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British Media Coverage of the Press Reform Debate: Journalists Reporting Journalism 1st ed. Edition Binakuromo Ogbebor full chapter instant download
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British Media Coverage
of the Press
Reform Debate
Journalists Reporting Journalism
Binakuromo Ogbebor
British Media Coverage of the Press Reform Debate
Binakuromo Ogbebor
British Media
Coverage of the Press
Reform Debate
Journalists Reporting Journalism
Binakuromo Ogbebor
Journalism Studies
The University of Sheffield
Sheffield, UK
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2020. This book is an open access
publication.
Open Access This book is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
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Acknowledgements
v
Contents
1 Introduction 1
vii
viii Contents
11 Conclusion203
Index225
About the Author
ix
List of Tables
xi
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
light in 2005 when some staff of the News of the World were accused of
hacking the phones of members of the British Royal Family (Keeble and
Mair 2012, p. 9; Davies 2014). The police report on investigations carried
out between 2005 and 2007 declared that the crime was perpetrated by
one “rogue” reporter, royal editor, Clive Goodman, and a private detec-
tive, Glen Mulcaire (Jones and Norton 2014, pp. 147–148). The report
concluded that the victims were a handful of public figures (Lewis 2013,
p. 72; Davies 2014). However, further investigations in 2011 revealed
that not only was phone hacking widespread at the News of the World but
that bribes were paid to police for information, and the voicemails of crime
victims and their relations were intercepted in search of scoops (Keeble
and Mair 2012, p. 9; Davies 2014).
The list of identified and alleged victims of the phone hacking con-
tained more than 4000 names (Christopher 2012, p. 114) including a
murdered school girl, 13-year-old Amanda Jane “Milly” Dowler; victims
of the July 7 (2005) London bombings and relatives of deceased British
soldiers (Davies 2014; Marsh and Melville 2014, p. 147). The case of
hacking into the phone of the murdered school girl, in particular, resulted
in public outcry against the News of the World possibly because this sig-
nalled extension of the use of subterfuge by the media to members of the
public who were not public figures. News on the phone hacking scandal
flooded front pages and headlines of the media worldwide; advertisers
withdrew patronage from the newspaper and on 7 July 2011, the com-
pany announced the closure of the News of the World. The newspaper
published its last edition on 10 July 2011 with the caption “Thank You
and Good Bye”, bringing to an end its 168 years of publication (Keeble
and Mair 2012, p. 12; Davies 2014).
The controversy did not end with the closure of the News of the World
(also referred to as NoTW in this study). By 2014, there had been more
than 100 arrests linked to the scandal; 63 of them journalists, including
Rebekah Brooks, the former chief executive of News International and
Andy Coulson, a former NoTW editor who became the then Prime
Minister David Cameron’s spokesperson after his resignation from the
newspaper during the first phase of investigations into the scandal
(Ponsford 2014). Andy Coulson resigned from his position as David
Cameron’s spokesperson in the heat of the second phase of the contro-
versy. He was among those who received jail sentences for their role in the
scandal, while Rebekah Brooks and a few others were found not guilty
(Davies 2014). Other casualties of the scandal include a number of
1 INTRODUCTION 3
high-profile resignations. Among them were two top police officers: Sir
Paul Stephenson who was the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police
and John Yates, the then Assistant Commissioner in charge of specialist
operations. Both resigned from their duties because of their role, or lack
of it, in the investigation of the scandal (Christopher 2012, pp. 112–144).
News International (now News UK as part of a rebranding after the
scandal—BBC News 2013), a subsidiary of News Corporation and parent
company to the News of the World, spent over £400 million for civil litiga-
tion settlement of claims from victims of the phone hacking, with the
likelihood of more settlement claims ahead (Simon 2019). In the midst of
the scandal, News Corporation (as then constituted) had to withdraw its
bid for the complete takeover of BskyB (Keeble and Mair 2012, p. 12).
However, the bid was relaunched in 2016, through Rupert Murdoch’s
21st Century Fox company but it was lost to Comcast in 2018 (King
2016; Waterson 2018).
There were further allegations as well as confirmations that journalists
from other newspapers (including papers in the Trinity Mirror group
which rebranded as Reach in 2018) were involved in phone hacking and
other unwholesome journalistic practices (BBC News 2018). It became
clear early in the controversy that this was not just about the News of the
World but about the press industry. Very importantly, this scandal led to
the setting up of the Leveson Inquiry. The Leveson Inquiry (2012f) was
arguably one of the most significant events in British newspaper history
because it cast a much-needed critical eye over the ethical practices and
culture of the press. This book examines the ways in which sections of the
mainstream British press represented the ongoing debate about press eth-
ics and the strategies they undertook to protect themselves from the threat
of tighter regulation. A flurry of media coverage presented the ensuing
press reform debate from different perspectives. Thus, the News of the
World phone hacking scandal and the Leveson Inquiry provided a verita-
ble opportunity for an investigation into how the media cover debates
about their policy.
The study of how the media cover debates about their policy is impor-
tant because of the susceptibility of the media to abuse their power to
control information when covering issues in which they have interests and
the adverse effect this could have on the quality of media policies. Other
institutions in society have little or no say on what or how much about
them is published by the press. The situation is different for the press
because since they have the power to receive and disseminate information,
4 B. OGBEBOR
they can choose what information about themselves is made public. This
gatekeeping power of journalism gives the institution enormous powers
which are prone to abuse when they cover debates about their policies.
The media can use their gatekeeping and agenda-setting powers to influ-
ence decisions and opinion in favour of their position in a debate. They
can also limit the information available in the public sphere by keeping
silent on issues they do not wish discussed in such debates. When this
occurs during the coverage of debates about media policy, it reduces the
quality of information available to policymakers and members of the pub-
lic on how to reform the press (see Chap. 2). This book shows how this
was done during the coverage of the media policy debate that arose from
the NoTW phone hacking scandal and the Leveson Inquiry. This debate is
also referred to in this book as the press reform or media policy debate.
One way to sustain democracy is to hold the powerful in society to
account. The media are powerful and as such should be held to account
through regular analyses of how they cover issues in which they have inter-
ests. The study of media self-coverage serves as a media accountability
system by stimulating the media to cover themselves based on democratic
principles. Such studies can identify when the media are taking advantage
of their power to control information and make recommendations accord-
ingly. It can equip the public with knowledge of how to consume journal-
istic metadiscourse so that can they make informed decisions about media
policy. The study of news self-coverage also helps to highlight the impor-
tance of press coverage of media issues and the consequences the manner
of coverage could have for democracy. Such consequences could range
from limiting the access of other stakeholders to public debates on media
reform to the emergence of weak media policies that cannot guarantee an
accountable press as was the case with the coverage of the media reform
debate. Chaps. 8, 9 and 10 will expand on this.
With regard to weak media policies, a number of incidents have taken
place after the media reform efforts that followed the NoTW phone hack-
ing scandal that raise questions about the strength of the reforms that
followed the scandal. When the Leveson Inquiry was set up, it was hoped
that it will make up for decades of unsuccessful efforts at taming the press
(ensuring it does not abuse its powers) but several happenings after
Leveson that raise doubts about the quality of the reforms made, making
an investigation into how to avert weak press reforms essential.
For instance, in an article entitled “Sam Allardyce, the Telegraph and
Another IPSO Failure” Cathcart’s (2018) criticised both the Daily
1 INTRODUCTION 5
DIET VII
One pint of milk, to be sipped slowly before arising.
Breakfast
Fruit
Broiled steak or two eggs, soft-boiled, poached, or baked, with bacon
Cereal coffee, chocolate, or cocoa
Toast, or graham, or whole wheat bread, or graham or corn muffins; butter
Lunch
Split pea or bean soup with toast and butter, or scraped beef sandwich with lettuce
Fruit or vegetable and nut salad (no vinegar)
Fruit, fresh or stewed
Bread with plenty of butter
Cake
A glass of milk, cocoa, or chocolate—preferably milk
Middle of Afternoon
Egg lemonade or eggnog of two eggs beaten in boiling milk with sugar and spices
Dinner
Bouillon
Tenderloin steak, roast beef, or lamb chops
Baked potato
Spinach, beet, or dandelion greens
Custard, fruit gelatin, or cornstarch pudding, or rice with lemon cream or butter
sauce
Bread and plenty of butter
Glass of milk or weak tea
STOMACH DISORDERS
INTESTINAL DISORDERS