roman aspects of Philo’s writings,75 it is his familiarity with the
methods and traditions of the Greek philosophical schools that has drawn the
most attention. The combination of Greek and Jewish elements in Philo’s thought
Page 12 of 27
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Philo of Alexandria and the

construction of Jewishness in early

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Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of

Print publication date: 2018

(p.i) Oxford Early Christian Studies

(p.ii) The Oxford Early Christian Studies

(p.iii) Philo of Alexandria and the Construction of Jewishness in Early Christian

Gillian Clark Andrew Louth

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Abstract and Keywords

The writings of Philo of Alexandria, the first-century statesman, philosopher, and

invocations of Philo are best understood not as attempts simply to “adopt” an

(p.5) In his seminal essay “Differential Equations: On Constructing the Other,”