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Writing the Holy Land: The Franciscans of Mount Zion and the Construction of a Cultural Memory, 1300–1550 1st ed. Edition Michele Campopiano full chapter instant download
Writing the Holy Land: The Franciscans of Mount Zion and the Construction of a Cultural Memory, 1300–1550 1st ed. Edition Michele Campopiano full chapter instant download
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THE NEW MIDDLE AGES
Writing the
Holy Land
The Franciscans of
Mount Zion and
the Construction of a
Cultural Memory,
1300–1550
Michele Campopiano
The New Middle Ages
Series Editor
Bonnie Wheeler
English and Medieval Studies
Southern Methodist University
Dallas, TX, USA
The New Middle Ages is a series dedicated to pluridisciplinary studies of
medieval cultures, with particular emphasis on recuperating women’s
history and on feminist and gender analyses. This peer-reviewed series
includes both scholarly monographs and essay collections.
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.
Cover illustration: Church of the Holy Sepulchre: woodcut, from Breydenbach’s Sanctae
Peregrinationes (Mainz, 1846). Image from LACMA (lacma.org)
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To my mother, Rita Del Prete
To the memory of my father, Ettore Campopiano (1947–2020)
Sol chi non lascia eredità d’affetti
Poca gioia ha dell’urna
Preface
The volume you have in your hands is a study of the role of the Franciscans
in Jerusalem in building a shared representation of the past of the Holy
Land, a representation that is essential to understanding Latin Christianity’s
self-definition. The Franciscans played (and still play) a fundamental role
in facilitating pilgrimage to the Holy Land. What this book explores and
clarifies is how part of the Franciscans’ task was also accomplished by
collecting texts and elaborating a representation of the Holy Land by
means of the written word. This book stems from a singular coincidence
of interests and methodological approaches. My first book was dedicated
to the study and critical edition of the Liber Guidonis compositus de variis
historiis, a twelfth-century compilation of historical and geographical
texts. In carrying out this work, I focused on how the study of the sources
of a historical work and the analysis of its manuscript tradition could help
us to understand how certain historical representations were consolidated
over the centuries to build a vision of the past that would last over time.
The reception of certain texts or the diffusion of these manuscripts made
it possible to create a widespread and shared, but also lasting, vision of the
past. While studies on the use of the past often highlight the propensity of
different agents to adapt the past to the present circumstances, it seemed
necessary to analyse the possibility of continuity, of the construction of
lasting representations of the past. Each construction of the past offers the
possibility for a particular social group or institution to fashion an identity.
The convinction that identity and a particular vision of the past could not
be separated had been strengthened in me during my university years,
thanks to the study of various thinkers but in particular to my encounter
vii
viii PREFACE
As often in these cases, this book owes much to the contribution and the
suggestions of many colleagues. In particular, I would like to thank Patrick
Gautier Dalché for his many comments. I would also like to express my
gratitude to Edoardo Barbieri, leader of the project “Libri Ponti di Pace,”
for his comments and his help in dealing with the patrimony of the library
of the Franciscan Custodia in Jerusalem. I wish to thank Luca Rivali,
Alessandro Tedesco, Emilia Bignami, Sarah Calabrese and Marcello
Mozzato for helping me while I was in Jerusalem, working in the library
and archive of the Custodia. I need to express my gratitude to the Custodia
itself and in particular to Father Lionel Goh, librarian, and Father Sergey
Loktionov, archivist. I am also grateful to the many other libraries and
archives listed in the bibliography that have granted me access to their
materials. I wish to extend my gratitude to Beatrice Saletti and Paolo
Trovato, not just because of their many useful comments, but also because
they often shared with me the results of their research before publication.
I would also like to thank Victoria Blud, Andrew Jotischky, Jonathan
Rubin and Claudia Wittig for their useful comments, as well as the
members of the research networks “Remembered Places and Invented
Traditions: Thinking about the Holy Land in the Late Medieval West”
and “Pilgrim Libraries: Books and Reading on the Medieval Routes to
Jerusalem & Rome” (led by Anthony Bale) and of the network “Imagining
Jerusalem: c. 1099 to the Present Day” (led by Anna Bernard, Helen
Smith, Jim Watt and myself). These comments are responsible for many of
the merits of this book and none of its demerits. The research for this
book was made possible also by the NWO (Netherlands Organisation for
xi
xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
xiii
xiv Contents
Bibliography381
Index423
Abbreviations
xv
List of Figures
Fig. 4.1 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Latin 4939, fol. 10v 99
Fig. 4.2 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Latin 4939, fol. 11r 100
Fig. 7.1 Staatliche Bibliothek Neuburg an der Donau, 04/Hs. INR 10,
p. 75245
Fig. 7.2 Staatliche Bibliothek Neuburg an der Donau, 04/Hs. INR 10,
p. 157247
Fig. 7.3 Staatliche Bibliothek Neuburg an der Donau, 04/Hs. INR 10,
p. 210249
xvii
CHAPTER 1
For anyone coming to Jerusalem, the sight of Franciscan habits might not
seem surprising in a city that so many people of different religions consider
holy. What the modern pilgrims or tourists may not know is that the
Franciscan presence in Jerusalem has a long history. The friars shaped the
way Western travellers and pilgrims have seen, imagined and written about
the Holy Land for centuries. This book explores the writings on the Holy
Land from the Franciscan convent in Jerusalem and investigates their role
in the construction of the memory of holy places, in the period from
around 1333, when the Franciscans started to settle in the Holy Land, to
the 1530s (after the Ottoman conquest of the Holy Land in 1517).
Pilgrimage to the Holy Land declined shortly thereafter also owing to the
pressures of the Ottoman expansion.1 During this period, the Franciscans
of Mount Zion played a crucial role in mediating the relationship between
Western Europe and the Holy Land. Settled on the Cenacle in Jerusalem,
the friars played a part in welcoming and guiding pilgrims, orchestrating
their devotional practices and acting as intermediaries between the local
population and the Muslim authorities.2 The Friars also played a major
1
Dominique Julia, Le voyage aux saints. Les pèlerinages dans l’Occident moderne (XVe–
XVIIIe siècle) (Paris: Gallimard, 2016), 13–17; F. Thomas Noonan, The Road to Jerusalem.
Pilgrimage and Travel in the Age of Discovery (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
2007), 49–83; Nicole Chareyron, Ethique et esthétique du récit de voyage à la fine du moyen
age (Paris: Champion, 2013), 3–6.
2
Andrew Jotischky, “The Franciscan return to the Holy Land (1333) and Mt Sion: pil-
grimage and the apostolic mission,” in The Crusader world, ed. Adrian Boas (Abingdon:
role in diplomatic relations between the Holy See and the Eastern
Churches, and acted as inquisitors into heresy in the East, especially among
pilgrims.3 Pilgrimage to the Holy Land offered a model for other pilgrim-
ages in which collective devotion was framed by a religious order (in this
case the Franciscan order).
At the root of the Franciscan endeavour there was the role the Land of
Promise played in Christian thought and piety. The Holy Land, as the site
of the life of Jesus Christ and the Apostolic Community, played a major
role in the construction of a Christian identity. Christianity as a religion is
grounded on the historical accounts of the Bible. In De vera religione,
Augustine writes: “Huius religionis sectandae caput est historia et prophe-
tia dispensationis temporalis divinae providentiae pro salute generis
humani in aeternam vitam reformandi atque reparandi.”4 Writing on the
Holy Land was an integral part of the process by which Christianity was
transformed from a dissident sect within Palestinian Judaism to a universal
religion, which could be “read” and understood everywhere in the world.
The text of the Bible referred by name to the places, people and events of
the history of this region, which were invoked in liturgy, preaching and
visual arts. The representation of the Holy Land was developed as a sup-
plement to a text, due to its connection to the events of the Bible.5 The
Old and New Testaments mention events that take place in a real, worldly
space. However, this link between Christianity and geographical space was
not contemporary with the beginning of Christianity as a religion, which
instead emphasized the possibility of achieving salvation everywhere. Early
Christians did not link divine presence to a specific territory; pilgrimage
was not part of early Christian practices.6 Instead, this link was forged by
a historical process that exalted the role of certain places in Christian piety,
defined the Holy Land as a sacred space crucial to Christian identity and
identified the places mentioned in the Holy Scripture with existing places.
The representation of the Holy Land and of its history was not set once
and for all. It was subject to re-mediation: re-presented again and again,
over decades and centuries and in different media.7 It is therefore more
accurate to talk about a process of sacralization of holy places, rather than
as places being declared sacred once and for all. The construction and
identification of these places was always underway, and written texts played
a major role in establishing their sacrality.8
This process of construction has its roots in the Hebrew Bible, in par-
ticular Deuteronomy: “The Lord your God will bring you into the land
that your ancestors possessed, and you will possess it” (Deut. 30: 3–5).
The term Holy Land first appears in Zechariah, but it is foreshadowed in
Ezekiel’s vision of Mount Zion and Jerusalem. According to Ezekiel, God
will return on Mount Zion. The expression, Holy Land, is found again in
the second book of the Maccabees.
After the destruction of the Temple in 70 AD, the Christian and Jewish
communities were dispersed, and the memory of their holy places largely
Christian Pilgrimage, ed. Michael Sallnow and John Eade (London: Routledge, 1991),
98–121; Victor Turner, Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture:
Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 172–202.
6
Colin Morris, The Sepulchre of Christ and the Medieval West (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2005), 13–15.
7
Astrid Erll, “Literature, film, and the mediality of cultural memory,” in Cultural Memory
Studies. An International and Interdisciplinary Handbook, ed. Astrid Erll and Ansgar
Nünning (Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2008), 1–11; Martin Zierold, Gesellschaftliche
Erinnerung: eine medienkulturwissenschaftliche Perspektive (Berlin, New York: De
Gruyter, 2006).
8
Andreas Nehring, “Auf dem Weg zum ‘Heiligen’? Pilgern aus religionswissenschaftlicher
Perspektive,” in Unterwegs im Namen der Religion. Pilgern als Form der Kontingenzbewältigung
und Zukunftssicherung in den Weltreligionen, ed. Klaus Herbers and Hans Christian Lehner
(Stuttgart: Steiner, 2014), 13–24, 16–17.
4 M. CAMPOPIANO
lost.9 After the Bar Kochba Rebellion in 135, the city of Jerusalem was
replaced by Colonia Aelia Capitolina, founded on its site by Hadrian.
During the fourth to seventh centuries, different Christian groups began
to think of Jerusalem as their city, as the Christian city, and Palestine as a
place set apart. Monks began to settle in this area. They spoke of them-
selves as the inhabitants of the Holy Land, and they were the first to use
the expression in a “distinctively Christian way.”10 The fourth century saw
the intensive work of the valorization of the Holy Land by Constantine
and Helena. In 324, Constantine defeated the Eastern emperor Licinius at
Chrysopolis, thus reunifying the Empire: within a few months, he ordered
extensive works on the Eastern side of Hadrian’s buildings in Aelia. This
led to the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre and of the Wood of the Cross,
and to the identification of a column of rock as the hill of Calvary, in the
place where the chapel of Calvary still stands.11 The extensive construction
works memorialized these places. The efforts of Constantine and Helen
strengthened the relationship between the events narrated in the Holy
Writings and Jerusalem, creating in the Holy Land a veritable lieu de
mémoire (site of memory)12 for the now-Christian empire. Eusebius, in his
Life of Constantine, reports on the discovery of the sepulchre and the
building of the Anastasis, directing attention to the religious significance
of space: for him this place was holy from the beginning, and it is now
holier because it has brought to light proof of the suffering of the Saviour.13
He explained that the tomb was a sign of the veracity of the Gospels.14
Before the discovery of the tomb, Eusebius had already written the
Onomasticon on the location and names of places among the Hebrews. He
identified obscure biblical sites, apparently without distinction between
the Hebrew Bible and New Testament. Significantly, Eusebius began to
envision Palestine not as a Roman province but as a land whose character
and identity were formed by biblical and Christian history. As early as the
Robert L. Wilken, The Land Called Holy. Palestine in Christian History and Thought
10
third century, Origen mentions the tradition that the body of Adam, the
first human being, was buried where Christ had been crucified.15 Perhaps
this is why Eusebius says that the place was holy “from the beginning,”
since Jerusalem would have hosted the remains of the first man. Among
the Latin fathers, Ambrose, too, connects the place of the Cross with the
burial place of Adam beneath it.16
The Constantinian basilicas in Palestine could only be intelligible to
Christians at the time due to the more or less contemporary rise of the cult
of the saints. The prominence of the cult of the martyrs paved the way for
the sanctification of the landscape of Palestine. The memory of the perse-
cuted church of the martyrs needed to be consciously kept alive after the
triumph of the Church in the Roman Empire. Intensifying veneration of
the localized holy tombs of the martyrs was the answer and in turn intro-
duced sacred space into Christianity.17 The grave of a martyr permitted
communication between heaven and earth because of their praesentia, a
presence on earth in the physical remains of the holy dead.18 If God him-
self had become flesh, the places in which he was born, lived and was
buried received the imprint of God’s presence: John of Damascus thus
writes that the Holy Land is a receptacle of divine energy.19
The Christian fathers also started to encourage believers to come to
Palestine.20 For example, Jerome writes to Marcella: “prima vox Dei ad
Abraham: exi, inquit, de terra tua et de cognatione tua et vade in terram,
quam monstrabo tibi.”21 He also defends the use of the attribute “holy”
for the city of Jerusalem.22 Jerome’s words allude to both a real and a
15
Origenes, Matthäuserklärung II: die lateinische Übersetzung der Commentariorum series,
ed. Erich Klostermann, Ernst Benz (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1933), chap. 27–32, par. 3.
16
Ambroise de Milan, Traité sur l’Evangile de saint Luc, vol. II (Paris: CERF, 1958), book
X, chap. 114.
17
Charles Freeman, Holy Bones, Holy Dust: How Relics Shaped the History of Medieval
Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 24–25; Peter Brown, The Cult of the
Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1981), 3. See also Marianne Ritsema van Eck, The Holy Land in Observant Franciscan Texts
(c. 1480–1650). Theology, Travel and Territoriality (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2019), 12–16.
18
Brown, The Cult of the Saints, 3.
19
Wilken, The Land Called Holy, 118–119.
20
Wilken, The Land Called Holy, 123.
21
“God’s first word to Abraham: ‘Go out,’ he says, ‘from your land and from your kindred,
and go to the Land I will show you,’” Isidorus Hilberg, ed., S. Eusebii Hieronymi opera.
Epistularum pars I (Vienna, Leipzig: Tempsky, 1910), chap. 46, par. 2.
22
Hilberg, ed., S. Eusebii Hieronymi opera. Epistularum pars I, chap. 46, par. 7.
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