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Beyond Self-Interest: Why the Market Rewards Those Who Reject It 1st Edition Krzysztof Pelc full chapter instant download
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Beyond Self-Interest
Beyond Self-Interest
KRZYSZTOF PELC
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the
University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing
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certain other countries.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
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You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same
condition on any acquirer.
ISBN 978–0–19–762093–9
eISBN 978–0–19–762095–3
For Elza, to the conversions and insurrections to come.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
A Recurrent Paradox
1. CRISIS AND CONVERSION
The Origins of Crisis
The Utilitarian Kool-Aid
A New “Theory of Life”: Happiness “by the Way”
Romantic Origins
Warring Views of the Self
Which Way Back to Eden?
Mill’s Legacy
A Conversion of My Own
2. THE BYPRODUCT SOCIETY
From Products to Byproducts
Ritual Analogues
The Demise of Idleness
The Veblen Treadmill
The Contortions of the Wealthy
Training the Impartial Spectator
The Paradox of Consumption
Turnips versus Transcendence: The Evolving Basket of Goods
A Recipe for Frustration
A Persistent Idea
3. WHY DISINTEREST PAYS
The Original (Reluctant) Capitalists
Why Disinterest Pays
“Believe Me”: The Cornerstone of Capitalism
Two Sorts of Commerce
“Interested Commerce” in Early Markets
Credibility and Transaction Costs
Venture Capitalism and Disinterest
The Aesthetic of Credibility
(Dis)interest in Political Markets
Twisted Incentives
4. ON FAKERS
The Risks of Faking
Detecting the Faker: A 350-Year-Old Tradition
Fooling Others, Ourselves, and God
Is the Faker Doomed?
5. ON SELLOUTS
The Artist as Sellout
The Sellout’s Natural Habitat
Faker and Sellout Meet
The New Puritans
Tragedy Once More?
Does Selling Out Matter?
Mouth-Watering Market Implications
6. THE ANTI-INSTRUMENTALISTS
The Changing Fortunes of Leisure
The Current State of Leisure
Voices of Dissent
The Apostles of Leisure
Means versus Ends
7. THE PLACE OF LEISURE IN A MARKET ECONOMY
Leisure Is Useful: Trouble Ensues
The Wages of Sleep
The Unholy Leisure Alliance
Coopted: Tapping the Fruit of Leisure
Leisure’s Left Flank
8. RESISTING THE INTELLIGENCE INTELLIGENTLY
The Demurrers
The Crisis of Utility, and the Utility of Crisis
The Multiple Self as Curse and Remedy
Resisting the Intelligence Intelligently
The Multiple Self and the Market
Going Through the Motions
Costly Signals of Disinterest
A Warning: The Perils of Disinterest
9. SOCIAL CONDITIONS FOR INDIVIDUAL EPIPHANIES
Self-Reform vs. Social Reform
The Role of Government
The Technocrat’s Unexpected Advantage
A Schedule for Social Conversion
Notes
Acknowledgments
Index
Introduction
A Recurrent Paradox
The spectacle of market actors professing “passion over profits” is
merely one instance of a broader phenomenon. Many of the things
we value most highly are becoming less attainable through
instrumental means. And this shift is in every way expected. It is, in
fact, an unavoidable part of the economic development of any
advanced society.
The examples run from the prosaic to the profound. Those who
are most eager to make a favorable impression become most likely
to fail; the transparency of the effort does them in. That is why the
nouveaux riches are always being unmasked by the old money, who
fault them for trying too hard. It’s also why gifts can sway minds and
elevate the giver’s status, but only if swaying and elevating are not
too obviously their intent. The best toasts are those that sound
convincingly impromptu. Politicians who seem too eager for power
become less likely to attain it; Plato himself argued that the best
rulers were those who did not want to rule and who had to be
forced into taking office. The game of seduction in its various guises
usually consists of concealing, rather than revealing the effort. What
I show in the coming chapters is that these various settings share a
common explanation: namely, a concern for credibility. The main
reason why these valuable goals elude willful effort is because we
have all evolved well-honed social sonars to scrutinize one another’s
intent. In these circumstances, the only ones to be trusted are those
who seem blind to their own interests—driven by other, higher
concerns, or more base ones.
This paradox of intention is only becoming more prevalent. As
societies grow more affluent, they naturally shift their sights away
from objects that can be obtained through willful exertion, like
physical security and material comfort, and towards things that resist
an instrumental, goal-oriented approach, like status, esteem,
influence, creative flow, and self-actualization. Increasingly, the
things that individuals care for most can no longer be planned for,
grasped at, or captured; they can only be stumbled upon, fallen into,
or obtained in passing. Which poses a problem, because while
advanced societies have got very good at planning and grasping,
they are not so good at stumbling upon.
An instrumental attitude is the modal approach to life in advanced
societies. As I argue throughout this book, we live in a
consequentialist world bequeathed to us by the 18th-century
Enlightenment, refracted through a particular 19th-century utilitarian
worldview, buffeted by the assumptions of 20th-century neoclassical
economics, and made digestible by a 21st-century combination of
pop-managerial insights and New Age tenets. We champion will,
determination, effort. We set our goals and we work to reach them.
We keep our eyes on the prize.
This intellectual tradition has served us well. It has contributed not
only to tremendous economic growth, but it has also provided a
powerful set of arguments for expanding individual freedoms. Even
in the wake of a devastating once-in-a-century pandemic, ours
remains the wealthiest, healthiest, and safest society that has ever
roamed the earth. Then how is it that we are here, coming up short?
At once conscious of our good fortune, and oddly bereft? Asking
ourselves, if we are so lucky as to live in a world of plenty, if our
consumption is bounded only by our appetites—which keep duly
expanding—if we can instantly satisfy our curiosity by looking up
anything we want on a device in our pocket, why does it not seem
like quite enough?
Why is the number of working hours in advanced economies
increasing, as the amount and quality of leisure continues to
decline? Why does this appear to be especially true for the luckiest
segments of our lucky societies, those whom we might think most
able to enjoy their leisure? Why are rates of anxiety increasing
across the wealth spectrum, and why are these trends most
pronounced among young people, in the generation of my
undergraduate students? The fact that the people who have been
maximized—over-educated, over-fed, and over-consuming—are
nonetheless beset by doubts over what to aspire to, and how to
achieve it, should give us pause.
The same approach that has served us so well until now begins to
fall short when it is deployed toward goals that elude willful effort.
The original theorists of commercial society sensed this: they never
envisioned capitalism as an end in itself, but only ever as a splendid
means to furthering higher human aims. Commercial society can still
accomplish this, if only we treat it once more as the tool it was
conceived as. Prosperity is hugely desirable, but only insofar as it
increases human agency, and through it, allows for individual
flourishing.
This is not to say that the current outlook for economic prosperity
is especially rosy. We continue to weather the aftershocks of a once-
in-a-century pandemic, the uneven impact of which has only
highlighted existing inequities. The recovery will be an extended
one, and it will have to contend with the necessity of reducing global
emissions.
The success of that recovery will be measured against where we
stood prior to the pandemic; but that was a world already saddled
with a long list of socioeconomic concerns. The labor force
participation rate in the United States was at its lowest in half a
century, with concerns that it may continue to fall in all advanced
economies due to automation, a trend the pandemic has only
accelerated. Inequality has become a salient issue, and the study of
past economic crises suggests it will only increase in the coming
years before it decreases. Recent mass demonstrations have
underscored how such inequality intersects with racial and social
cleavages in ways that perpetuate historical inequities, which means
that opportunities continue to be unevenly distributed.
All this might be seen as a reason to focus on the emergencies at
home and direct all our attention on these most pressing, near-term
concerns. Adding jobs. Boosting growth. Building resilience. Yet one
recurrent theme of this book is how often thinkers and writers have
taken to questioning social goals precisely as these have seemed
suddenly out of reach.
It was in 1930, as the world was sliding into the Great Depression,
that the economist John Maynard Keynes wondered about whether
we were up to the challenge that would come when the economic
problem of scarcity would be permanently resolved, and we would
have to confront “our real problems—the problems of life and of
human relations, of creation and behavior and religion.” Two years
later, with the Depression reaching its nadir as global unemployment
peaked, the philosopher Bertrand Russell found the space to
question the instrumental mindset he saw all about him, observing
how “the modern man thinks that everything ought to be done for
the sake of something else, and never for its own sake.” And it was
in the wake of another global crisis, as Europe was recovering from
its material and moral devastation following the Second World War,
that the philosopher Josef Pieper warned against the “restlessness of
a self-destructive work-fanaticism.” As he sought to remind himself
and his readers, “Work is the means of life; leisure the end.”
We find ourselves once more in such a moment of flux, calling into
question long-held assumptions. And it is precisely in this moment of
reconstruction and uncertainty, as we come out of our respective
cells of self-isolation, that a reassessment of long-term social goals
may be most timely. Moments of economic distress often coincide
with a calling into question of collective values. As we think of the
optimal means of addressing the demands that need urgent
attention, it is also worth considering anew the nature of our highest
aspirations: what we understand “the real values of life” to be, and
whether our current efforts are best suited to achieving them.
We are relying on means developed during the industrial 19th
century to attain 21st -century post-industrial aspirations. In so
doing, we are coming up against the limits of what a single-minded
pursuit of self-interest can achieve. In a growing number of settings,
advancing our interest demands that we suspend our default self-
interested approach. This calls for a fundamental adjustment of how
we set about achieving our aims.
The shift in mindset is a task for every one of us, but it isn’t only
up to individuals. It relies on an appropriate set of social institutions.
Moving away from a strictly instrumental outlook is inherently risky,
and governments have a concrete role to play in response, by
providing social insurance policies that can cover downside risk.
Humdrum public policies, from healthcare to wage insurance, may
be a key requirement for individual epiphanies. Self-reform depends
on social reform, and social reform depends on people pushing for it.
That shift in mindset is ultimately a political project.
Increasingly, we find ourselves in the shoes of British street artists
jockeying with the art market’s conflicting incentives: to get ahead,
we must convince others that merely getting ahead is not our prime
objective. This is no easy trick. It is, in fact, so difficult, that maybe
only the truly disinterested are able to pull it off. To persuade others,
it might be necessary to persuade ourselves.
This book tells the story of that paradox. From its unlikely
emergence among a group of thinkers in the early 19th century, to
its development over the subsequent two centuries, as it is
successively picked up by philosophers, theologians, psychologists,
novelists, economists, and political scientists. All of them arriving at
a common realization: disinterest pays—but only for those who
appear truly disinterested. Which leaves the self-interested in a
pickle. This book is about that pickle.
1
John knew the doctor’s reply, and now it fell on him like a dark
verdict: “Therein the patient / Must minister to himself.” But his inner
resources, tremendous though they were when faced with problems
of calculus, logic, or metaphysics, now came up short.
John had been a child prodigy. Kept away from regular schooling,
he was imbibing Greek and Latin classics at an age when most boys
are concerned with playing with toy trucks. By age eight, he was
reading Plato’s dialogues, the plays of Sophocles, and the histories of
Thucydides, in the original Greek. By age thirteen, he had mastered
Newton’s theories, and the latest advances in the burgeoning field of
economics. As a sixteen-year-old, he was expounding on his policy
ideas in British newspapers. By his twentieth year, he had taken up a
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In the afternoon, Charity and Hope were to leave Faith's
presents at the Hall, and she herself staggered up to
Timothy's cottage with her big brown paper parcel.
"So 'tis, Missie, and He'll be tellin' them of the One Who
loved 'em, and gave Himself for 'em! There'll be those this
Christmas who'll be wantin' all the love and comfort they
can get. For there be no such sad a time for those who have
lost their dear ones, as a real merry-making time all round
'em. It just stabs 'em cruel all the time!"
But she put them on, and said she felt a duchess in
them. The little girls all had Christmas presents from
Granny and Aunt Alice. Warm gloves, books, and boxes of
chocolates.
CHAPTER XV
THE PIRATE'S CHRISTMAS STORY
The church was very full. Sir George and Lady Melville
had their boys home and a party of visitors as well. Charlie
was there with his father and mother, but just before the
service began, there was a great surprise for the little girls.
The Pirate appeared and walked up the aisle, taking a seat
on the opposite side to where they sat. Faith nudged her
Aunt, and Aunt Alice smiled with a little flush on her cheeks.
When they came out of church, greetings took place in the
churchyard. Sir George and Lady Melville both thanked Faith
very much for her presents, and then Charlie rushed up in
great excitement.
He laughed.
"I came back last night, and I'm coming to dinner with
you to-day. Won't we have fun!"
"I guess it was. Yes, I know all about it. Has it all gone
yet?"
"The most awful lot of it has. Wasn't it good of Mr.
Cardwell? I do hope he knows how we're enjoying
ourselves."
Aunt Alice was wearing her furs, and she was indeed
looking her very best. A bright colour was in her cheeks,
and a light in her eyes. She took hold of Faith's hand.
The Pirate was sitting round the fire with Granny and
Aunt Alice.
Aunt Alice every now and then ran away to see how the
cooking was getting on, for she had one of the village
women to help her for the day, and she wanted some
superintendence.
"I will show you after dinner," she said, "not now."
They had a light tea round the fire, and, later on, the
children all went upstairs and put on their best party
dresses in honour for the occasion.
And they were all very merry, for the Pirate told them
funny stories; some were true, some did not sound as if
they were, but they made everybody laugh. And as the
Pirate said, this Christmas must be the very jolliest of all,
for Peace was amongst them once more.
"A little, quiet, dark house, with just one light shining
out, but that light gave him a cheerful wink, and he got in
at the gate and up to the door, and suddenly before he
could knock, it was flung open and the one he sought came
out."
"Is that all?" asked Faith, softly. "And what about the
box with the jewel?"
"She did," the Pirate said; "she saw how unhappy poor
Rufus would be without her. And the next day he went back
to her and gave her the ring."
"Was the jewel a ring? Oh, how exciting! And did they
marry and live happy ever after?"
"And did you come and see Aunt Alice last night?"
"And are you going to take her away from us? We really
can't spare her."
"What I can't make out," said Charity, "is why you like
living here in a tiny cottage better than a lovely house like
the Towers, Granny."
They went all over it, and had the joy of settling the
different rooms that would be arranged for them. Granny
was to have one of the big sunny rooms looking over the
green lawns and cedar trees, the little girls were to have a
big room next to her for their schoolroom, and then three
small bedrooms which led into each other at the end of the
passage, were for them to sleep in.
And he and she went out into the big hall, where the
Pirate saw once more the picture that had appeared in the
fire—his beautiful lady turning with a smiling face to meet
him, and two dancing sprites behind her.
CHATS WITH
CHILDREN
BY
AMY LE FEUVRE
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