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Women and the
Natural Sciences in
Edwardian Britain
In Search of Fellowship
Peter Ayres
Palgrave Studies in the History of Science
and Technology

Series Editors
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Designed to bridge the gap between the history of science and the history
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 Peter Ayres

Women and the

Natural Sciences
in Edwardian Britain
In Search of Fellowship
Peter Ayres
Lancaster University
Lancaster, UK

Palgrave Studies in the History of Science and Technology

ISBN 978-3-030-46599-5    ISBN 978-3-030-46600-8 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46600-8

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 Preface: ‘Associations of Persons United
by Some Common Interest’

Through the Victorian era, age-old prejudices still prevailed concerning

the fitness of women to be scientists or, more generally, to enter the pro-
fessions. It was pointed out by men that the weight of a woman’s brain
was less than that of a man’s; others argued that the physical exertion of a
working life would imperil a woman’s reproductive health (Cock and
Forsdyke 2008, 178; Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham 2003). Or,
quite simply, it was held that a woman’s first duty was to support her hus-
band and his children, and not to spend her time pursuing some high-­
flown science. Such attitudes infected even the thinking of women; writing
about ‘Our School Girls’, Mrs CE Humphry, one of the first female jour-
nalists (and an extremely popular one) reflected;

What is the use of class successes if they are won at the expense of health? And
though scholarships are very pleasant things…they may cost too dear. If the
money they save has to go on doctors’ fees, of what earthly use are they.
(Humphry 1898, 19)

It is neither the purpose of this book to examine how those particular

prejudices were overcome, nor to review the debate that ‘the mind has no
sex’—a debate which has stretched down the years, from Lydia Becker’s
proposal to a meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of
Science (1868) that differences between the minds of women and men
were a result of nurture rather than nature, until today (Gianquitto 2013).
It is a debate which continues to occupy the energies of some of the finest

v
vi PREFACE: ‘ASSOCIATIONS OF PERSONS UNITED BY SOME COMMON INTEREST’

feminist scholars, who ask whether women ‘do’ science in a way that is
different from the way it is done by men, and, by extension, whether femi-
nism has changed science.
It is the purpose of this book to look at one little explored aspect of
the wider debate, the historical exclusion of women from leading sci-
entific societies and the impact that that had on their efforts to become
integrated into the world of professional science. The promise held
out by the fundamental tenet of 18th century European Enlightenment
that ‘all men are by nature equal’ was not realised for, as the nine-
teenth century progressed, women were progressively excluded as the
culture of science was gradually closed to them (Schiebinger 1999, 13
and 69). There occurred, in parallel, a professionalization of science
and a privatisation of the family, the two spheres being, respectively,
the domain of men and women.
My own past interests have centred on the professionalization of bot-
any in the decades immediately preceding World War I. In writing about
some of the leading men of the time I have been struck by how often their
researches were assisted by women, although each for only a short time—
suggesting that either a lack of funding, or marriage, ended each woman’s
connection with her successful man and, thereby, her potential career. The
names of a few women do, however, recur again and again in the pages of
fledgling journals such as the New Phytologist (in which I declare a per-
sonal interest) and the Annals of Botany. Perhaps they were women who,
exceptionally, found permanent employment, or who enjoyed private
means? My enquiries into the lives of these women led me to seek com-
parisons with the lives of women in other natural sciences and, almost
inevitably, parallels became apparent—not least the difficulties all women
had in acquiring fellowships in scientific societies.
The wider background to the late-Victorian and Edwardian periods
involves, of course, women’s fight for the right to vote (a fight which itself
spawned numerous clubs, associations, and societies). It is not a co-­
incidence that the two struggles were contemporaneous, and as individual
lives are explored, it will be seen that the same women were often involved.
The extent to which women in the natural sciences depended on male
help is explored, as is the question why some men chose to be ‘enablers’,
when others stood in the way of women’s progress. In such analysis, two
things should be borne in mind. First, it is probable that the majority of
 PREFACE: ‘ASSOCIATIONS OF PERSONS UNITED BY SOME COMMON INTEREST’ vii

male scientists had no strong views one way or the other. Second, many
men were educated in an all-male environment; they knew little about the
abilities and interests of females of the same age. Unfamiliarity could all
too easily lead to an awkwardness and shyness, resulting in them avoiding
social or professional interactions with the opposite sex.
Finally, with tongue somewhat in cheek, I return to my own earlier
interests. Writing about Charles Darwin led me to his grandson, Bernard,
golf correspondent of The Times newspaper from 1907 to 1953. Bernard’s
interests stretched, however, beyond golf clubs to ‘Gentlemen’s Clubs’,
which he called, ‘…associations of persons united by some common inter-
est meeting periodically for cooperation or conviviality’ (Darwin 1943).
He could easily have extended his definition to include Societies.
In 1941, with most of Europe under Nazi domination, the London
publisher Collins launched a series of social history books called ‘Britain in
Pictures’. The slim volumes were designed to boost morale but also to
record a British way of life that was at risk of extinction. Bernard Darwin
was invited to contribute a book on the subject of ‘British Clubs’ (Darwin
1943). Gentleman’s clubs, ranging from dining to debating to sporting
ones, and mostly dating from the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries,
were, he argued, a defining characteristic of British society. While some of
the ‘Social Clubs’ have since Darwin’s time admitted women, for example,
The Athenaeum in 2002, others, such as Boodle’s, Brooks’s, and White’s
are still for men only. To be fair, the University Women’s Club (founded
in 1921 as the University Club for Ladies) excludes men, but the overall
conclusion is that in London’s clubland, centred in St James’, at the heart
of the metropolis, old habits die hard.
Is it any wonder then that the oldest of Britain’s scientific societies,
which were effectively gentlemen’s clubs, were so resistant to change,
so averse to opening their doors to women? Male scientists—supposedly
enlightened and rational—were no better than their non-scientific peers.
This book explores how prejudice and ignorance in those societies were
slowly overcome by a small band of women, and their sympathetic male
supporters. Or, as Bernard might have put it, ‘…how women became
clubbable’.

Lancaster, UK Peter Ayres

viii PREFACE: ‘ASSOCIATIONS OF PERSONS UNITED BY SOME COMMON INTEREST’

References
Cock, A., and D.R. Forsdyke. 2008. Treasure Your Exceptions: The Science and Life
of William Bateson. New York: Springer.
Darwin, B. 1943. British Clubs. London: William Collins.
Gianquitto, Tina. 2013. Botanical Smuts and Hermaphrodites; Lydia Becker,
Darwin’s Botany and Education Reform. Isis 104: 250–277.
Humphry, Charlotte E. 1898. A Word to Women. London: James Bowden.
Rayner-Canham, Marelene F., and G.W. Rayner-Canham. 2003. Pounding on the
Doors: The Fight for Acceptance of British Women Chemists. Bulletin for the
History of Chemistry 28: 110–119.
Schiebinger, Londa. 1999. Has Feminism Changed Science? Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
 By the Same Author

Harry Marshall Ward and the Fungal Thread of Death. 2005. St. Paul
Mn.: American Phytopathological Society.
The Aliveness of Plants. The Darwins at the Dawn of Plant Science. 2008.
London: Pickering and Chatto.
Shaping Ecology: The Life of Arthur Tansley. 2012. Chichester: John Wiley.
Medicinal Plants in Wartime. Britain’s Green Allies. 2015. Kibworth:
Matador.

ix
 Acknowledgements

In pursuing the women who sought fellowship I needed practical help

from many, many groups and institutions, and it was always given cheer-
fully and generously. The archivists and historians to whom I owe thanks
are Nicola Allen (Woburn Abbey), Gill Butterfill and Philippa Lewis
(Kew), Mark Carine, Helen Pethers, and Laura Brown (Natural History
Museum), Elen Curran (James Allen’s Girls School), Katrina Dean
(Cambridge University Library), Brent Elliot (Royal Horticultural
Society), William George (Essex Field Club), Alison Harvey (Cardiff
University), Mary Henderson (Dundee Women’s Trail), Debbie Hunt
(Royal Microscopical Society), Nancy Janda (Hunt Institute for Botanical
Documentation, Carnegie Mellon University, PA), Pete Kinnear (Dundee
University), Paula Lightfoot (Yorkshire Naturalists Union), Gillian
Murphy (London School of Economics), Kate O’Donnell (Somerville
College, Oxford), Norman Porrett (British Mycological Society), Carol
Sandford (Holmesdale Natural History Club), Carol Stewart (Strathclyde
University), Naomi Sturges and Matilda Watson (Girton College,
Cambridge), Anne Thomson (Newnham College, Cambridge), Annabel
Valentine and Ellis Huddart (Royal Holloway College), Hannah Westall
(Girton College, Cambridge), Alison Wheatley (Handsworth College). At
the Linnean Society, Gina Douglas, and Liz McGow gave invaluable help.
On the trail of Mrs Farquharson, Claire Jones, Sarah Pedersen, Val
Pollitt, and Lindy Moore were most helpful; on that of Emma Turner,
James Parry kindly supplied a lot of information; and in my pursuit of
Lilian Clarke, Dawn Sanders and Roy Vickery gave both insights and

xi
xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

encouragement. Cynthia Burek guided me most helpfully on the subject

of Maria Ogilvie-Gordon, and John Maris introduced me to the family
tree of the Embletons.
I thank Patricia Fara (Churchill College, Cambridge) and Jane Robinson
(Somerville College, Oxford) for their interest and support. Old friends,
Jeff Duckett and Miriam David, offered much-needed help and advice.
And, finally, the project would never have been initiated or completed
without the unwavering support of my wife, Mary. To her I owe my great-
est thanks.
 Praise for Women and the Natural Sciences
in Edwardian Britain

“In this compelling history with modern relevance, Peter Ayres describes the
female pioneers who realised that scientific success lay in solidarity. Networking
towards the future, they campaigned for entry into universities, societies and labo-
ratories, collectively achieving the individual recognition they deserved.”
—Patricia Fara, Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge and author of
A Lab of One’s Own: Science and Suffrage in the First World War

“This is discovery in the purest sense of the word: the revelation of something
always there, but forgotten. In Women and the Natural Sciences Peter Ayres pres-
ents us with a group of fascinating pioneers. He polishes away the accretion of
convention, institutional prejudice and natural diffidence, allowing their extraordi-
nary—and ordinary—achievements to shine at last.”
—Jane Robinson, social historian and author of Ladies Can’t Climb
Ladders: the Pioneering Adventures of the First Professional Women
 Contents

1 Fellowship and a Woman’s Place in Edwardian Britain  1

2 Joining the Like-Minded. Societies and Meeting Places 11

3 Educational Opportunities for Girls and Women 33

4 How Mrs Farquharson Triumphed but Was Excluded

from a Glittering Occasion 59

5 Miss Sargant and a Botanical Web 81

6 Approved by Mrs Farquharson?113

7 Microbiology Learned Through Practice127

8 An Unavoidable Need for Male Support145

9 Diverse Paths to Dentistry, Exploration, and Wildlife

Photography165

xv
xvi CONTENTS

10 They Sought Fellowship but Did They Make Good

Fellows?187

Appendix: The First Female Fellows of the Linnean Society201

Bibliography203

Index217
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Over 40 men and women of the Essex Field Club gathered at
Tyler’s Common, near Upminster, on 26 July 1890. (Source:
Permission of the Essex Field Club) 22
Fig. 3.1 Newnham College teaching staff, 1896. Back row: Helen
Klaassen (second from left); front row: Ida Freund (third from
left); Eleanor Sidgwick (fifth), Margaret Tuke (sixth), and
Philippa Fawcett (far right). (Source: Reproduced by courtesy
of the Principal and Fellows of Newnham College, Cambridge) 44
Fig. 3.2 The Balfour Biological Laboratory for Women, University of
Cambridge. The bust of Francis Maitland Balfour overlooks the
students’ worktables. The laboratory was housed in what had
formerly been a Congregational chapel. (Source: Reproduced
by courtesy of the Principal and Fellows of Newnham College,
Cambridge)46
Fig. 3.3 Setting off on a geological expedition to the Lake District,
July 1890. Thomas McKenny Hughes is seated, front left; his
wife, Carrie, stands near right (both wear ‘deer-stalker’ hats).
An anonymous correspondent of The Queen and Lady’s
Newspaper (2nd August 1890), observed that while the young
women arrived ‘anaemic and nervous’, they left ‘rosy and
vigorous’ after twelve days in wind and rain. (Source: Courtesy
of The Sedgwick Museum of Earth Sciences, University of
Cambridge)53

xvii
xviii LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 4.1 Mrs Robert Farquharson (née Marian Ridley), (a) during her
marriage and sometime before 1898, (b) ca. 1903–1904,
during widowhood at Tillydrine House. Her attempts to join
the Linnean and other societies were made in the years between
the photos. (Source: Fig. 4.1a is from Fraser-Mackintosh
(1898), Fig. 4.1b is from Royle (1903)) 60
Fig. 5.1 First year students at Girton College, Cambridge, 1881. Ethel
Sargant is on the left end of the middle row. (Source:
Permission of the Mistress and Fellows of Girton College,
Cambridge)84
Fig. 5.2 The Suffrage Shop in Tunbridge Wells, Kent, a centre for fund
raising, ca. 1910. (Source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/
lselibrary/40080806642/in/photolist-244NBqo)90
Fig. 5.3 Margaret Benson, Head of the Botany Department at Royal
Holloway College, Egham, Surrey. (Source: Supplied from the
archives (PP26/10/7) of Royal Holloway College, University
of London) 94
Fig. 5.4 Kammatograph. The device was invented and patented by
Leonard Kamm of Powell Street, London. (Source: From
Jones, Claire. 2010. Bodies of Controversy. Women and the
Royal Society. HerStoria Magazine, 6: 20–24) 106
Fig. 5.5 Ethel Sargant, centre front, among botanists at the 1913
meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of
Science. Also in the front row are (left to right); G.S. West,
R.H. Yapp, O. Stapf, J. Reinke, D.H. Scott, and F.W. Oliver.
(Source: Courtesy of the Hunt Institute for Botanical
Documentation, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, PA) 109
Fig. 6.1 Alice Embleton, on the left, and Celia Wray, in the centre, of a
group of suffrage supporters photographed in Barnsley,
Yorkshire, after the General Election of 1910. Sir Joseph
Walton, the successful Liberal candidate, had voted in favour of
the Women’s Enfranchisement Bill of 1908. In the election,
7560 signatures were separately collected in favour of women’s
suffrage. (Source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/
lselibrary/31268307763)124
Fig. 7.1 Gulielma Lister, 1926, or ‘Miss Gully’ as she was known around
the small Dorset town of Lyme Regis. She was President of the
Essex Field Club, 1916–1919. (Source: Permission of the Essex
Field Club) 135
Fig. 8.1 Edith Saunders. (Source: Permission of the Principal and
Fellows of Newnham College, Cambridge) 159
 LIST OF FIGURES xix

Fig. 9.1 Pupils ‘learning by doing’ at the James Allen’s Girls’ School.
The ‘Botany Gardens’ were the idea of Lilian Clarke. Originally
set out as a series of systematic beds, she later changed them
(with the guidance of Arthur Tansley) to represent different
ecological types found in Britain: heath, bog, salt marsh, sand
dunes, etc. (Permission of James Allen’s Girls’ School, Dulwich) 171
Fig. 9.2 Emma Turner’s accommodation while working on the Norfolk
Broads. The houseboat on the right, The Water-Rail, was her
main living accommodation. An island provided a safe
anchorage on Hickling Broad and a place for a small hut, in
which she had a darkroom and sleeping accommodation for
visitors. Her one constant companion was a large dog, which
may be seen to the left of the hut 182
 CHAPTER 1

Fellowship and a Woman’s Place

in Edwardian Britain

As the twentieth century opened, women were increasingly challenging a

world designed by and for men, their confidence enhanced by the better
education they were enjoying. Educational reform, in particular the for-
mation of the Girls Public Day School Company (1872), had led to the
foundation of schools that recognised the importance of both the quality
of their teaching and the range of subjects taught. Ever greater numbers
of girls from upper and middle-class homes were attending school, rather
than being educated at home, most girls receiving thereby at least a rudi-
mentary education in the natural sciences. And for many girls, they found
science was to their liking. Conveniently for them, educational reforms in
late Victorian times had extended to the universities where, in conjunction
with the opening of new colleges and halls of residence for women, more
science courses were admitting women. Male tutors may not have always
been welcoming, limited laboratory facilities were not always shared
equally with male students, and field work presented for women special
problems associated with dress and chaperonage, but women were not
deterred; this in spite of the fact that the many who studied at Oxford or
Cambridge were not allowed formally to graduate until 1920 and 1947,
respectively.
The difficulties experienced by women while undergraduates were
nothing compared with those faced subsequently if they wished to under-
take post-graduate work and, ultimately, make a career in science. As
Marsha Richmond (1997) concluded from her examination of Cambridge’s

© The Author(s) 2020 1

P. Ayres, Women and the Natural Sciences in Edwardian Britain,
Palgrave Studies in the History of Science and Technology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46600-8_1
2 P. AYRES

Balfour Biological Laboratory for Women, ‘women were excluded from

the social community of science’. Unlike The Balfour, few laboratories in
Britain offered either bench space or employment for women graduates. A
small handful of women were wealthy enough to be able to finance their
own research laboratories, while others were able and willing to survive on
unpaid work, if they could find laboratory space and a sympathetic research
director or head of laboratory. Many more women could only pursue a
career in science if they could find paid employment, and that brought
them into direct competition with men.
Women’s social exclusion from the community of science was due to
many factors, not least the contemporary prejudices of many male scien-
tists concerning both the intellectual and physical abilities of women. One
aspect of social exclusion, which has remained largely unexplored until
now, was the difficulty women faced in joining scientific and learned soci-
eties—a difficulty which was a consequence of male prejudices, and a
desire for exclusivity. In order to know and be known by potential research
directors and employers, a women needed interactions with male scientists
of seniority and influence, but how and where could those interactions
occur in a proper and socially acceptable manner? The most practical place
would be within the learned societies associated with each science. These
gave their male members the chance to air their ideas, to test the results of
their research, and a means of becoming known personally by their peers,
but women were denied those same opportunities because they were
denied formal Fellowship of most societies—they were disadvantaged.
The botanist and suffrage campaigner, Lydia Becker, argued that such
exclusion lay at the heart of ‘the scientific disabilities of women’ (Bernstein
2006, 87).
This book tells how women successfully fought to be included in the
social community of science; specifically, how they won the right to join
scientific societies and no longer be disadvantaged as they sought to find a
work place and build a career. Success was in some cases attributable to the
efforts of individual women, in other cases to the supportive networks
which women built. It will be seen that there was support too from sym-
pathetic men; men who often worked within societies to overcome the
prejudices of the fellows and persuade them of the advantages of admit-
ting women.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 1007. India Register, l. c. p. xxv.
1008. There must be some on the Pension List who still remember him.
1009. From the first there was a school, affiliated with the college though not
confined to its future pupils. The present school is of later origin.
1010. Statements, p. 103, &c. This idea of the proper preparation for a
civilian’s career in India chimes in with Malthus’ idea of the first requisite of good
citizenship at home and everywhere.
1011. A hare-lip. Miss Martineau, who describes it, adds that “his vowels at
least were sonorous, whatever might become of the consonants.” But she
understood him without her ear trumpet. Autobiogr., i. 327–8. Cf. above, p. 58.
Sydney Smith says, “I would almost consent to speak as inarticulately if I could
think and act as wisely.” Life by Holland, vol. ii. p. 326. He attributes a similar
physical defect to Talleyrand, with perhaps as much seriousness. Life by Holland,
vol. ii. pp. 256–7.
1012. Letter to Lord Grenville (1813), p. 14. Cf. what he says of the importance
of teaching Political Economy in elementary schools, &c. Essay, IV. ix. 438 n.
1013. Jeffrey, Life, vol. ii. pp. 339, 340. To Mrs. C. Innes, 9th May, 1841.
1014. Autobiogr., i. 327. Other visits of Malthus to her are recorded, iii. 83, i.
253. For her view of him and his work see especially i. 200, 209, 253, 331.
1015. Ib. I. pp. 328–9.
1016. Cf. 1st Essay, pp. 225–6, which shows him on the Hunting-Field.
1017. A slip of the pen for “Professor.” The Principal was J. H. Batten, F.R.S.
1018. Where the fear expressed in some quarters (see Statements, p. 87) that
the place would become a barrack has been realized architecturally.
1019. Life by Holland, vol. ii. p. 73.
1020. l. c. vol. ii p. 150.
1021. Debate in House of Lords, April 9th, 1813, Hansard, pp. 750, 751.
1022. ‘Statements respecting the East India College, with an appeal to facts in
refutation of the charges lately brought against it in the Court of Proprietors’
(1817). Cf. his ‘Letter to Lord Grenville, occasioned by some observations of his
Lordship on the E. India Co.’s establishment for the education of their Civil
servants’ (1813). Cf. Edin. Rev., Dec. 1816. The Letter to Lord Grenville (1813)
states the case a little less fully; but both pamphlets contain substantially the same
arguments.
1023. A property it often was, in the most literal sense, being bought and sold
for cash. See Hist. of Peace, Introd. II. ii. 329–30.
1024. Statements, p. 103 n.
 1025. Candidates were to be nominated in groups of four, the best of the four
to have the appointment. Cf. Mill and Wilson’s Brit. India, Vol. IX. Book III. ch. ix.
p. 381.
1026. The steps of the change may be followed in the fourth Report (1858) of
the Civil Service Commissioners, pp. xix. seq. and 228 seq. Cf. also their first
Report (1855).
1027. For proofs of their regard, see the letters quoted in the blue-book of 1876
on “the Selection and Training of candidates for the Civil Service of India,” passim,
and Trevelyan’s “Competition Wallah” (1864), pp. 7, 8, 15, 16, but cf. 149.
1028. See Works, Review of Rennel, footnote.
1029. Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 436, &c.
1030. Quoted in Empson, Edin. Rev., Jan. 1837, p. 473. Sinclair’s
‘Correspondence’ (1831), amongst other curious matter, gives the autographs of the
three great masters (I. 101).
 TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and
variations in spelling.
2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings
as printed.
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