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Sustainability, Emerging
Technologies, and
Pan-Africanism

Thierno Thiam
Gilbert Rochon
Sustainability, Emerging Technologies,
and Pan-Africanism
Thierno Thiam • Gilbert Rochon

Sustainability,
Emerging
Technologies, and
Pan-Africanism
Thierno Thiam Gilbert Rochon
Tuskegee University Tulane University
Tuskegee, AL, USA New Orleans, LA, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-22179-9    ISBN 978-3-030-22180-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22180-5

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To the citizens of a future united Africa, both continental and in the
African Diaspora.

v
 Preface

In 2009, while at the Purdue Terrestrial Observatory at Purdue University,

we embarked on a research project that would leverage our different expe-
riences, backgrounds, expertise, and interests with Africa as the focal
point. We knew at the time that we wanted to lay out our vision for the
continent and its people both at home and abroad along with its vast
potential and limitless possibilities. We also knew that such vision would
be rooted in tradition both distant and recent. Distant in the sense that we
wanted the foundation of Africa’s new project to be informed by its own
traditions of generating and sustaining significant integration frameworks
as evidenced by its ancient empires as well as its recent integration frame-
works as evidenced by Africa’s attempts to come together as one in the
course of its recent past with its experiments with the Organization of
African Unity and later the African Union, as well as its various other
regional organizations including the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development
Community (SADC).
Perhaps, even more importantly, we also knew that we wanted to con-
duct this study not simply through ideological lenses but through the
pragmatic, data-driven, and developmental framework by examining the
potential for new and emerging technologies to accelerate both the conti-
nent’s integration and developmental prospects.
Then, we had a moment of hiatus when our day-to-day multiple posi-
tions and deadlines interfered with the process. I assumed a position with
the Institute for State Effectiveness in Washington, DC, Howard
University, and the University of Maryland, College Park. And then, in

vii
viii PREFACE

2010, Rochon left Purdue University to assume the position of president

at Tuskegee University. I would join the institution in December of the
same year.
In early 2011 we renewed of our commitment to this African project as
we started assessing our progress relative to the work already done. After
months of additional background research, as the evidence kept pointing
to the original proceedings of the six major Pan-African Congresses from
1900 to 1945 at the Special Collections and University Archives (SCUA)
of the W. E. B. Du Bois Library at the University of Massachusetts,
Amherst, we decided that I would spend time in Amherst.
This would prove catalytic in the sense that these original proceedings
shed a new light on an already rich and complex tradition. These proceed-
ings challenge, in fundamental ways, most of our assumptions about Pan-­
Africanism and the Pan-African Congresses—the signature events of the
Pan-African movement. Despite previous arguments on the inexistence of
such proceedings, what was contained in these proceedings gave us a
renewed impetus to contribute to a rich and impressive body of work.
Such proceedings have not only vindicated key actors—both individual
and institutional—but perhaps most importantly they have confirmed, in
unique ways, that the Pan-African project’s most important pillar was per-
haps developmental.
This was the beginning of our inquiry, the result of which is what we
think will be a modest contribution to an already esteemed body of work
on Africa with a special focus on examining the facilitative role that new
and emerging technologies could play in Africa’s sustainable development.
Although this book is written to contribute to the scholarship, we have
also made special efforts to write it in a way to speak to those with an inter-
est in Africa but remain unsteeped in the jargon and currently scholarly
debates about Africa. We hope that readers will conclude that we remained
true to this mission.

Tuskegee, AL, USA Thierno Thiam

New Orleans, LA, USA Gilbert Rochon
 Acknowledgments

In the course of writing this book, we have accumulated a great amount

of debt to a great number of individuals and institutions and would like to
express our thanks to all.
Specifically, we would first like to thank our respective families, without
whose patient support this book would not have been possible.
We would also like to thank:

• The library staff at Tuskegee University and Archives, especially Ms.

Juanita Roberts, Ms. Cheryl Ferguson, Mr. Jonathan Underwood,
and Mr. Dana Chandler.
• My administrative assistant, Ms. Dawn Calhoun, whose help in the
daily management of the department has afforded valuable time to
devote to this manuscript.
• My graduate research assistant Ms. Merlin Hernandez for her assis-
tance in editing sections of the manuscript.
• Our colleague, Dr. Clyde Robertson, whose questions have inspired
insights into this manuscript.
• Our colleagues, Dr. John Tilghman and Dr. Bill Ndi, for their assis-
tance in editing sections of the manuscript as well as in indexing the
manuscript.

ix
x ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

• The staff of the W. E. B. Du Bois Library Special Collections at the

University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Special thanks to Ms. Danielle
Kovacs and Ms. Anne L. Moore.
• The Purdue Terrestrial Observatory, the Purdue University Library
Systems and Special Collections.
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

Part I The Idea of Pan-Africanism  15

2 The Essence of Pan-Africanism 17

3 The Pan-African Congresses: A Re-examination 39

Part II The Institutions of Pan-Africanism  67

4 The Black Church 69

5 The Black Press 79

6 Black Institutions of Higher Learning 89

7 The Infrastructure for African Unity107

xi
xii CONTENTS

Part III The Future of Pan-Africanism 131

8 Pan-Africanism, Emerging Technologies, and Sustainable

Development133

9 Constraints, Benefits, and Opportunities151

10 The Future of African Unification: Vision and Path163

Index181
 About the Authors

Thierno Thiam is the chair of the Department of History and Political

Science, co-director of the Integrative Public Policy and Development
PhD program, and Associate Professor of Political Science and International
Relations at Tuskegee University. He joined Tuskegee University in
December 2010 from the Institute for State Effectiveness (ISE) based in
Washington, DC. The ISE blends conceptual thought, analysis, and direct
experience to rethink relations between citizens, states, and markets in the
globalized world. At ISE, Thiam worked on the context and extent of
institutional transformations in sub-Saharan Africa.
Thiam’s academic activities span across several major universities,
including Howard University, where he taught the Graduate Seminar in
Comparative Politics, the University of Maryland, College Park, where he
taught the Politics of Africa, and Purdue University, where he taught
courses in International Relations. At Tuskegee University, his courses
include International Relations, International Organizations, and
Comparative Government at the undergraduate and graduate levels and
he has served as special advisor to two Tuskegee University presidents.
Thiam has lectured extensively around the world on democracy and dem-
ocratic transitions, sustainable development and foreign policy.
Gilbert Rochon is an adjunct professor of Tulane University’s
Department of Health Management and Policy in the School of Public
Health and Tropical Medicine; a research scientist with Xavier University
of Louisiana’s Department of Public Health Sciences; and senior consul-
tant with MSF Global Solutions, LLC, in New Orleans, LA. Rochon

xiii
xiv About the Authors

serves as co-chair of the African Renaissance and Diaspora Network’s

(ARDN) Higher Education Initiative. He has presented extensively both
nationally and internationally at the UNDP sponsored Youth and Climate
Change Forum: Toward a Greener Africa—a parallel event of the African
Union (AU) Summit in Niamey, Niger, at the Public Diplomacy for
African Migrations Symposium at the University of Witwatersrand in
Johannesburg, at the NSF sponsored Geospatial Software Institute
Workshop in Annapolis, MD, and at the African Association for Remote
Sensing of Environment (AARSE) conference in Kampala, Uganda, on
“Pan-African Disaster Resilience.” Rochon was the sixth President and
University Professor at Tuskegee University in Alabama. His prior appoint-
ments include advocacy manager, under a National Academy of Sciences
grant, for the Public Laboratory for Open Technology and Science (Public
Lab); associate vice president for Collaborative Research and Engagement
and director of the Purdue Terrestrial Observatory at Purdue University;
director of the Urban Studies and Public Policy Institute and Conrad
Hilton Endowed Professorship at Dillard University; as well as an array of
successive joint appointments with NASA, USDA Forest Service, Naval
Oceanographic Office, and the US EPA. Rochon served as the NATO
country, Science for Peace, Project Director (NPD) for the Mediterranean
Dialogue Earth Observatory, now based in Morocco. He was a United
Nations University (UNU) fellow in Sudan and a Fulbright senior special-
ist in Thailand. Additionally, he served on the Technology Advisory
Committee for South Africa’s Center for High Performance Computing
(CHPC) in Cape Town. Rochon received a PhD from the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology (MIT) in Urban and Regional Planning, a master
of Public Health degree from Yale University and a BA from Xavier
University of LA.
 List of Figures

Fig. 8.1 The Venn diagram of sustainable development. (Source: Based

on New World Encyclopedia, Organizing Knowledge for
Happiness)136
Fig. 9.1 Africa: Natural resources. (Source: CSS Analyses in Security
Policy No. 38, July 2008 (Center for Security Studies, ETH
Zürich))153

xv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Never, perhaps, in the course of modern African history have we faced a

challenge like the one, which shall be the subject of this inquiry; a chal-
lenge so settled by previous studies and the factual evidence and yet so
unsettled by our everyday politics. At the core of this challenge rests the
notion that sustainable development in Africa depends on the degree of
African integration. This explains why the relentless search of the magic
formula for a more perfect union, the building of a social, political, eco-
nomic, and environmental home base in Africa has been one of the domi-
nant and most persistent trends in post-independence Africa’s political
and socio-economic evolution.
This quest has resulted in the creation of two continental organiza-
tions including the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 and
its successor, the African Union (AU) in 2002. Such quest has also given
rise to a variety of federations, confederations, regional, and sub-regional
organizations throughout Africa, including most notably the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), and the East African Community
(EAC). These supranational communities in Africa, which represent the
most practical embodiment of the Pan-African ideal to date, were
designed to foster socio-political and economic development in Africa
through a united front. They are the ethos of the African effort toward
unity and the ideal of Pan-Africanism, the notion that people of African

© The Author(s) 2020 1

T. Thiam, G. Rochon, Sustainability, Emerging Technologies, and
Pan-Africanism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22180-5_1
2 T. THIAM AND G. ROCHON

descent—both in Africa and abroad are not merely bound by a simple

common identity and historical legacy but, most importantly, by a sense
of common destiny.
At its core, the story of Pan-Africanism is a story of identity and destiny.
It is one of the most extraordinary experiences in human civilization.
Uprooted from the African continent and hurled away to the Americas.
They were not supposed to have survived. But they did. They did both
physically and spiritually. Africans showed a level of resiliency that is unique
in the course of history. Having prevailed, in extraordinarily adverse cir-
cumstances, they embarked triumphantly on a journey to seek out and
reconnect with the other African that they left home. Pan-Africanism is
therefore the story of men and women, who in quest of their identity,
found themselves in each other and on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean.
Today, the challenge for Africa is not merely one of survival. We argue
that Africa is at a historical juncture in its existence where the arrows can
be brought together for a triumph against the ills that continue to beset it.
The fact is that Africa has in the past met with such inflection points.
However, for a variety of reasons that we will examine throughout this
book, Africa has repeatedly missed such opportunities. One such missed
opportunity took place a little over 70 years ago as African states gained
their political independence and could have seized the moment to write
their own history. This moment is different. The level of education and
awareness among Africans both at home and in the Diaspora coupled by
unprecedented levels of access to technology, in particular, changes the game.
The search for a united Africa in the twenty-first century, amidst the
ubiquity of technologies, however, raises a good number of questions rela-
tive to the very essence of Pan-Africanism and its critical nexus within
Africa’s development challenges. These questions continue to be of critical
importance in the analysis of Pan-Africanism as an idea and as a move-
ment. The new materials that our research has unearthed at the Special
Collections and University Archives (SCUA) of the W. E. B. Du Bois
Library at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, shed a new light on
an already rich and complex tradition. These original proceedings of the
six major Pan-African Congresses from 1900 to 1945 challenge, in funda-
mental ways, most of what we know today about Pan-Africanism and the
Pan-African Congresses, which are arguably the most important events in
the history of the Pan-African movement. While there have been extensive
discussions of the Pan-African Congresses within the literature, including
fundamental disagreements as to the exact number of conferences,
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Congresses, and conventions, this study does not seek to settle this debate.
Rather, it seeks to build on consensus and will therefore focus on the most
consequential Congresses, which took place between 1900 and 1945.
This choice is especially relevant since the available data contained in origi-
nal proceedings of the Congresses held within such time span gives us the
evidence needed for a study based more on data and less on speculation.
Who are the main drivers of the Pan-African movement? The existing
scholarship has done a remarkable job fleshing out the roles of key indi-
viduals in shaping the idea and movement of Pan-Africanism. However, a
re-examination of Pan-Africanism along the lines of a different set of orga-
nizational frameworks will, in no uncertain terms, help further the analy-
sis. Most significantly, there is yet another imperative, which could be
equally important: the need to rethink the debate on the key drivers of the
Pan-African movement. There is indeed quite a consensus around key fig-
ures including Henry Sylvester Williams, William E. B. Du Bois, Edward
Wilmot Blyden, Marcus Garvey, Horace Campbell, Kwame Nkrumah,
Gamal Abdel Nasser, Julius Nyerere, and so on. Their place in the annals
of Pan-African History is secured and our work does not seek to challenge
this consensus.
However, our analysis of the fresh materials on the original proceedings of
the Pan-African Congress points to the preeminent role of individual actors
and institutions that the existing scholarship has, at best, just alluded to and,
at worst, completely ignored. Specifically, while the existing literature has had
only occasional forays into the role of key black institutions such as the black
press and the black church, it has tended to ignore the preeminent role of yet
another key black institution: Black Institutions of Higher Learning
and Historically Black Colleges and Universities, in particular. Our findings
from re-examining the original proceedings of the Pan-African Congresses
constitute a direct challenge to many of the pre-­conceived notions about this
particular aspect of Pan-Africanism. This will be a key contribution that our
study seeks to bring to the rich scholarship on Pan-Africanism.
In light of these findings, this book seeks to challenge key notions
about Pan-Africanism in an effort to help advance the debate on an idea
and movement that has, to some extent, been handicapped by an over reli-
ance on secondary sources. In the process, our study will challenge some
of Pan-Africanism’s key theoretical assumptions, particularly, the one
advanced by Imanuel Geiss. In his work, which came to be a reference in
the study of Pan-Africanism, Geiss argues, in a rather definitive way, that
there are no comprehensive reports of the original proceedings of the
4 T. THIAM AND G. ROCHON

­Pan-­African Congresses (1974, 232). The Du Bois papers from the Special
Collections at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, do tell a very dif-
ferent story. Comprehensive reports of all the Pan-African Congresses are
indeed available and this book seeks to make ample use of such proceed-
ings to shed light on a debate that has been and continues to be burdened
by a belief in a lack of primary sources.
This book will also build on such re-examination in order to address
other major questions related to Pan-Africanism. Does Pan-Africanism
have a philosophical and theoretical framework? This very question along
with the suggestion that the difficulty in conceptualizing Pan-Africanism
is undoubtedly related to antecedent conceptions about whether one
could speak of African philosophy per se; questions rooted in prejudice. At
this point it will suffice to point out that such philosophy and theoretical
framework has been established be Edward Wilmot Blyden and that such
tradition has lived on with Du Bois and subsequent Pan-Africanists includ-
ing Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, to name but these.
Of equal importance are the following questions: Why has Pan-­Africanism
not achieved its goal of continental unification? What lessons can be learned
from the Pan-African experience? What are the links between Pan-
Africanism’s goal of unity and sustainable development? How might the
ultimate objective of African Unity be enabled and accelerated though
deployment of emerging technologies? The purpose of this book is to
address these questions in order to lay out a vision and a path for African
unity and sustainable development. African development must be thought
within the parameters of sustainability. Africa truly has the opportunity to
put forward the most comprehensive model for a development that does
not take place at the expense of the environment, interdependent ecosys-
tems, and the prosperity of future generations. The world can then turn to
Africa for leadership. As was the case in the past, humanity has never been
faced with an existential challenge that did not generate a bold response
from humans. The State, in the post Westphalia world, was a response to an
existential crisis; the Republic was a response to an existential crisis;
Democracy, itself, was a response to an existential crisis. The question of inse-
curity around the world and in Africa, imposed by extreme levels of poverty,
climate change, exploitative neo-colonial transactions, excessive wealth dis-
parity, and the rise of terrorist networks, represents an existential crisis. Africa
can respond and lead in the process of developing a paradigmatic shift
toward a more humane, more inclusive, sustainable, science-based, and more
equitable future. Africa can do this by seizing on the opportunity of new and
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

emerging technologies, as well as the unprecedented wealth of knowledge—

existent and potential—available. In the process, Africa can send a strong
message to the world and say: here I am and I want to lead!
This is why the very idea of Pan-Africanism today remains relevant and
crucial. One only needs to look at the nature of the international environ-
ment in order to grasp the fundamental necessity for greater units on the
world stage. In fact, one of the most notable characteristics of the twenty-­
first century is the resurgence of regional groupings and supranational
ensembles. The creation and expansion of the European Union (EU), the
enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the evo-
lution of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the con-
tinued attempt to expand the membership of the Southern Common
Market, known in Spanish as Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur), the
attempts to reinvigorate the Andean Community of Nations, and the
recent and controversial efforts by Russia to reconstitute Soviet power by
reincorporating its breakaway republics, to name but these, are some of
the most visible indicators of a world which is constantly trying to move
toward more unity.
In such a context, a renaissance of Pan-Africanism, a voluntary associa-
tion, is not only timely; it has never been more necessary. The small states
of Africa cannot thrive individually in this new environment. For this rea-
son, Africa is condemned to present a united front and reconsider the
Pan-African ideal. A re-examination or a renaissance of Pan-Africanism,
however, must be based on a clear conceptualization and on a clear pur-
pose if it is to be meaningful. In fact, clarity of concept and purpose could
be one of the most significant contributions to Pan-Africanism. Our analy-
sis will therefore seek to provide answers to some unanswered questions
and to improve upon old answers when warranted. We will also ask new
questions where needed.
But what in essence is Pan-Africanism? This will be one of the questions
that this contribution will seek to examine. Ian Duffield’s (1977) refer-
ence to Pan-Africanism as “polymorphous and elusive, difficult to relate
coherently, more so to analyze and define,” is an indication of the difficult
task related to defining and conceptualizing the term. The Pan-African
ideal has been expressed both in terms of a collective sense of a global
African community tied together by a sense of African historical, cultural,
and spiritual identity and in terms of a collective empowerment tool. The
complexity of the variables that define and describe Pan-Africanism
­constitutes an extraordinary source of wealth. However, it can also be an
extraordinary source of contention. Contention, however, does not need
6 T. THIAM AND G. ROCHON

to stand for disunity. Rather, if used properly, such dialectic could consti-
tute the very engine that enriches and re-invigorates the Pan-African ideal.
Pan-Africanism seeks to unite all people of African descent. Such quest
is premised on the notion of the existence of a special relationship among
all people of African descent. Consequently, the Pan-Africanists are those
who, through their intellectual work or through their actions, consistently
work toward these goals.
It is important to note, however, that the history of Pan-Africanism
cannot be a mere summary of the biographical notes of its standard bear-
ers. Rather, it should be a systematic approach which seeks to weave con-
cepts into contexts. The ways in which such concepts and contexts are
driven by the human experience adds clarity to the discourse and should
therefore be taken into account. As an idea, Pan-Africanism incorporates
several major aspects of our human experience including socio-political,
economic, scientific, cultural, and aesthetic dimensions. At its core, it is a
multifaceted phenomenon. The inherent difficulty to capture this multidi-
mensional phenomenon, which encapsulates both an idea and a move-
ment, is at the heart of all the difficulties associated with attempts to define
Pan-Africanism.
The Pan-African idea was born out of the effort to liberate the African
people and integrate them. For the Pan-Africanists, liberation and integra-
tion are both necessary components of the struggle to restore African
dignity and African pride. Consequently, the history of Pan-Africanism is
also the history of men and women whose dedication to the equality of
the human races is stronger than that of the hangmen of human civiliza-
tion. The essence of the Pan-African ideal of liberation and integration has
been articulated, perhaps best, by Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of
Ghana, the first independent post-colonial sub-Saharan African state. In
Nkrumah’s view, the concepts of freedom and unity are two faces of the
same coin and one cannot exist without the other in the African context.
In such light, Pan-Africanism, in its primary form, is the unbroken alliance
between Africa’s total liberation and Africa’s unity. Nowhere is this articu-
lation clearer than in his seminal treatise entitled Africa Must Unite.
Nkrumah explains:

The survival of free Africa, the extending independence of this continent,

and the development towards that bright future on which our hopes and
endeavours [SIC] are pinned, depend upon political unity. (Nkrumah
1963, 221)
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