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Farah Naz
Dieter Bögenhold

Unheard Voices
Women, Work and
Political Economy
of Global Production
Unheard Voices
Farah Naz • Dieter Bögenhold

Unheard Voices
Women, Work and Political Economy
of Global Production
Farah Naz Dieter Bögenhold
Department of Sociology Faculty of Management and
University of Sargodha Economics, Department of Sociology
Sargodha, Pakistan University of Klagenfurt
Klagenfurt, Austria

ISBN 978-3-030-54362-4    ISBN 978-3-030-54363-1 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54363-1

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
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 Preface

As the title of the book Unheard Voices: Women, Work and Political
Economy of Global Production itself suggests, there are agents in business
and society who are weak and who have no or just very small voices to
articulate their interests and to fight for their rights in global production
system. In particular, authors are dealing with the question of how and
under what conditions female home-based workers contribute to global
supply chains. The Unheard Voices bring together the work and experience
of authors having diverse background. The author, Farah Naz, works at a
university in Pakistan, where many production places in that region employ
female home-based workers who work on (final) commission of the world-­
known brands engaged in the industry of sports articles. The other author,
Dieter Bögenhold, works in Austria, where all those seemingly European
products and companies are located and shops and supermarkets are
flooded with those nice brands which we all know and particularly wear,
Adidas or Nike being among the most known ones.
The book builds on different elements and includes many intensive
research pieces, accomplished by Farah Naz through her empirical investi-
gation in global football industry. This research was carried out in the
course of her PhD thesis that she submitted at Klagenfurt University in
2016, but the working parts are integrated with several others and still
ongoing research results. Dieter Bögenhold is undertaking research, partly
with Farah Naz, partly in different other contexts, on global inequalities,
work and political economy. The book reflects that behind the two seem-
ingly different worlds with sometimes very diverse forms of economy,
business and culture, in which the authors are currently residing, some of

v
vi PREFACE

the same procedures coexist. Behind the international scenery of different

national states, one common logic governs, that is, the logic of global
capitalism, which is the universal bracket of social and economic life world-
wide, determining careers and family destinies, fostering social and eco-
nomic prosperity but also resulting in diverse forms of specific ecological,
social and economic problems.
Narrowly, the book is about living conditions of female workers in
home-based working locations in Pakistan, mostly—at the end of global
supply chains—on commission of Western companies with established
international brands whose voices are never heard, whose working and
living situations are mostly overlooked, whose dreams and zones of aspira-
tion are unknown and who belong, from a Western point of view, to a
seemingly very distant and very different social sphere of the globe.
Western contemporaries acknowledge very rarely the fact that conditions
under which people sell their labour around the world are far from uni-
form. Rather, labour market choices are in fact shaped by geographically
and culturally specific circumstances.
The profits of one side are the missing or damaged profit processes of
the other side. This book puts forward the case of football industry of
Pakistan to illustrate the tensions and contradictions between dominant
globalized views about industrial home-based work and lived realities of
these workers in developing countries like Pakistan. The attempts to look
at the home-based work from the analytical perspective of Western devel-
opment and moral frameworks have had a significant impact on the effec-
tiveness of policies introduced to improve labour conditions in developing
countries. Most of these tensions stem from the divergence in views on
what constitutes, moral framework, well-being and quality of life. The
Unheard Voices places this embedded tension in global production organi-
zation within a context, by drawing attention to various social, economic,
structural and moral issues that surround the existing debate about corpo-
rate responsibility, ethical standards and informal home-based work.
Over the past 30 years or more, there has been a growing body of lit-
erature examining how especially multinational Western corporations try
to adapt to ethical standards in the working process but also in the percep-
tion of the ecological environment. Especially obvious are those firm strat-
egies in developing countries where often less institutionalized regulations
exist so that Western firms find themselves forced by expectations from
their home countries to implement higher ethical standards to govern cor-
porate strategies. However, independently of possible serious intentions,
 PREFACE vii

CSR strategies also serve as drug to make economic ambitions cleaner,

and they are used for purposes of corporate self-promotion or ecological
alibi. Football industry provides an interesting context in which to study
the relationship between CSR and working conditions in global sup-
ply chains.
Empirical evidence presented in the book shows that female home-
workers, stitching footballs for international brands, are paid so little that
it is impossible to secure the family’s income, despite full working days and
hard labour. Many of them earn considerably less than men who do the
same jobs. At the end, work and income situations are so precarious that
further sources of income have to be sought for the time after a full regular
working day. Through the narrative life story interviews, the study lets
people speak, and it is concluded that the evaluation of individual experi-
ences is highly dependent upon the stories of life-courses which have to be
seen as stories of individual generations and related age cohorts. Memories
are highly selective and always based on those constructions of life careers.
Analysing the real perception and well-being of those football stitchers,
the book distinguishes between economic, individual and social and psy-
chological well-being. The result is a multi-complex social relativity the-
ory, which is far beyond binary black-and-white schemes, but which shows
a variety of shades of grey. People’s attitudes and behaviour must be stud-
ied within the institutional framework of space, culture, history, economy
and society and cannot be defined ex cathedra from theory.
The topic and messages of the Unheard Voices: Women, Work and
Political Economy of Global Production are truly interdisciplinary. In a nar-
row sense, the authors are asking how female homeworkers work and sur-
vive in Sialkot, Pakistan, where they are engaged as homeworkers stitching
together leather footballs for international brands. In a wider sense, the
authors follow a much more general question by taking all the local obser-
vations and evaluations as an example of general mechanisms of one and
the same global world system of capitalism. The book will show broadly
why it is so necessary to conduct a study on homeworkers. Homework
appears to be very traditional but it isn’t. The opposite is true, homework
is analysed as being ultimately incorporated in the flux of global capitalism.
In the case of this investigation, homeworkers are producers of sports
equipment, which is taken on Wednesdays and Saturdays by soccer players
from Madrid, Barcelona, Manchester, Turin or Munich, fascinating the
masses in European societies. The reader will get the message that the
viii PREFACE

football champions league and football production in a district in the

Pakistan are two sides of the same medal.
The discussion we wish to engender is whether the twenty-first century
shall be the century where debate on social phenomena shall be referenced
primarily to individual nation states and their very limited framework or to
the social universe of a global world society. Too often we rationalize and
act only in categories of individual states in which we are living as point of
reference. If we say that somebody is poor or rich, we mean implicitly our
national context as reference scale. Of course, this procedure is very sim-
ple-minded and narrow from an enlightened academic perspective.
Instead, this book and all the related questions must be read with a per-
spective that all human beings are living in one interconnected but
unequal world.

Sargodha, Pakistan Farah Naz

Klagenfurt, Austria  Dieter Bögenhold
 Contents

1 Introduction: Political Economy of Globalization  1

2 Transformation of Labour Market and Gender Patterns

of Work 19

3 Homeworkers in Global Supply Chains: Issues

and Controversies 45

4 CSR and Home-Based Work: Conceptualizing Social

Responsibility in Global Market Economy 75

5 Dilemmas of Corporate Responsibility in a Globalized

World: Empirical Evidences from Global Football Industry 97

6 Home-Based Work and Political Economy of Global

Football Production Organization123

7 Unheard Voices: Globalization Stories from Invisible

Margins157

8 What Lessons Did We Learn?181

Index195

ix
 Abbreviations

BWI Bretton Woods Institutions

CA Capability Approach
CBS Columbia Broadcasting System
CSR Corporate Social Responsibility
EOBI Employees’ Old-Age Benefits Institution
EPZ Export Promotion Zones
EU European Union
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FGD Focus Group Discussion
GCC Global Commodity Chain
GPN Global Production Networks
GSP Global Supply Chain
GVC Global Value Chain
ICSE International Classification of Status in Employment
IFIs International Financial Institutions
ILO International Labour Organization
IMAC Independent Monitoring Association for Child Labour
IMF International Monetary Fund
IPEC International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour
LDCs Less-Developed Countries
LPT Labour Process Theory
MNCs Multinational Corporations
MNEs Multinational Enterprises
NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement
NGOs Non-Governmental Organizations
OEM Original Equipment Manufacturers

xi
xii Abbreviations

SAPs Structural Adjustment Programmes

TNC Transnational Companies
UEFA Union of European Football Associations
UN United Nations
UNICEF United Nations International Children Emergency Fund
USA Unites States of America
WB World Bank
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Women in production. (Source: Authors elaboration based

on literature review) 27
Fig. 3.1 Quorom flowchart of literature review. (Source: Authors
elaboration. Petticrew and Roberts (2006)) 46
Fig. 3.2 Summary chart of literature review. (Source: Author’s
elaboration)52
Fig. 4.1 CSR and network of actors in GPNs. (Source: Authors
elaboration)86
Fig. 5.1 Impact of and responses to ban on home-based stitching
in Sialkot, Pakistan. (Source: Authors elaboration) 108
Fig. 5.2 Causal flow of responses to a fall in earnings by homeworking
household. (Source: Focus Group Discussions) 117
Fig. 6.1 Football production organization Sialkot, Pakistan.
(Source: Author’s elaboration) 129
Fig. 6.2 Integration of football stitchers into the global football supply
chain. (Source: Naz and Boegenhold (2020)) 131

xiii
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 Summary of the Literature 48

Table 6.1 Earnings in Football Stitching in Pakistan, December 2014 132
Table 6.2 Estimate of Living Wages 135
Table 7.1 Operationalisation of well-being of female homeworkers 171

xv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Political Economy

of Globalization

World Society and Inequalities

The Covid-19 virus pandemic, which evolved in early 2020 and had
started in the city Wuhan in People’s Republic of China, demonstrates
very well how fragile and interdependent the global word system is. The
virus spread across the globe, ignoring national borders and reaching
almost all countries, and infected a tremendous number of people, tens of
thousands of whom died. The virus brought the whole world society and
economy to a standstill, causing a lockdown of a scale that has never hap-
pened in before. No single country proved to be immune against the evo-
lution of the disease, and no country was successfully prepared and armed
against the upcoming developments. People became ill and were dying
everywhere, and the whole system of previous reasonable forecasting
proved to be full of scientific flaws. The task of modelling economic, social
and environmental developments is always dependent upon the axiomatic
input of model constructers.1 If applicants of those econometric models
create their ideas in a sterile world of assumptions, it is a clean world of
certainty where all external variables are known and calculable or where
those external variables are just ignored, and surprising effects, non-­
intended consequences and interdisciplinary problems will not occur.
Instead, we are living in a dynamic world which includes different dimen-
sions of uncertainties which comprises different degrees of complexity

1
For different models in the history of economics and econometrics, see Morgan (2012).

© The Author(s) 2020 1

F. Naz, D. Bögenhold, Unheard Voices,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54363-1_1
2 F. NAZ AND D. BÖGENHOLD

leading permanently to effects which are not forecasted (Merton, 1936).

However, the real world is not (always) clean but (sometimes) dirty when
further phenomena and consequences exist which are not included in the
initial assumptions. Opposed to a model world, in a real world many
shades between black and white exist.
The same issue applies for our topic of globalization. Firstly, the sharp
battle about the advantages and disadvantages of globalization processes,
which we have been observing for a few decades at least, has seemingly
become less controversial during the past few years because people started
to think that there are no visible alternatives to an increased international-
ization called globalization. Anthony Giddens has defined globalization as
a social process of “intensification of worldwide social relations which link
distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events
occurring many miles away and vice versa” (Giddens, 1990: 64). Of
course, according to this definition, we are living in an increasingly global-
ized world where forms of economic, social, cultural and environmental
exchange or interplay are more visible and influential than in earlier times.
Apparently, the globe has turned into a “world society”, a term that was
introduced, independently of each other, by Wallerstein (1983, 2011),
N. Luhmann (1971) and John W. Meyer (Meyer, Boli, Thomas, &
Ramirez, 1981). The idea of world society claims that debate on social
phenomena shall not only be referenced to individual nation states and
their very limited framework but to a social universe of a global world
society.
Numerous studies have found a close relationship between economic
globalization and trade liberalization (Barrientos, 2019; Kurian, 2003;
Staples, 2006). How global and universal trade do not automatically inter-
act with an increase of wealth and sustainability, at least not for the Third
World countries, has been shown in numerous studies. Especially in the
case of the food industries, such as bananas and other well-known fruits,
we know that these fruits travel from poor to rich countries and their con-
sumers do not bring reasonable profit to those people living in producer
countries, who do not always have enough food and water. Similarly, for
the produce of tomato one can reconstruct working principles of global
capitalism where individual products are crossing many borders (Barndt,
2008). Trade liberalization has been increasing the global lottery of world
capitalism where winners and losers emerge newly and simultaneously.
Long-term observations show that globalization processes have existed
since a long time (Gills & Thomson, 2006).
 1 INTRODUCTION: POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GLOBALIZATION 3

Looking at the multiplication of entrepreneurial billionaires in the

world (Bögenhold, 2019) shows that one reason for the enormous accu-
mulation of such wealth is that globalization, understood as the increased
economic, political, social and cultural interconnectedness of the world,
has produced many more opportunities in different parts of the world,
which have enabled some people to increase their wealth vastly (Giddens,
2009: 525), while on the other hand we find a lot of poverty all over the
world, including people suffering from hunger, homeless people without
even a roof over their heads and working migrants who are pushed around
the world in order to raise income to try to feed their families (Case &
Deaton, 2020). The bottom billion (Collier, 2007) often has no access to
gas and electricity for cooking, drinking water and water in the toilets,
education in schools and sufficient medical care; therefore, life expectan-
cies are comparatively short (World Bank, 2002). Social stratification
research deals with inequalities, and, vice versa, inequality is the indicator
of the degree of social stratification, in individual countries and between
countries.
Unheard Voices is mainly about the topic of social stratification in a
global world economy. The evolution of the richest and the poorest peo-
ple in contemporary societies is almost buffered by people being between
those strata. It may make sharp contrasts less visible. These are the middle
classes. The middle classes are of interest for multiple reasons: (1) through
the lenses of social order, integration and political conflict, the middle
classes serve as a buffer between the strata; (2) the middle classes are
defined as household groups in middle-income ranges between poverty
and richness. They are open to new consumer markets, new fields to study
lifestyles and, in relation to this, new consumer behaviour; (3) the middle
classes are of interest for investigating patterns of inequality and social
mobility. This last point is of particular relevance in view of the proposed
decline in the middle classes in a globalized world. An important research
question is whether there is an ongoing “de-middledization”, a term
coined by Bögenhold and Permana (2018). The question matters since all
discussion on growing (or declining) inequality refers directly to the exis-
tence of the middle classes.
The concept of stratification refers to the idea of vertical segmentation
in a sense of having more or less resources. There is apparently an analogy
to the field of geology, where different forms of material stratification are
investigated. The term “social stratification” is used to describe the system
4 F. NAZ AND D. BÖGENHOLD

of social order in a vertical perspective. Degrees of stratification are always

relational, and they express degrees of social inequality. Science is not
­primarily interested in the fate of individual actors but in social categories
of humans as statistical categories.
The classic idea in Marx’s categorization was that access to means of
production serves as the pivot point of all sociological and economic anal-
ysis. This view was universal and dominant for decades. The positioning of
actors in the stratification system was located in relation to the system of
industrial relations and ownership. Being wage or salary dependent implied
belonging to the class of proletarians, whereas all others belonged to the
class of the bourgeoisie, the class of capitalists. Marx never produced a
systematic treatise of the class topic; at the end of the third volume of his
famous Capital (Marx, 1977), the text ends abruptly and remains unfin-
ished after the introduction. All that we have is a collection and interpreta-
tion of Marx’s ideas from various other places in his many written works.
The principal view in the materialist Marxist perspective is that relations to
the system of production govern the system of stratification. Accordingly,
all other dimensions of life are subordinate to or consequences of the prin-
cipal material position in society.
This programme was relevant for many academics for a long time, but
has declined in its relevance and attraction during the last 40–50 years.
Recent neo-Marxist approaches, especially the international world-system
view by Wallerstein (2011), try to incorporate former analyses and modify
the analysis process by adding global perspectives. An early programme
contrasting to the dominant Marxist view was elaborated by Max Weber
(1972 [1921]), who stressed the fact of differentiation (Giddens, 1973).
Although he shared Marx’s view that issues of property or non-property
are fundamental concerns in society, Weber concluded that, within those
two categories, manifold further steps of separation can be found accord-
ing to qualification and related labour market chances. He said that differ-
ent individual market chances correspond with different life chances, and,
consequently, he talked about many further classes within the two main
categories. As far as we identify specific market chances, we can talk about
specific classes. However, Weber also introduced the concept of status as
the subjective feeling and orientation of people in terms of lifestyles and
cultural expressions. The concept of lifestyle within the framework of his
Protestant Ethics (Weber, 1988) is mostly used as a caricature of the mod-
ern and “standardized free” way of living.
 1 INTRODUCTION: POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GLOBALIZATION 5

Another interesting research lens is whether globalization can and must

be seen as a process of increasing Americanization in a sense of
McDonaldization, as George Ritzer (1993) suggested in his often quoted
book The McDonaldization of Society (Bögenhold & Naz, 2018; Ritzer,
1993). McDonaldization reminds us of plastic cutlery, turbo capitalism
and mass production of food as new ways of practising consumption. Of
course, his book deals directly with the development and success of the
well-known fast-food restaurant chain, but on a second look
McDonaldization implicates a process of globalization that creates simi-
larities between countries. The term may also be used as proxy in order to
explain capitalistic developments. Different forms of organizing economy
and society apply the process of McDonaldization: grocery stores, the tex-
tile industry, the tourism and entertainment industries as well as credit
cards. In all, globalization and McDonaldization are different lenses to
look at the same processes of integrating different units into a more and
more universal world society. The world society always experiences the
same universal consumption goods which standardize and harmonize the
cultural face and experience of daily life, at least in terms of goods such as
Levi Strauss jeans, Samsung or Apple mobile phones, British pop music or
Hollywood movie. We come across all these different items across the
world when visiting different cities in different countries and looking at
different generations.
Sociology of social stratification asks for the position of groups of
humans in relation to others based upon income, wealth, education and
further variables. Forms of social stratification can be described by objec-
tive measures of indicators. Being located higher up in the vertical social
stratification of income has several serious implications since more avail-
able financial resources imply better food, living and housing, better edu-
cation, health and further life chances. Human beings operate their
activities in a social space within complex societies by socially constructed
sense and cognitive mechanisms. In other words, social stratification
implies a social logic of inclusion and exclusion, which means income,
education and related scales of prestige create borders between different
circles of people which integrate some and—vice versa—exclude others.
All this reasoning shows our conceptual framework as to how and why to
invest research on home-based female workers. We see them as part of the
team world society, and we like to find out how they are relatively disadvan-
taged and because of whose advantages they are disadvantaged. The rela-
tive distance from a satisfying life of those who suffer near poverty or who
6 F. NAZ AND D. BÖGENHOLD

are captured in poverty is sometimes mirrored as profit at the other hier-

archical end of society. We try to analyse those interrelations between
nations, social strata groups, income groups, labour force members and
gender in order to provoke questions of social justice and fairness in the
world, not more, not less. There are considerable discontents among
scholars about the history, meaning, outcomes and processes of globaliza-
tion. However, despite existing confusions and controversies that sur-
round the concept, it generally refers to increasing interconnectedness
among people, economies and cultures at the global level, which is facili-
tated through the massive reduction of costs of transportation and com-
munication, and the breaking down of artificial barriers of cross-border
flows of goods, services, capital, knowledge and people as well. However,
this assumption about the inevitability of integration as essential compo-
nent of globalization has been often challenged (Ritzer & Dean, 2015).
Existing literature (Bauman, 1998; Chirico, 2014; Stiglitz, 2002) sup-
ports the notion that globalization is not a uniform and neutral process,
but rather that it is lacking in commonly assumed uniform effects and has
multifaceted social causes and consequences. Due to diversity and com-
plexity of the phenomenon, existing debates on globalization are polar-
ized. The great globalization debate is between the sceptics and the globalists
(Ritzer & Dean, 2015). For an individual human being, it makes a crucial
difference where one is born. As a member of a rich(er) country, people
have a citizen premium where—vice versa—those from poor(er) countries
suffer a citizen penalty. “Citizenship premium (or citizenship rent; the
terms are used interchangeably) … refers to the boost in income one
receives simply from being a citizen of a rich country, while citizenship
penalty is the reduction in income from being a citizen of a poor country”
(Milanovic, 2019: 129). Milanovic (2019) talks about the bright and the
dark sides of capitalism which belong ultimately together; he coins it an
“inevitable amorality of hyper-commercialized capitalism” (Milanovic
(2019: 176 ff.). This really opens up for a principal question as to what is
legal and what is ethical or legitimate (Cohen, 2012).
 1 INTRODUCTION: POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GLOBALIZATION 7

Globalization and the Notion of Free Markets:

Sceptics and Globalists
Scholars who adopt globalist perspective consider globalization as an irre-
versible process and the intractable fate of the world (Altman, 2007;
Chanda, 2007). According to Bauman (2003), it is the most important
change in human history that has become an omnipresent reality and is
evident in various domains. Martin Wolf, a prominent neoliberal, in his
book Why Globalization Works (Wolf, 2005), has argued that criticism of
globalization is not just wrong but entirely misguided and almost, if not
entirely, ungrounded. According to Wolf (2005), fragmentation of the
economy into the isolated national economies would result in precipitous
decline in standard of life. Some argue that globalization is such an impor-
tant part of our lives that current era should undoubtedly be labelled as
global age (Ritzer & Dean, 2015: 2). Globalists argue that globalization
has led to the decline of nation state and market has greatly, if not entirely,
supplanted state control especially in cross-border flow of goods and ser-
vices (Yergin & Stanislaw, 1998: 396). However, the very notion of flow
is attacked on the grounds that metaphor flow communicates a distorted
sense of globalization. In words of Ferguson (2006: 47), globalization
does not flow; it hops, instead, at least in some parts of the world. Existing
inequalities between global North and South make a point that globaliza-
tion flows swiftly in more advanced countries and outskirt many less devel-
oped regions of the world. Globalization is thus an uncomfortable
combination of flow and hops.
The globalists highlight the role of economic structures such as multi-
national corporations (MNCs), the transnational economy and the emer-
gence of a new global division of labour, whereas sceptics have turned this
argument on its head and claim that the whole idea of free-market control
has been exaggerated and the state has gained new control by use of more
high-tech surveillance equipment for border control. Nowadays, states
and various regional blocks are in a position to exert greater control on
global economy. Most MNCs are maintaining close ties with nation states
from which they originated. Sceptics expressed their genuine and under-
standable dismay about mass poverty and inequality that effectively
exclude a wider portion of global population from the process that are
generally associated with globalization. They argue that nation states and
other regional groups largely restrict global flows. Thus, considering the
diversity of processes and outcomes, it is hard to claim that there is a single
Another random document with
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Wealth, 136;
inheritance of, 229, 236;
as the basis of open classes, 248 ff.;
comparative ascendency of, 278 f.;
prestige of, 303 f.;
use of, 304 f.
We-feeling, 23, 31, 33 ff., 189 ff., 298, 333, 351, 415.
Westermarck, Edward, 24, 40 f.
Wharton, Edith, 102.
Whately, 150.
Whitman, 176, 195 f., 303.
Will, public, 395-419;
government as, 402 ff.;
some phases of, 411 ff.
See also Opinion, public.
Winckelmann, 78.
Women, opening of new careers to, 362 ff.
Woods, Robert, 43, 49.
Woolman, John, 413.
Wordsworth, 165, 317.
Worry, a cause of poverty, 297.
Writing, social function of, 72 ff.
Wrongs, social, not willed, 400 f.

Young Men, in relation to classes, 223, 273 f., 327.

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