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Nordicism and
Modernity

Gregers Einer Forssling

Nordicism and Modernity
 Gregers Einer Forssling

Nordicism and
Modernity
Gregers Einer Forssling
Pitstone, UK

ISBN 978-3-030-61209-2    ISBN 978-3-030-61210-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61210-8

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
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known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
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The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
For my family and friends
 Acknowledgements

I would firstly like to thank Roger Griffin, Emeritus Professor at Oxford

Brookes, and Martin Arnold, Emeritus Reader at the University of Hull,
for their invaluable support and guidance in helping me to develop the
PhD thesis on which this work is based. Their valuable expertise, in their
respective research areas, and their encouragement through difficult times
made this work possible. My thanks as well to Dr. Tom Crook and
Charmian Hearne for their advice and support during my time at Oxford
Brookes together with the staff and students of the Faculty of Humanities
and Social Sciences who provided such a stimulating academic environ-
ment to work in. I would also like to thank those who assisted me in
accessing research material at The British Library, Oxford Brookes
University and my local library in Tring.
I am also grateful for those who spent time with me along the way,
discussing my ideas and sharing their knowledge with me. My thanks to
historian Roger Moorhouse for sharing his expertise on the Third Reich
and translation skills; to Pastor Geir Waage of Reykholt Church, Iceland,
for sharing his knowledge of Scandinavian history and Old Norse sagas
during my visit and to Jens Peter Mortensen for his knowledge of Denmark
under the occupation and for contributing artwork from his collection. I
would also like to thank historian Matthew Glencross for his guidance and
encouragement while I was preparing this work for publication. My thanks
as well to Emily Russell and the editorial and production staff of Palgrave
for their support in publishing this work.

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Finally I would like to express my immense gratitude to my friends and

family for their patience and understanding while I was busy and preoc-
cupied with this work and for their encouragement to complete it.

Gregers Einer Forssling

 Contents

1 Introduction: Nordicism, Myth and Modernity  1

2 New Foundations: Nationalist and Romantic Visions

of the Nordic in Northern Europe and America 15

3 Regeneration: Racial Science, Eugenics and the

Emergence of Nordicism 81

4 Towards Ragnarǫk125

5 Nordicism Unleashed173

6 The Flotsam of Nordicism in Our Liquid Modernity215

Index261

ix
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Mårten Eskil Winge—Tors strid med jättarna (Thor’s

Battle With the Giants). Reproduced with the kind
permission of the National Museum, Stockholm,
http://collection.nationalmuseum.se34
Fig. 2.2 Johan Thomas Lundbye, Dolmen at Raklev, Røsnæs, 1839.
Reproduced with the kind permission of the Thorvaldsens
Museum, www.thorvaldsensmuseum.dk 35
Fig. 2.3 Andreas Achenbach (1815–1919) Ein Seetrurm an der
norwegischen Küste (Storm at sea on the Norwegian coast)
painted in 1837. Städelsches Kunstinstitut und Städtische
Galerie, Frankfurt. Photo by Martin Kraft reproduced with his
kind permission 62
Fig. 4.1 The distribution of the European races divided into
Nordics (red), Alpines (green) and Mediterraneans (yellow)
according to Madison Grant placing the centre of dispersal in
Scandinavia. Image from copy held at the British Library of
Grant, Madison (1916) The Passing of The Great Race.
New York: C. Scribner’s Sons 131
Fig. 4.2 Wolfgang Willrich. Portrait of Ellen Luise Petersen née
Feddersen Hoyer (1939). An idealised image of the natural
beauty of the Nordic bloodline. From Des Elden Ewiges Reich
(The Noble Eternal Empire). Verlag Grenze und Ausland,
Berlin (1941). Scan kindly provided from the collection of Jens
Peter Mortensen 164

xi
xii List of Figures

Fig. 5.1 Hitler-Jugend Deutschlands Zukunft (Germany’s Future).

Period postcard by Ludwig Hohlwein (1874–1949)
based on a recruitment poster for the Hitler Youth showing
the ideal Nordic type. These impactive racial images were
an integral element of Nordicist indoctrination. Scan from
private collection 194
Fig. 5.2 The impressive Borre cemetery in Vestfold, Norway, where
the Nasjonal Samling held party gatherings surrounded
by the burial mounds of Old Norse chieftains. Photo taken
during a visit to the site in 2014 203
Fig. 6.1 NRM supporters in Stockholm in 2016 showing the combined
Týr and Inguz runes of their flag. According to the NRM
website, the Týr rune represents courage, self-sacrifice, struggle
and victory and the Inguz rune fertility, creative energy,
purposefulness and focus. The green represents the ecological
aims of the party. Photo by Frankie Fouganthin—CC BY-SA
4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org 241
Fig. 6.2 Anders Breivik posing as a modern-day Nordic warrior with
his Ruger Mini 14 rifle. This image was posted in an appendix
to his manifesto and was included in his video posted on the
Internet on the morning of the attacks. Image published by
Breivik, Anders. 2083: A European Declaration of Independence
(2011)244
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Nordicism, Myth

and Modernity

Nordicism is more than a historical term that should be applied to a mar-

ginal group of Northern European and American racist thinkers of the
early twentieth century. It is a living, evolving, cultural phenomenon
rooted in the idealisation of the ‘noble savage’ during the late
Enlightenment and Romantic periods. This later developed into a power-
ful racial fantasy through its fusion with the emerging fields of racial sci-
ence and eugenics. This work attempts to shed fresh light on the nature
and evolution of Nordicism and its relationship with modernity by exam-
ining it as a societal phenomenon which, in its variant forms, came into
being as a source of psychological rootedness and identity with which to
counter the disembedding, disenchanting impact of an ever-changing and
accelerating state of modernity. This conceptual framework initially draws
on Roger Griffin’s model of modernism, as a reaction to the corrosive
impact of modernisation, and later incorporates Zygmunt Bauman’s paral-
lel theory of the existential and socio-political dilemmas posed by reality’s
increasing ‘liquefaction’ under the impact of contemporary modernity. By
using these perspectives to re-examine Nordicism, this work reveals its
nature as a set of complex but coherent mythic strategies for establishing
a sheltering home, a refuge from the relentless pace of progress. In this
context, myth will be interpreted as the creation of narratives recounting
the origins of a people, defining its characteristics and explaining its
evolution.

© The Author(s) 2020 1

G. E. Forssling, Nordicism and Modernity,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61210-8_1
2 G. E. FORSSLING

The historical development and dynamics of Nordicism will be analysed

through this framework of sociological theory focusing on the role played
by myth-making in protecting the individual and society from the chal-
lenges of an ever-changing state of modernity. This condition is character-
ised by ceaseless flux and endless liminality, denying the possibility of a
stable, homogeneous and unitary culture of the sort that was believed to
exist in pre-modern times. This study of its development will reveal how
Nordicism has evolved since its emergence in the nineteenth century and
the role of the Romantic Movement in laying the foundations for this
development through its idealisation of a ‘Golden Age’ of the Nordic race,
a time where life’s dramas could still be lived out simply, powerfully and
heroically. On the basis of this historical enquiry, this work will explore
what fresh light can be thrown on Nazism’s creation of an idealised image
of the Nordic as the rationale for the ‘re-Nordification’ of Germany and
the purging of Europe of its Jewish communities. Through this lens, the
process of myth-making will be approached as the manifestation of an
innate human need to retain a sense of spirituality and social fixity to form
a refuge from the disorientating effects of an ever-changing state of moder-
nity that denies permanence or any sense of rootedness. In the words of
Karl Marx, ‘all that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and
man is at last compelled to face with sombre senses, his real conditions of
life’.1 A concluding section will study the way that adapted fragments of
the failed project of Nordicism, both Romantic and Nazi, are manifested
in contemporary society as part of our current society’s eclectic appropria-
tion of the historical and mythic materials of past cultures.
This study therefore combines academic strands. Firstly, it examines the
history of Nordicism, which until now has been treated as a series of dis-
creet episodes in the revival of Nordic myth with the main focus on either
Romantic idealisation or Nazi revivalism. Secondly, it draws on a new
interdisciplinary field of investigations into modernity that focuses on
modernism as a bid to restore meaning and a sense of the sacred to mod-
ern society, not just through artistic innovation but in both socio-political
and cultural initiatives of renewal. On the premise of this approach, exist-
ing studies of Nordicism in its three major manifestations (nineteenth-­
century Romanticism, Nazism and post-war identity politics) will be
studied to create a continuous narrative of the evolution of Nordicism and
its relationship with modernity.
 1 INTRODUCTION: NORDICISM, MYTH AND MODERNITY 3

Locating This Investigation into Nordicism Within

Existing Research
This work builds primarily on two fields of research, modernity and
Nordicism, and as such combines two areas of academic endeavour, which
have often remained distinct within their respective disciplines of history
and sociology. To develop a deeper understanding of the development and
dynamics of Nordicism, I intend to draw on these complementary fields to
examine its development in Northern Europe and the USA. This syncretic
approach will encompass a range of primary and secondary sources exam-
ined through a theoretical framework drawn from the work of contempo-
rary political, sociological and anthropological theorists. These academics
have analysed the impact of modernity on society and the individual and
propose that the ‘disenchanting’ impact on traditional culture constantly
stimulates the countervailing force of myth-making to restore a sense of
transcendence and rootedness to human existence.
Within the field of historical research, Nordicism has often been exam-
ined as a component of nineteenth-century new religions, racial science,
eugenics, neo-paganism and Nazi occultism but less frequently as the sin-
gle focus of a work concerned with it as a single entity with its own histori-
cal narrative and socio-cultural dynamics. This work draws on a number of
published sources to present a chronological series of case studies that
show the evolution of Nordicism from early to contemporary modernity.
Notable in the limited research into the evolution of Nordicism and its
relationship with modernity is the work of Christopher Hutton whose
valuable insights have been cited herein. The aim of this study is to shed
new light on the evolution of Nordicism by applying existing scholarship
to a particular matrix of social theory and to reinterpret it as a distinct
point in a cluster of reactions by the individual and society to modernity.
In this way the inner cohesion and narrative continuity of Nordicism as a
historical and contemporary phenomenon can be viewed from a fresh
perspective.
In order to establish a theoretical matrix of analysis for the evolution of
Nordicism as an aspect of modernity, this work will initially apply the theo-
ries of modernism and revitalisation movements of Roger Griffin. It will
later dovetail this analysis with the theories of ‘liquid modernity’ and
‘Retropia’ proposed by Zygmunt Bauman, to examine how fragments of
Nordicism can still be identified in our fast-paced contemporary society.
Their work on the relationship between the individual, society and the
4 G. E. FORSSLING

endlessly shifting dialectic between the culture-fragmenting impact of

modernity and the culture-recreating force of modernism forms a matrix
of social theory for the analysis of the dynamics of Nordicism as more than
a historical strand of marginal political, religious and scientific thought.
Instead, it emerges as a social phenomenon which is present even in
today’s modern, increasingly secularised society and represents a signifi-
cant strand of the constant struggle of human beings to re-imbue human
life with some significance and sense of rootedness.
This work will also study the development of our reception of Old
Norse culture and its transformation during the twentieth century. It
draws, in part, on the research of academics such as Martin Arnold,
Andrew Wawn, Margaret Clunies Ross, Lars Lönnroth, Heather
O’Donoghue and Else Roesdahl who have made a significant contribution
to our evolving reception and interpretations of Old Norse culture. Our
perception and understanding of Old Norse culture is, however, still a
work in progress as enhanced scientific techniques, applied to the field of
archaeology, continue to provide us with fresh insights into this period,
which have hitherto remained misunderstood or romanticised. This has
led to a flourishing revision of this period, through interdisciplinary
research in fields such as literature, history, anthropology, linguistics and
archaeology, to create an increasingly realistic picture of daily life and con-
sequently our overall understanding of Old Norse culture. These develop-
ments are vital to our understanding of the origins of the emergence of
Nordicism during the nineteenth century. Much of the perceived image of
the Nordic people at the time was based on semi-fictionalised and biased
accounts, written with an authority that transformed it, in many cases, into
historical fact. This lack of factual knowledge and empirical evidence
allowed myth and history to be merged, during the eighteenth and nine-
teenth centuries, to create an idealised image of the Nordic race which
Nordicists appropriated as worthy of protection and regeneration.
This proposed contribution to our understanding of Nordicism is
therefore based on an interdisciplinary approach drawing on the comple-
mentary fields of history, literature, art, anthropology and sociology. It
can be situated in the cluster of research which has surfaced in recent years
into the development of various social, political and religious movements,
which have emerged since the nineteenth century, in the form of revitalisa-
tion movements, seeking to re-establish a sense of rootedness and mean-
ing in an ever-changing setting of modernity.
 1 INTRODUCTION: NORDICISM, MYTH AND MODERNITY 5

Recasting Nordicism
Before examining the historical development and dynamics of Nordicism
as a socio-cultural phenomenon in its own right, this work will establish a
working definition that distinguishes it from the various movements which
have influenced our current perception of the term and which will be
examined in more detail in later chapters. Since the late nineteenth cen-
tury, movements such as National Romanticism, Aryanism, nationalism
and Nazism have all interacted at various levels with Nordicism. Through
this association, certain ‘conceptual baggage’ has accumulated which can
often confuse any definition seeking to express the core of the movement.
Scholarship by academics such as Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke and
Christopher M. Hutton has done much to disentangle and differentiate
the concepts of Pan-Germanism, Aryanism and Nordicism during the
Third Reich, but in Hutton’s own words, ‘a considerable communication
gap exists between specialist studies on Nazi Germany and the wider aca-
demic public’.2
The problematic nature of analysing any form of historical ideology is
that we are often faced with what could be termed a ‘composite defini-
tion’. This is formed by the actions and theories of notable personalities
associated with a belief system and the reactions of the movement to a
range of various historical events and influences. Ideologies therefore take
on what could be termed an ‘existential nature’ defining themselves and
being defined by observers and commentators, according to the various
forms they have taken and the ideas, events and actions with which they
have become associated. The result is a ‘composite definition’, a multi-­
layered ideological construct whose identity has developed and evolved
over time and which, in many cases, is still in the process of being revised
and defined.
A related factor, which further complicates any fixed definition of an
ideological movement, is the fusion of both convergent and divergent
shades of opinion within a movement at any given moment, even within
totalitarian regimes such as Nazism. These elements create an ideological
concept that is at the same time homogenous and heterogeneous, com-
posed of a cluster of individual but generally compatible ‘world-views’,
bound together by a core ideal and messianic leader. A key question raised
by this issue of convergence and divergence within a movement is the
extent to which any individual or group must conform to some or all of
the definitional criteria of an ideology to qualify for inclusion in a
6 G. E. FORSSLING

movement. This is a problematic factor in any form of classification and

has a significant bearing on any definition of Nordicism as an independent
phenomenon and any subsequent identification of those considered
Nordicists.
As a starting point in developing a working definition of Nordicism, it
is useful to consider some established definitions of the terms ‘Nordicism’
and ‘Nordicists’. The Oxford English Dictionary sums up Nordicism as a
historical term used to describe ‘the doctrine of or belief in the cultural
and racial supremacy of the Nordic people’ and a Nordicist as ‘a person
who believes in the supremacy of the Nordic people’.3 Another descrip-
tion, proposed by A. James Gregor in the Phylon journal in 1960, also
focused on biological and cultural supremacy but included an important
element of the deterioration of the Nordic people, a pessimism that
inspired the emergence of a range of modernist revitalisation movements:

Nordicism involves the belief that men of the “Nordic Race”—tall, slender,
fair skinned, blond, blue-eyed, narrow-faced, narrow-nosed, long-headed
individuals—are qualitatively superior to the remainder of mankind. They
are the creators of civilization, and their passing marks the passing of
civilization.4

This definition appears to draw on the polemical works of writers such

as American Nordicist Madison Grant whose 1916 publication, The
Passing of the Great Race, listed these same Nordic characteristics and
linked what he saw as the demise of the Nordic with the decline of civilisa-
tion.5 A further description, proposed by historian Geoffrey G. Field in
1977, focused on Nordicists’ appropriation of scientific theory to legiti-
mise their theories and their relationship with völkisch ideologies that
emerged in the years following the First World War:

Nordicists argued that their achievement was to place the study of race upon
a firm, unassailable basis, validated by careful research and free from the
mystical yearnings and heavy-handed polemic pre-War writers. In fact, they
largely tailored the already well-established Aryan myth to the circumstances
of post 1918 Europe. Their thought was extremely derivative; often, they
merely buttressed the standard shibboleths of romantic, völkisch ideology
with more sophisticated “proofs” and data.6

This definition describes the development of Nordicism in Europe as a

process of merging modern myth-making, nationalism and emerging
 1 INTRODUCTION: NORDICISM, MYTH AND MODERNITY 7

scientific theories. From this perspective, it demonstrates how the ‘con-

ceptual baggage’ of Aryan and völkisch thought of the late 1920s and
early 1930s impacted on the development of the movement and conse-
quently our ‘composite definition’ of the term. Another definition, focus-
ing on the historical development of the movement and its association
with Aryanism, can be found in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (1973) in
which the term Nordicism is described as a pseudoscientific theory of the
superiority of the Nordic/Germanic race, later appropriated by Nazism as
the legitimation of its state ideology:

(Nordicism is) a variety of racism; a pseudoscientific theory based on the

assertion that the northern (Nordic), or Aryan, race is superior to other
human races. The French sociologists J. A. Gobineau and G. Lapouge are
considered the founders of Nordicism. Apologists for Nordicism equate the
northern race and the “Germanic,” asserting that the latter constitutes the
“highest” race, to which humanity owes all the achievements of civilization.
Nordicism was used as a weapon by the “theorists” of German fascism, who
made it the official ideology of Hitlerite Germany.7

These definitions collectively illustrate how Nordicism has evolved as a

‘composite definition’, with an emphasis on its function as a doctrine of
racial supremacy, fused with that of Nazi Aryanism, which has for many
years stood as the established definition of Nordicism. It is noticeable,
however, that even the more recent of these definitions tend to suggest,
through the omission of any post-war reference, that Nordicism’s evolu-
tion ended as a concept and subsequently became fixed as a definition
following the fall of the Third Reich. This approach fails to recognise,
however, that ideologies do not disappear overnight but may continue in
residual pockets for years even after they have become discredited by
mainstream thought. These often re-emerge in adapted, resynthesised
forms as marginal strands of extremism such as in many Northern
European and American individuals and groups that will be examined in
this work.
Since these definitions were proposed, considerable work has been car-
ried out in the fields of anthropology, sociology and political theory. This
has shed new light on the rise of many forms of nineteenth- and twentieth-­
century ideology as responses to the impact of modernity on traditional
society. This research has examined a number of political and religious
movements that have emerged as a reaction to a sense of social
8 G. E. FORSSLING

deterioration and disorientation caused by the erosion or destruction of

traditional forms of society in the West. These revitalisation movements
sought to regenerate or replace these eroded traditions and identities and
thus combat the growing sense of crisis experienced as the degeneration or
demise of civilisation.
With the aim of shedding new light on its nature and evolution, this
work will apply the following description of the phenomenon of Nordicism,
with an emphasis on revitalisation, rather than racial superiority:

Nordicism is a political, cultural or scientific movement that emerged during

the nineteenth-century and had peaked in its influence by the mid-1940s, frag-
ments of which can still be found in contemporary society. It is founded on the
belief that it is possible to historically empathise with Nordic culture (Romantic
Nordicism) or biologically identify and regenerate a pure Nordic type, based on
scientific principles of taxonomy and eugenics (racial Nordicism). This racial
type was based on an imagined, idealised sense of a superior physical, cultural
and spiritual beauty and purity of the Nordic people. Whether as a literary,
cultural, political or racial revitalisation movement, Nordicism seeks to com-
bat the disenchanting and deracinating forces associated with modernity by
presenting, to individuals who can identify with it, a vision of transcendence
and rootedness located within their perceived, reconstituted Nordic identity.

In conclusion, the recasting of Nordicism in a way which focuses on the

concept of revitalisation, rather than just racial superiority, as the driving
force behind this movement, is designed to enable this research to reveal
the dynamics, development and continuity of Nordicism throughout the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries and up to the present. This aims to
view this phenomenon from a new angle, bringing to light new facets
which only a shift in perspective will allow. This will enable Nazi Nordicism,
the most notorious exploitation of Nordic myth, to be located within the
longer and more diverse narrative of Nordicism as a whole and within a
broader mythic response to the impact of modernity.

Roger Griffin’s Theory of Modernism

The theory that modernism should be redefined to embrace a wide range
of phenomena emanating from the need to maintain or invent a sense of
meaning, transcendental values and communitas in the face of an atomis-
ing modernity was developed by Roger Griffin in Modernism and Fascism
(2007). In this work, he analysed modernism through the prism of what
 1 INTRODUCTION: NORDICISM, MYTH AND MODERNITY 9

he terms a ‘primordialist definition’ proposing that modernism is an

innate, multi-faceted set of reactions, emerging from the mid-nineteenth
century onwards to the rapid modernisation of Western society and the
concomitant loss of cultural homogeneity and sense of ‘centre’.8 In dis-
cussing the reactions of these revitalisation movements, Griffin points
out that:

Their common denominator lies in the bid to achieve a sense of transcen-

dent value, meaning, or purpose despite Western culture’s progressive loss
of a homogenous value system and overarching cosmology (nomos) caused
by the secularizing and disembedding forces of modernization. The mod-
ernists’ rejection of or revolt against contemporary modernity was shaped
by innate predispositions of the human consciousness and mythopoeic fac-
ulty to create culture, to construct utopias, to access a suprahuman tempo-
rality and to belong to a community united by a shared culture.9

In his framework of analysis, Griffin draws, in part, on Peter L. Berger’s

concept of the ‘sacred canopy’ (The Sacred Canopy, 1969) to describe a
societal shield created against the terror of a seemingly meaningless state
of rapid change. He also applies the terms nomos and anomie, originally
used by sociologist Emile Durkheim, to define the ‘solid’ states of prevail-
ing order and ‘liquid’ states of uncertainty and breakdown experienced by
the individual and society. According to Griffin’s theories, modern society
has an innate need to maintain a sense of shared cultural rootedness and
sense of transcendence, a ‘sacred canopy’ of externalised belief to avoid
being pulled into an anomic state of existence devoid of meaning. One
reaction has been the attempt to recreate lost connections through a pro-
cess of more or less conscious myth construction through which individu-
als or segments of a society seek to regenerate their sense of identity and
unity through the construction of new forms of belief, rooted in the past
but adapted to be relevant and compatible with the contemporary setting.
In his work, Griffin analyses this process of regeneration through Anthony
F.C. Wallace and Kenneth Tollefson’s model of the socio-cultural ‘maze-
way’ (Mazeway resynthesis; a bio-cultural theory of religious inspiration,
1956). Griffin quotes Tollefson who describes cultural revitalisation as:

an adaptive social response whereby the past and present values, customs,
and beliefs – which produce dissonance arising from the distortions that
exist between them – are analyzed and recombined into a new synthesis, a
new mazeway, or a new Gestalt.10
10 G. E. FORSSLING

Through this concept of ‘mazeway resynthesis’, Griffin describes how

an individual or society reacts to a changing state of modernity, when past
and present become misaligned, by creating new adapted belief systems
allowing them to maintain a viable sense of rootedness and transcendence
against a changing social landscape from which they feel detached and
alienated. In a rapidly changing modernity, as one ‘sacred canopy’ becomes
eroded, it is replaced by another reconfigured shelter or nomos against the
terror of meaningless.
Griffin also draws on the work of French ethnographer Arnold van
Gennep (1873–1957) who proposed the concept of liminality, which was
refined and further developed by anthropologist and fellow ethnographer
Victor Turner (1920–1983) in his work on rituals and rites of passage.11
In Gennep’s thesis, liminality represents an intermediate phase between
two states of being which are often accompanied in both primitive and
modern societies by a variety of rites of passage, which differ greatly in
form and meaning but which perform the function of marking the transi-
tion into a new state of being. In an article, written for the Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion in 1991, sociologist Mathieu Deflem defines
three distinct stages of this process. These are ‘separation, when a person
or group becomes detached from an earlier fixed point in the social struc-
ture or from an earlier set of social conditions, liminal, when the state of
the ritual subject is ambiguous and aggregation, when the ritual subject a
new stable state with its own rights and obligations’.12 These three stages,
applied to the disembedding processes of modernity, describe how rapid
change forces man to break away from eroded traditions and belief sys-
tems leaving both society and the individual in a disorientated state of
‘limbo’ which, if prolonged, can lead to a collective state of societal anxi-
ety or anomie. To avoid such a condition, social groups periodically under-
take a process of ‘mazeway resynthesis’ to regenerate and restore a sense
of social order and meaningful existence, even if the ever-changing condi-
tion of the modern precludes any permanent mythic solution to the strain
of anomie.
This study of the development of cultural, biological and political
Nordicism will draw together these strands of sociological and anthropo-
logical theory to create a framework of analysis through which this work
will analyse a series of historical case studies. These will highlight how
Nordicism has emerged as complex and ambivalent forms of regenerative
revitalisation movements reacting to aspects of modernity that have eroded
the sense of the universe being imbued with meaning and sacrality. In
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d’un rose livide, qui pâlissaient et s’avivaient tout à tour, la
tourmentant de démangeaisons douloureuses.
Elle n’y prit garde, s’en cacha de son amant par une sorte de
pudeur, et aussi pour ne pas lui créer des inquiétudes inutiles. Elle
ne s’en alarma pas elle-même, mettant le tout sur le compte des
fatigues de leur voyage, de leur nouvelle installation et de ses tristes
émotions encore récentes.
Mais peu après, Hamidou se trouva comme elle, éprouvant ce
qu’elle éprouvait, et alors, s’étant mutuellement renseignés, tous
deux prirent le parti d’en rire.
Ils en riaient d’autant plus qu’ils crurent avoir une scarlatine
légère, selon le diagnostic d’un vieux sorcier moghrebin, leur voisin,
lequel soignait, pour ce mal-là, quelques enfants de la ville arabe.
Et de fait, sans autre traitement que quelques simples anodins
ordonnés par le vieux marabout et accompagnés de quelques
versets du Coran, le mal disparut et ne laissa pas la moindre trace.
Ce furent, alors, pour les deux amants, des mois d’un bonheur
parfait, inouï, et comme le Rétributeur n’en concède que très
rarement à des créatures élues, dont il marqua le front du doigt pour
des desseins pleins de mystère.

Le merveilleux talent d’Hamidou était apprécié du Mozabite ; et

les salaires qu’il gagnait suffisaient pour assurer leur existence, au
delà même, car ils vivaient simplement de la vie arabe, comme
d’ailleurs tous leurs voisins, dans ce quartier musulman de la ville
haute.
D’abord, par prudence, comme on l’a vu, puis par goût et par
habitude, enfin et surtout pour complaire à son amant, qui la
préférait ainsi, la Madalena s’habillait comme ses voisines.
Elle se voilait comme elles pour sortir, et, comme elles, sortait
rarement pour les besoins du ménage ou pour aller au bain maure,
accompagnée d’une vieille négresse qu’Hamidou lui avait donnée
pour servante.
 Enfin, pour combler leur amoureuse béatitude, Hamidou obtint de
son Mozabite qu’il emporterait et ferait chez lui son ouvrage.
Dès lors, ils ne se quittèrent plus un instant, et la claustration à
laquelle ils se vouèrent d’un accord tacite, eut, pour eux, des
voluptés ineffables.
Bientôt, de la Sicilienne, il ne resta plus grand’chose en la
Madalena. Conquise par l’amour à l’Islam dont sa grande âme avait
compris, depuis longtemps, l’austère et simple beauté, ce fut avec
un bonheur profond que, pour donner à son amant cette joie
suprême, elle prononça, devant le vieux marabout moghrebin, les
paroles qui la sacrèrent musulmane :
« Il n’y a d’autre Dieu qu’Allah et Mohammed est son Prophète ».
N’ayant qu’une âme, pouvaient-ils, vraiment, ne pas avoir même
idéal, même Dieu, mêmes espoirs, de s’aimer encore et toujours
dans le même ciel que leur ouvriraient les mêmes prières ?
L’Islam, avec le bel épanouissement qu’il donne à la vie
intérieure, n’a-t-il pas d’ailleurs, pour ceux qui s’aiment,
d’incomparables délices ?
Désormais donc, la Madalena devint vraiment ce que ses
voisines et voisins l’avaient toujours crue : Lella Zina, une pieuse
Moghrebine amenée du pays natal par son époux et qui, par sa
bonté, ne tardait pas à se faire adorer de tout le monde.
L’aisance, en effet, nécessaire à la charité, venait chaque jour,
car ils étaient deux, maintenant, à exécuter des broderies
merveilleuses. L’amour ne fut-il pas, de tout temps, le plus puissant
des thaumaturges ? Quelques mois lui avaient suffi pour faire de la
Madalena une brodeuse sur étoffe, comme Hamidou, incomparable.
Une part de l’argent qu’elle gagnait, servait, d’un commun accord, à
secourir autour d’eux les plus criantes misères.
Et Dieu sait si, dans cette pauvre Kasbah, elles sont
nombreuses.
Enfin, pour tout le quartier musulman, elle était bien Lella, la
Sainte, la Madame, autant dire une Maraboute.
 Quand elle sortait pour aller, enveloppée et alourdie de ses
voiles, à travers les ruelles de la Kasbah, les enfants se disputaient
pour avoir d’elle une caresse, les vieillards, une main au cœur,
inclinaient la tête, et les pauvresses qu’elle soulageait pleuraient en
baisant le pan de son bel haïk de soie blanche.
Et autant se réjouissait Hamidou de la voir ainsi aimée, vénérée
et sainte que de la sentir belle et sienne.
*
* *

Or, voici, qu’au plein de cette félicité pareille à nulle autre, de

nouveau la Madalena se sentit malade : mais, cette fois, au grand
désespoir d’Hamidou, son mal s’aggrava avec une rapidité terrible.
Ce furent, d’abord, des douleurs qui, pendant la nuit, lui broyaient le
crâne, comme si on l’eût martelé sur une enclume. Elle se réveillait
brusquement en poussant des cris dont s’épouvantait Hamidou qui
ne savait que lui faire.
Le vieux Moghrebin consulté, ne s’alarma pas, disant que ça
passerait comme le reste. Il écrivit sur des petits carrés de papier,
quelques sourates du Saint-Livre, en fit des boulettes qu’elle devait
avaler comme pilules, et déclara qu’Allah, miséricordieux et clément,
se chargeait du reste.
Mais hélas ! Il fit si peu que, loin de s’atténuer, les douleurs du
crâne redoublèrent et s’étendirent même à tous les os de la malade,
lui arrachant, pendant la nuit, des cris qu’elle ne pouvait réprimer,
malgré toute sa volonté de ne pas ajouter à la détresse du pauvre
Hamidou couché près d’elle.
Pourtant, ce qui la désespérait plus encore que ces tortures
nocturnes, c’était de se voir maigrir, pour ainsi dire, à vue d’œil. De
plus, chaque matin, quand elle démêlait devant son miroir sa
splendide chevelure, il en restait, aux dents de son peigne, des
poignées énormes, qui allaient de jour en jour grossissant, et dont la
vue mouillait son front d’une sueur froide. Enfin, après chacune de
ces crises aiguës, elle sentait branler et voyait jaunir ses dents,
jusqu’alors plus blanches et plus éclatantes que des perles.
Et ce lent évanouissement de sa beauté, mais par-dessus tout, la
perte bientôt consommée de sa chevelure, la jetait en de mornes
désespoirs qu’elle s’efforçait, sans y parvenir, de dissimuler à
Hamidou, dont la navrance était encore plus profonde que la sienne.
Il se résolut donc, enfin, ce par quoi il aurait dû commencer, à
faire appeler un des médecins de la ville, mais, avant, il perdit
encore un temps précieux en mandant, sur le conseil d’une voisine,
la vieille Frendah, cette sorcière de Bab-el-Oued, dont la réputation
de guérisseuse dépassait le Sahel d’Alger, et que, de leurs très
lointains douars du Sud, accouraient consulter de riches nomades.
Elle arriva, palpa longuement le crâne de la malade, et tous les
os de ses membres, et annonça que c’était un djin amoureux de
Lella-Zina qui, chaque nuit, venait lui frapper la tête et les membres,
et lui arracher un peu de sa chevelure.
Elle se livra à de bizarres incantations, ordonna de faire boire à la
malade une mixture plus étrange encore, dans laquelle entraient du
lait d’ânesse, de l’urine d’âne, des pépins d’orange et quelques
graines de courge, pilées ensemble.
Elle ordonna, en outre, de lui appliquer une peau de chèvre noire
sur la poitrine et sur les membres.
Le mal bien entendu empira : les beaux cheveux de Lella Zina
restèrent plus encore à son peigne ; quelques dents achevant de se
déchausser, tombèrent ; son amaigrissement s’accrut, la peau de
ses bras devint squameuse comme celle des couleuvres, et il lui
sortit, aux doigts des pieds et des mains, tout autour des ongles
qu’elles firent lentement tomber, de petites plaies douloureuses et
très profondes.
Enfin, quand le docteur arriva, il n’eut pas de peine à reconnaître
la nature du terrible mal, et put, par une médication énergique, en
arrêter la marche ascendante, mais la science, déclara-t-il, était
impuissante devant les ravages accomplis et qui faisaient de la belle
Lella Zina une créature méconnaissable.
 Alors, à certaines paroles et investigations du médecin, la pauvre
femme comprit, elle aussi, quel était son mal, et eut de lamentables
intuitions sur son origine.
Elle se rappela, en effet, que pendant un de ces accès de rage
jalouse, Vittorio lui avait dit au milieu d’un tas d’injures immondes :
— Un jour, tu seras pareille à Thérésa la Gouge.
Elle frémit, mais courba la tête, résignée comme une bonne
musulmane.
Pourtant, elle se sentit incapable de survivre à cette beauté qui
lui valut l’amour d’Hamidou, et était sa seule raison d’être en ce
monde.
— Ma vie ne peut désormais être pour lui qu’une continuelle
déplaisance, il ne me reste donc qu’à mourir, pensait-elle, tandis
qu’Hamidou, refoulant au fond de son âme bonne, sa désespérance,
redoublait de dévouement, de tendresse délicate, de tendresse
d’amant épris, pour lui rendre l’existence encore meilleure.
— Eh ! que t’importe, trésor, ne cessait-il de lui répéter, puisque
tu es toujours belle à mes yeux et que je t’aime ! »
Or, comme il avait eu l’affectueuse précaution de faire enlever du
logis toutes les glaces, la Madalena ne pouvant plus se regarder et
entendant ces douces paroles sentait s’apaiser son ardent désir de
suicide.
Mais un jour, ayant mis la main sur un de ces petits miroirs
engaînés de cuir brodé dont se servent les mauresques, elle eut la
triste curiosité de s’y contempler, se vit, et poussa un rugissement de
détresse, tant elle s’apparut semblable à Thérésa la Gouge.
Hamidou était derrière elle, et lui enlevait, mais trop tard, la fatale
glace.
La pâleur de la pauvre femme ajoutait encore à la laideur de son
visage. Alors, n’osant plus même l’embrasser, comme une chienne
ou une esclave, elle se jeta à ses pieds, les baisa dans une étreinte
frénétique.
 — Hamidou, clama-t-elle, de grâce, ne m’empêche plus de
mourir. Ecoute, tu m’as donné la plus grande preuve d’amour qu’un
amant puisse donner à son amante. Tu m’as aimée laide et malade
autant, même plus, que dans la splendeur de ma beauté et de ma
saine jeunesse. Nulle créature n’a donc eu plus de bonheur que ta
servante. Oh ! mourir, maintenant, encore tiède de tes caresses !
ami, crois-moi, ce suprême sourire de ma Destinée serait plus doux
que les autres. La tienne te réserve encore des matins roses, car tu
es jeune et tu es beau, et tu mérites d’être aimé jusqu’à la tombe.
Ami, ami, je t’en supplie, laisse-moi mourir en baisant ta main
secourable et bonne.
Devant ces accents de désespoir, Hamidou vit bien que tout était
fini, que tout bonheur était désormais pour elle impossible. Il aurait
beau l’aimer ardemment dans sa beauté évanouie, se dépenser en
mille efforts pour lui faire oublier la cruauté du destin, l’image de sa
laideur ne cesserait de la hanter et empoisonnerait toutes les heures
de son existence.
Et lui, Hamidou, pourrait-il encore être heureux en la sentant
malheureuse ? Alors, il regretta d’être épargné par le mal, et les
paroles du sorcier de Bab-Ménara lui revinrent à la mémoire, avec
une netteté sans pareille :
— Une roumie prendra ton cœur, et pour le reste, permets au
vieil Abdallah de clore ses lèvres.
Ce reste, il le connaissait à cette heure.
Il courba la tête devant l’inéluctable Mektoub, et serrant
tendrement dans ses bras son amante :
— Trésor, fit-il simplement, la vie sans toi serait pour moi pire que
la mort, et puisque tel est notre destin, mourons ensemble.
Et le soir même, ils s’enfermèrent dans leur chambre, allumèrent
le fatal réchaud, puis ayant revêtu leurs plus beaux habits,
s’endormirent dans la paix de Dieu, après un baiser suprême.
Le lendemain, la vieille négresse qui couchait sur une natte dans
la cour, ne les voyant pas sortir, força la porte et les trouva morts, les
mains enlacées et se souriant encore l’un à l’autre.
 Elle comprit tout le drame, l’approuva dans son âme simple, et
afin que rien ne vînt ternir, aux yeux des musulmans, la réputation
de sainteté dont jouissait sa bonne maîtresse, elle enleva le
réchaud, et après s’être assurée que rien ne pouvait trahir le suicide,
elle appela les voisins à l’aide.
Ils accoururent avec le vieux moghrebin en tête, et tous furent
étonnés du sourire de béatitude qui voltigeait sur les lèvres des deux
cadavres.
— « Mektoub ! » murmura le marabout après avoir constaté la
mort ; et il déclara que, sur l’ordre même d’Allah, l’ange Azrael avait
dû leur apparaître dans le jardin des délices. Ce qui expliquait la
douceur ineffable de leur sourire.
Quand on voulut les séparer pour remettre leur dépouille à celui
et à celle qui lavent les morts, selon les rites, il fut impossible de
rompre l’étreinte qui liait la main droite d’Hamidou à la main gauche
de son amante. Il eût fallu les rompre aux poignets d’un coup de
hache.
Force fut donc — ce que leur conseilla d’ailleurs le vieux
marabout — de les coudre dans le même linceul, et de les coucher
dans la même fosse, leur regard encore brillant d’amour tourné vers
La Mecque.
On leur éleva, dans le cimetière d’El-Kettar, une petite koubba
maraboutique ; et le vendredi qui est le dimanche des musulmans,
les femmes arabes de la Kasbah, viennent, accompagnées de leurs
enfants, prier et manger des confitures parfumées sur la tombe de
Lella Zina qui fut, pendant sa trop courte vie, si secourable et si
bonne.

Isabelle Eberhardt.

SORTI DES PRESSES

DE LA
 MAISON EUGÈNE FIGUIÈRE ET Cie
7, RUE CORNEILLE, PARIS
ET
72, RUE VAN ARTEVELDE, BRUXELLES,
LE 15 AVRIL 1913
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISABELLE
EBERHARDT, OU, LA BONNE NOMADE: D'APRÈS DES
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