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MAKING SENSE OF PAKISTAN
 FARZANA SHAIKH

Making Sense
of Pakistan

1
 1
Oxford University Press is a department of the
University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective
of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide.
Oxford New York
Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi
Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi
New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto
With offices in
Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece
Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore
South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam
Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press
in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by
Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Copyright © Farzana Shaikh, 2018

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly
permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate
reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside
the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford
University Press, at the address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available
ISBN: 9780190929114
For Patrick and Emile
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ix
Map xii
Preface to the Second Edition xiii

Introduction 1

1. Why Pakistan? History and Ideology 14

     Community 16
     Nation 28
     Power 40

2. Who is a Pakistani? Culture and Identity 46

     Migrants and Natives 47
     Sectarian myths 58
     The mirage of citizenship 68

3. The Burden of Islam: The Sacralization of Politics 81

     Holy battles 83
     In the name of Islam 98
     The lure of Shariatization 107

4. The Dilemmas of Development: The Uncertainties of Change 116

     Free and Unequal 118
     The Culture of Corruption 132
     The Puritan Backlash 140

5. Between Crescent and Sword: Professionalizing Jihad 147

     Forging an Islamic army 150
     Jihadis and juntas 158
     The wages of sin 170

6. Demons from Abroad: Enemies and Allies 180

     Standing up to India 181

vii
 CONTENTS

     America’s sullen mistress 190

     Taking charge of Afghanistan 200

Epilogue 209

Notes 213
Glossary 257
Abbreviations 260
Select Bibliography 261
Index 268

viii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In the preface to my first book published twenty years ago I reflected

on the challenges posed to South Asian Muslims confronted with the
contradictions of their faith and with the uncertainties that plagued the
role of Islam in shaping the demand for Pakistan. This book returns to
the theme by carrying the story forward and demonstrating the conse-
quences for Pakistan of those unresolved contradictions. As before I
feared I had set myself an impossible task, but as before I soon found
myself buoyed up by the support of colleagues, friends and family
without whom this project could not have been realized.
This is especially true of those in Pakistan. Many gave generously of
their time; others helped open doors for me that may have remained
shut: to all of them I extend my heartfelt thanks. Some, however,
deserve special mention. In Islamabad and Rawalpindi Dushka Saiyid
and Syed Mushahid Hussain provided me with invaluable contacts and
sources. I am also deeply indebted to General (retd.) Mahmud Ali Dur-
rani, General (retd.) Asad Durrani, General (retd.) Malik Iftikhar and
General (retd.) Muhammad Rafi Khan, who agreed to spend long
hours with me discussing changes in military thinking over several
generations. I want to thank the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Islama-
bad and its ambassador to Pakistan in 2003, Janis Kanavin, for mak-
ing available to me his embassy’s premises for a series of dialogues on
Islam and Islamic education with Hafiz Muhammad Anwarul Haq
Haqqani of the Dar ul Uloom-e-Haqqani in Akora Khattak, and with
Hafiz Fazl-ur Rahim and Muhammad Yousaf Khan of the Jamia
Ashrafia in Lahore. Among others in Islamabad who extended their
warm hospitality and who shared with me their views on Pakistan
were Tasneem Beg, Parwaiz Iqbal Cheema, Rifaat Hussain, Roedad
Khan, Shaheen Rafi, Tariq Rahman, Ahmed Salim, Ikram Sehgal and
Mohammad Waseem.

ix
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In Lahore my greatest debt is to the late Qamar F.R. Khan, a true

model of generosity and matchless courage. In Lahore, I also wish to
express particular thanks to Dr Mubarak Ali, the late Farrukh Aziz,
Air Marshal (retd.) Zafar Choudhry, Brig (retd.) Rao Abid Hamid,
Mubashar Hasan, Tahira Mazhar Ali Khan, Kamil Mumtaz, Abbas
Rashid, Ahmed Rashid, I.A. Rehman, Rashid Rehman and Fareeda
Shaheed, who all patiently fielded my questions on the many causes of
Pakistan’s misfortunes. In Karachi, the city of my birth and of much of
my education, I benefited from discussions with Arif Hasan, Adrian
Husain and Sohail Lari. Amjad Awan, Nina Aslam, Mariam Ali Khan
and Nigar Khan helped ease my many practical difficulties. In London,
Maleeha Lodhi, Pakistan’s accomplished former high commissioner to
the UK, kindly offered to share her insights. My big sisters, Farida,
Muna and Anwara, bore the stress of my endeavors with unfailing
humor while making sure that every resource was put at my disposal.
The support of colleagues at institutions in the UK, the United States,
Europe and India has been invaluable in helping me stay the course. I
wish particularly to thank the Royal Institute of International Affairs
(Chatham House) in London for electing me as an Associate Fellow of
its Asia Programme and for giving me the opportunity regularly to
share my ideas on Pakistan with its distinguished membership. I also
want to acknowledge my debt to the Institute for Advanced Study in
Princeton for inviting me as a Visitor to the School of Social Science in
2006–07, and especially to Professor Joan Scott, whose enthusiasm for
my work on Pakistan was a real stimulus. At the Institute I learnt
greatly from the wisdom of Lakhdar Brahimi and from the critical
insights of Steve Feierman, Kristen Ghodsee, Rosalind Morris, Susanna
Hecht, David Scott and rest of the ‘Third World Now’ seminar group.
I want to thank Professor Simonetta Casci and Professor Georg Kreis
of the universities of Pavia and Basle, respectively, for ­giving me the
opportunity to rehearse some of the ideas that have since found their
way into this book. In India the professional integrity, unflinching
support and friendship of Mushirul Hasan of Jamia Millia Islamia,
who made possible my contacts with Indian collea­gues, has been a
source of inspiration and immense encouragement. I also owe an equal
measure of debt to Professor T.N. Madan, whose keen interest in my
work on South Asian Islam over the years has been a privilege.
The author also wishes to acknowledge the editor of the Third
World Quarterly and the publishers, Taylor and Francis, for material
used on pp. 107–115 and pp. 151–157, which previously appeared in

x
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

her article ‘From Islamization to Shariatisation: cultural transnational-

ism in Pakistan’, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 29, no. 3 (2008) and
which was reprinted in Radhika Desai (ed.), Developmental and Cul-
tural Nationalisms (London: Routledge, 2008).
Few authors could dream of a more supportive editor than Michael
Dwyer of Hurst Publishers, who patiently put up with a string of missed
deadlines, but whose thoughtful comments and meticulous editing of the
final manuscript serve as testimony to his innate graciousness. The acute
observations of an anonymous reader were invaluable in helping me
both to broaden the book’s narrative and tighten its argument.
My greatest debt, however, lies closer to home. Patrick and Emile—
my dual anchors—ensured that this book saw the light of day even if
in the process I fared less well as wife and mother. From the start their
involvement with this project was sustained and intense. Patrick read
the manuscript more than once bringing to it his gifts as an outstand-
ing scholar, logician and master of the written word. To Emile and his
passion for intellectual inquiry I owe the good fortune of having
avoided the tedium that could so easily have stood in the way of get-
ting the job done. To these two mighty sources of support, I dedicate
this book.

xi
 © S Ballard (2018)
K Y R G Y Z I S TAN

TA J I K I STAN
CHINA
T U R K M E N I S TA N

K h y b e r- Gilgit
P a kh tu n k h wa
Northern
Areas
KABUL JAMMU &
Muzaffarabad KASHMIR
Peshawar
Srinagar
ISLAMABAD
A F G H A N I STAN Rawalpindi

Azad
Wana Kashmir
Jammu
Lahore
Faisalabad

Punjab
Quetta Multan

Bahawalpur

N
Rahimyar
Ba l o c h i s tan Khan

IRAN Sukker
s
du
In

INDIA 0 200
Turbat Sind km

Hyderabad
Gwadur Karachi
Pakistan, 1947-71

CHINA

Arabian Sea WEST

PAKISTAN NE
PA L

INDIA
EAST
Territories under A r a bian PAKISTAN
S ea
Pakistan administration
Ba y o f Be n g a l

Line of control Territories under

Indian administration

Limits of Chinese Territories under

occupation Chinese administration
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
ISLAM AND IDENTITY IN 21ST CENTURY PAKISTAN

Pakistan emerged in August 1947 as the first self-consciously created

Muslim state (and along with Israel as one of only two cases of religious
nationalism in modern times), but nothing has so divided the country
as the role of Islam in the definition of its national identity. While Islam
is clearly recognised in the Constitution of Pakistan as the religion of
the state, its place in national life continues to be deeply contested and
is likely to remain so into the twenty-first century. The explanation is
rooted in Pakistan’s history, much of which has been fraught with
uncertainty over the salience of Islam in the definition of Pakistan.1
At its heart lies the question of whether Pakistan was intended to
secure a Muslim homeland free from the domination of a Hindu
majority in independent India2 or whether it expressed a desire for a
state informed by Islamic law, where Parliament and the people would
be subject to Divine injunctions mediated by a clerical elite.3 The habit
among Pakistan’s self-professed secular parties to instrumentalise the
language of Islam as a means of promoting their agendas has deepened
the confusion and further muddied the waters between these compet-
ing visions. With no visible consensus over the terms of ‘Islam’—
whether as faith, culture or ideology—the resolution of Pakistan’s
identity and its putative relation to Islam, remains elusive.
At first glance, Pakistan with its remarkably homogeneous popula-
tion of Muslims, who make up almost 97 per cent of its people, would
appear to be well insulated against discord over Islam’s relation to the
state. Yet the sectarian divide between the country’s predominantly
Sunni Muslim population and its Shia minority, which has grown more
acute with time, suggests otherwise.4 The trend was set in the 1980s
when Shias, who represent an estimated 15 per cent of Pakistan’s total

xiii
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

population (and are second in number only to their counterparts in

Iran) grew fearful of a state they suspected was engaged in a process of
‘Sunnification’ masquerading as Islamisation. This involved the pro-
motion of a distinct Sunni sectarian identity to define Pakistan and the
pursuit of policies based on a Sunni interpretation of Islamic law.5
Since then mounting attacks against Shias6 by Sunni militant groups
dedicated to the idea of Pakistan as a Sunni state in which Shias would
be designated as a separate non-Muslim minority, have compounded
fears among Shias that it is only a matter of time before they are rele-
gated to the status of second-class citizens in Pakistan. These concerns
are not without some foundation. In 1974 a constitutional amend-
ment,7 which remains in force, stripped members of Pakistan’s Ahmadi
minority of their status as Muslims and reduced at a stroke their rights
as full citizens.8 The measure left the Ahmadis vulnerable to physical
attacks by other Muslims—both Sunnis and Shias. Ahmadis who
regard themselves as Muslims, continue to subscribe to Islam. But they
identify neither as Shias nor Sunnis. Instead, they belong to a messianic
sect that emerged in mid-nineteenth-century colonial Punjab under the
leadership of a local religious reformer, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad.9 His
status as a prophet/messiah among his followers accounts today for the
charge of heterodoxy levelled against the Ahmadis (who contest such
claims) and for discriminatory action by the state against them.10
With the terms of Islam violently in question, the status of Pakistan’s
other religious and regional minorities has also grown ever more pre-
carious. The small Christian and Hindu minorities, concentrated in the
provinces of Punjab and Sindh, have witnessed a steady erosion of
their rights amid the debate over the role of Islam and its capacity to
ensure equal citizenship. Controversy over Pakistan’s draconian blas-
phemy laws, which aim to protect the sanctity and reputation of the
Prophet Muhammad, has accentuated these concerns by targeting non-
Muslim minorities for reported breaches of the law. They, in turn,
have fuelled doubts about Pakistan’s standing as a nation-state
equipped for the twenty-first century. These pressures are also acutely
felt by regional minorities suffering from conditions common to other
religious minorities in Pakistan. A case in point are the Shia Hazara
people of Pakistan’s Baluchistan province. They have long been the
object of a campaign of ethnic cleansing and religious persecution
orchestrated by Sunni militant groups seeking to promote an anti-Shia

xiv
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

sectarian agenda by tapping into perceptions of the Hazara as Iranian

proxies intent on destabilising Pakistan.11
But the struggle over Islam and its place in the definition of
­Pakistan’s national identity extends well beyond the sectarian schism
between Sunnis and Shias. No less profound are doctrinal differences
within the Sunni majority, where competing conceptions of Islam and
their relation to the state have led to deep splits between followers of
the Barelvi sect12 and their Sunni counterparts among adherents of the
Deobandi movement.13 The former, who predominate among Sunnis
in Pakistan, enjoy a strong presence across vast swathes of the country,
especially in rural areas, where they are also closely tied to local Sufi
shrines. Yet the influence of Barelvis in shaping the contours of the
Pakistani state has been relatively modest in comparison to their rivals
among Sunni Deobandis.
The two groups are separated by sharp differences, which centre
mainly on the role of intercession in religious practice. While Barelvis
emphasise the importance of spiritual mediators and stress personal
devotion to the Prophet Muhammad, the Deobandis call attention to
individual responsibility and correct religious practice in line with the
sharia.
With the onset of the twenty-first century, however, Barelvi groups
have adopted a more muscular style of politics aimed at forcing the
state to impose more rigid definitions of ‘the Muslim’ with a view to
sharpening Pakistan’s Islamic profile. The most recent illustration of
this trend surfaced in late 2017, when Barelvi hardliners forced the
resignation of the federal law minister on grounds of blasphemy. They
claimed he had sought to dilute the profession of faith enjoined on
Muslims by amending the wording of a new electoral law that would
have required political candidates to ‘declare’ their belief in the finality
of the Prophet Muhammad rather than to ‘swear an oath’ affirming it.14
While the political stock of the Barelvis is yet to be consolidated, the
standing of the Deobandis is well established. Their influence rose
exponentially in the 1980s15 when Deobandi organisations were sin-
gled out for state patronage in recognition of their role in extending
Pakistan’s policy of jihad in Afghanistan and their willingness to serve
as armed proxies of the state against Indian forces in Kashmir. This
favoured position enabled Deobandi parties to emerge as formidable
players on Pakistan’s political landscape, where they have scored nota-

xv
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

ble successes in promoting their brand of conservative Islam as the

defining ideology of the state.
However, the political sway of both Barelvis and Deobandis has been
steadily challenged by other Sunni groups. They include followers of the
Salafi sect—known locally as the Ahl-i-Hadis—who, while representing
a tiny minority of Sunnis in Pakistan, have worked assiduously to bring
the state in line with their strict and literal reading of Islam.16 In doing
so they have staged violent attacks against local Sufi shrines whose
rituals they denounce as un-Islamic.17 But the influence of Ahl-i-Hadis
groups cannot be explained without reference to Pakistan’s exception-
ally close ties to Salafi-dominated Saudi Arabia18 which has led to a
cultural transformation and eroded more diverse expressions of Islam
in Pakistan resulting in what some regard as the ‘Saudisation’ of Paki-
stan.19 At least as important has been the role of Pakistan’s leading
Ahl-i-Hadis organization, Lashkar-i-Tayyaba which became world
famous for conducting the Mumbai terror attacks in 2008. Its proxim-
ity to the country’s powerful military establishment has deepened
resistance to a ‘Hindu India’, which it has sought to promote in oppo-
sition to Pakistan’s Islamic identity.20
These discursive fractures over Islam have significantly widened the
differences over Islam’s putative relation to Pakistan’s national iden-
tity. Although the cataclysmic events of 9/11 led Pakistan to briefly
temper appeals to a monolithic interpretation of Islam as the basis of
the country’s identity, this short-lived experiment did little to ease the
fundamental contradictions embedded in the issue. Indeed, the twenty-
first century has spawned new lines of division over Pakistan’s identity
informed by the complex narratives of global Islam. Foremost among
these is the constructed opposition between so-called ‘extremist’ Islam,
which Pakistan seeks to project as alien to its identity, and an interna-
tionally sanctioned discourse of ‘moderate’ Islam which Pakistan hopes
to tie to its mast.21
Nor does the outcome of the 2018 general elections bode well for an
early resolution of the contestation over Islam and its place in the defi-
nition of Pakistan’s national identity. The victory speech of Imran Khan
as prime minister-elect underscored the enduring uncertainty at the
heart of Pakistan. Announcing his intention of transforming ­Pakistan
into the country that ‘Jinnah had dreamed of’, Khan then held out the
promise of Pakistan as ‘the type of state that was established in

xvi
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

­ edina’—a reference to the first Muslim city-state established by the

M
Prophet Muhammad in 622 AD. While Jinnah’s vision remains unques-
tionably open to debate in Pakistan, its association with a broadly
constitutional state that is neutral in the treatment of all its citizens,
whatever their creed or caste, is bound to sit uneasily with Khan’s
vision of twenty-first century Pakistan as a state informed by a seventh-
century polity resting on the pre-eminent status of Muslims.
These contradictions threatened to become more acute as Pakistan
entered its third democratic transition. For what was distinctive about
the latest transition was the participation of radical Islamist groups,
whose entry into electoral politics for the first time represented a
watershed that could potentially deepen divisions over Islam and its
relation to the state. For with their candidates among the estimated
1,500 fielded by religious parties, hard-line Islamist groups were able
to ensure that their discourse of Islam not only took centre-stage in the
run up to the elections, but that it also set the terms of the political
debate in ways that promised to decisively privilege Pakistan’s Islamic
over its republican identity. Although they performed poorly in the
polls as in the past (except for 2002) by gaining a few seats, the real
success of their Islamist agenda arguably lay elsewhere in the profound
transformation of Pakistan’s discursive landscape.
This was accomplished through a remarkable narrative shift, which
led to the radicalisation of the mainstream discourse on Islam, which
accentuated rather than moderated the appeal of Islamist agendas.
While mainstream political parties in Pakistan have long been known
to accommodate, some more ardently than others, the language of
Islam, many have tended to shy away from the appropriation of an
openly Islamist agenda. These reservations have been particularly
marked in recent years amid concern to promote Pakistan’s image
abroad as a ‘moderate’ Muslim state by downgrading Islamist prefer-
ences. The 2018 elections signalled an interruption in that process as
mainstream parties rushed to encroach on territory hitherto regarded
as the preserve of more radicalised components of the religious right.
While promises of putting an end to corruption and securing good
governance were paid lip service by all serious contenders for power
among mainstream parties, they were no match for the pulling power of
pledges to further strengthen Pakistan’s laws against blasphemy, which
already carry the death penalty, or to impose sanctions against those

xvii
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

judged to injure the reputation of the Prophet and his Companions. The
Pakistan Justice Party (PTI), which stood to take control of the govern-
ment, showed every sign of confirming this trend. During its electoral
campaign the PTI mounted a strong defence in support of the single-
point agenda promoted by the recently formed militant Barelvi party, the
Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), which seeks harsher measures to
tighten existing laws against blasphemy. The PTI also openly favoured
the single-point agenda of the Sunni sectarian group, Ahl-i-Sunnat wal
Jammat (ASWJ), which contested the elections under the banner of Rah-
i-Haq, and which demanded stricter legislation to sanctify and protect
the honour of the Companions of the Prophet against alleged detractors
among Pakistan’s Shia minority. Nor perhaps was it a coincidence that
before its promise to introduce an ‘Islamic welfare state’, the PTI’s ambi-
tious programme had been most closely associated with the Salafi
organization, Lashkar-i-Tayyaba (renamed Jamaat ud Dawa), which
also entered the electoral fray for the first time as the Allah o Akbar
(God is Great) Movement.
Whether Pakistan’s latest transition can heal the country’s fractures
over Islam or ease the present violent struggle between competing ideas
of Pakistan, is yet to be established. Until then the chronic uncertain-
ties arising from Pakistan’s vexed relationship with Islam will continue
to exact their heavy toll on the country and its people.

August 2018

xviii
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Major.—Samuel Birch
Captains.—Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Francis Ed. Gwynne
James Poole
Arthur Blake
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Eyre
Lieutenants.—Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Cornets.—Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Shadd
Chaplain.—James Adams
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1770
Colonel.—John Hale
Lieut.-Colonel.—John Blaquière
Major.—Samuel Birch
Captains.—Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin
Richard Carew
Richard Gardiner
Captain-Lieut.—Joseph Moxham
Lieutenants.—Robert Archdale
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
Cornets.—John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Shadd
Thomas Whittaker
Chaplain.—James Adams
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1771
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—John Blaquière
Major.—Samuel Birch
Captains.—Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin
T. Van Straubenzee
Vincent Corbet
Captain-Lieut.—Joseph Moxham
Lieutenants.—Robert Archdale
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
Cornets.—John Francis
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
Chaplain.—James Adams
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1772
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—John Blaquière
Major.—Samuel Birch
Captains.—Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin
T. Van Straubenzee
Vincent Corbet
Captain-Lieut.—Joseph Moxham
Lieutenants.—Robert Archdale
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
Cornets.—John Francis
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
Chaplain.—James Adams
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1773
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—John Blaquière
Major.—Samuel Birch
Captains.—Henry Bishop
C. Fortescue Garstin
T. Van Straubenzee
Richard Crewe
Joseph Moxham
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieutenants.—Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Cornets.—Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Chaplain.—Richard Griffith
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1774
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—John Blaquière
Major.—Henry Bishop
Captains.—C. F. Garstin
Richard Carew
T. Van Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieutenants.—Henry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
Cornets.—James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Chaplain.—Richard Griffith
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1775
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—John Blaquière
Major.—Henry Bishop
Captains.—C. F. Garstin
Richard Crewe
T. Van Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieutenants.—Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
Cornets.—James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
Thomas J. Cook
Chaplain.—Richard Griffith
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1776
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—John Blaquière
Major.—Henry Bishop
Captains.—C. F. Garstin
Richard Crewe
T. V. Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieutenants.—Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
Cornets.—James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
William St. Leger
David Ogilvy
David St. Clair
John Sloper
Peter Anderson
John Hamilton
Chaplain.—Richard Griffith
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1777
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—Samuel Birch
Major.—Richard Crewe
Captains.—Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Hon. Thomas Stanley
R. H. Elliston
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieuts.—Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Geo., Visct. Deerhurst
Cornets.—Frederick Metzer
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
David Ogilvy
John Sloper
Peter Anderson
John Hamilton
Thomas Patterson
John Jones
Samuel Watts
William St. Leger
Chaplain.—Richard Griffith
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1778
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—Samuel Birch
Major.—Richard Crewe
Captains.—Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Hon. Thomas Stanley
R. H. Elliston
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieutenants.—Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James, Hussey
Geo., Visct. Deerhurst
Wm., Lord Cathcart
Cornets.—Frederick Metzer
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
David Ogilvy
John Sloper
John Hamilton
Thomas Patterson
John Jones
Samuel Watts
William St. Leger
Thomas Romain
T. Smith Bradshaw
Chaplain.—Richard Griffith
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1779
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—Samuel Birch
Major.—Oliver Delancey
Captains.—Hon. F. Needham
Wm. Lord Cathcart
Wm. Henry Talbot
(Two vacancies)
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieutenants.—Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Samuel Bagot
Cornets.—William St. Leger
David Ogilvy
John Sloper
John Hamilton
John Jones
T. Smith Bradshaw
J. Stapleton
Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
J. Thos. Fonblanque
Chaplain.—Richard Griffith
Adjutant.—John St. Clair
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston

1780
Colonel.—George Preston
Lieut.-Colonel.—Samuel Birch
Major.—Oliver Delancey
Captains.—Hon. F. Needham
Wm. Henry Talbot
Samuel Bagot
Captain-Lieut.—Robert Archdale
Lieutenants.—Harry Nettles
Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
T. Smith Bradshaw
Cornets.—David Ogilvy
John Jones
J. Stapleton
Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
J. Thos. Fonblanque
Thomas Tucker
John Black
Chaplain.—John Beevor
Adjutant.—John Jones
Surgeon.—Christopher Johnston
Agents.—Cox, Muir & Co.

1781