Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The Spatial and Temporal Dimensions of Interactions: A Case Study of an Ethnic Grocery Shop 1st ed. 2020 Edition Dariush Izadi full chapter instant download
The Spatial and Temporal Dimensions of Interactions: A Case Study of an Ethnic Grocery Shop 1st ed. 2020 Edition Dariush Izadi full chapter instant download
The Spatial and Temporal Dimensions of Interactions: A Case Study of an Ethnic Grocery Shop 1st ed. 2020 Edition Dariush Izadi full chapter instant download
https://ebookmass.com/product/russias-interventions-in-ethnic-
conflicts-the-case-of-armenia-and-azerbaijan-1st-ed-edition-
james-j-coyle/
https://ebookmass.com/product/childhood-disability-advocacy-and-
inclusion-in-the-caribbean-a-trinidad-and-tobago-case-study-1st-
ed-2020-edition-beth-harry/
https://ebookmass.com/product/eroticism-of-more-and-other-than-
human-bodies-a-study-of-the-anthropology-of-things-1st-
ed-2020-edition-grazyna-gajewska/
https://ebookmass.com/product/a-history-of-organizational-change-
the-case-of-federation-internationale-de-lautomobile-
fia-1946-2020-1st-ed-edition-hans-erik-naess/
The Human Dimensions of Forest and Tree Health 1st ed.
Edition Julie Urquhart
https://ebookmass.com/product/the-human-dimensions-of-forest-and-
tree-health-1st-ed-edition-julie-urquhart/
https://ebookmass.com/product/definition-and-dispute-a-defense-
of-temporal-externalism-1st-edition-derek-ball/
https://ebookmass.com/product/ethnic-dignity-and-the-ulster-
scots-movement-in-northern-ireland-supremacy-in-peril-1st-
ed-2020-edition-peter-gardner/
https://ebookmass.com/product/social-aesthetics-and-the-school-
environment-a-case-study-of-the-chivalric-ethos-1st-edition-adam-
i-attwood-auth/
The Spatial and Temporal
Dimensions of Interactions
A Case Study of
an Ethnic Grocery Shop
Dariush Izadi
The Spatial and Temporal Dimensions of
Interactions
Dariush Izadi
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
This is to you, Mum and Dad,
with all my heart
Acknowledgements
vii
viii Acknowledgements
4 Authenticity in Interaction119
7 Narratives203
Index257
ix
Transcription Conventions
xi
List of Figures
xiii
List of Tables
xv
1
The Framing of Service Encounters
This chapter contains an extract from the author’s contribution to the volume The Sociolinguistics
of Iran’s Languages at Home and Abroad (Palgrave Macmillan, 2019).
Language guide: regular font = English; italics = Persian; bold = researcher’s ethnographic notes
SO: shop-owner (the husband) FC: female customer (Anglo-Australian) SW (shop-owner’s wife) MC (male
customer: Persian-speaking customer)
Extract 1.1
(take care). Frequently, the words used to close the negotiation of the
business exchange also serve to close the entire encounter.
However, one can assume that such interactions are often simple and
predetermined by a limited set of actions with participants engaged in
their institutional roles (i.e. shopkeeper and customer). Far from it. There
are occasions where interpersonal and relational concerns are inextricably
implied and often involve multiple social practices and thus are far more
complex and unpredictable than they are often imagined. In fact, just to
say that this interaction is an instance of ‘service encounter’ overlooks the
complexity of all of the other practices pertinent to and in fact necessary
for its accomplishment. For one thing, this interaction indexes only one
moment in a long chain of actions and interactions that are essential to
get a handle on the social practice of ‘buying/tasting dates’ in a Persian
shop in Sydney. From the researcher’s perspective, for instance, the inter-
action seems to represent only a small part of a much longer process, a
process that might contain a whole host of other social practices includ-
ing the shop-owner agreeing the researcher to carry out his research, gain-
ing the approval from the University’s ethics committee and so forth,
which are not included in the transcription of the interaction observed
above. Let us now go back to Extract 1.2, which is the continuation of
Extract 1.1, and see what we can learn from all this.
In Extract 1.2, the consumption of dates, as a mediational means (an
object; see Chap. 2 for detailed discussion), among Persians brings about
a moment of conflict. To elaborate on this point a bit further, a brief
background of the use of ‘dates’ in the daily lives of Persians is essential.
Irrespective of the rich nutritional content of dates that make them highly
beneficial for health and can be found at the Persian breakfast table, dates
in Persian culture in general are found to offer other different uses. For
instance, when a person passes away, a memorial service is usually held at
a mosque and at the deceased’s house. Crying, weeping or other expres-
sions of sorrow are expected and encouraged. Candles are lit, Halva, ‘a
sweet food made of crushed sesame seeds and honey, sugar and saffron’,
is served, along with tea and ‘dates’ during the gatherings. Furthermore,
during Ramadan, a month of fasting in the Islamic calendar, at sunset,
families hasten for the fast-breaking meal, known as iftar. During iftar, it
is observed that dates are usually the first food to break the fast, which
1 The Framing of Service Encounters 5
Extract 1.2
dates back to the tradition of the Prophet Muhammad era where he broke
fast with three dates (Stoeltje 2009). During Ramadan, dates were almost
an indispensable item that was purchased by almost all Persian-speaking
customers in the shop. In addition to that, dates are also used as dona-
tions (mainly on Thursday nights) for the purpose of commemoration of
the deceased so that the deceased are forgiven for the sins they have com-
mitted. Therefore, the use of dates has a religious function among Persians.
Accordingly, as can be observed in Extracts 1.1 and 1.2, all service
interactions are mediated through material objects/cultural tools. Key to
the application of such an approach is how these cultural tools afford
and constrain the types of social actions that the customers, for instance,
in the shop can carry out and the kinds of social identities with which
they can be affiliated and the kinds of relationships they are able to con-
struct, and ultimately the kinds of societies they are able to create. In
Extract 1.2, the usage of date has been internalized at some point in the
life cycle of both customers and the shop-owners. The date in fact made
6 D. Izadi
it possible who these people are and the various meanings each partici-
pant is making.
Dates thus have a history, and this can be discussed in two senses. First,
dates have a history within the everyday practice in the shop, where the
topic of tasting or purchasing of dates is discussed, and since every time
they are purchased, they accumulate the history of that usage which they
transfer into future uses. This history predates both customers’ presence
in the shop. In the second sense, dates have a history in the world that
predates the Persian participants’ knowledge and use of them. In a broader
sense, the dates in the shop at some point were purchased by the shop-
owners who of course remember why the dates came into their posses-
sion. Additionally, and more importantly, it is fair to assume that they
purchased them out of some perceived need (i.e. to fulfil their customers’
needs) and hence the shop-owners appropriated it through purchase to
mediate actions in the shop (i.e. to respond to their customers’ needs;
Scollon 2001a, b).
However, it is evident that the dates carry with them a sociocultural
history. While they do not in themselves define this Persian shop as a
place where a unique use of dates is practiced, they are, in essence, a cul-
tural tool that is inherent in the practice of the social actors’ shopping
experience in the shop as it materially embodies and reproduces a social
structure embedded in that practice (Pennycook 2017; Pennycook and
Otsuji 2017) of the participants. As a semiotic structure, the dates display
much about its use and practice at least in the shop. This history and
social structure, Scollon argues, are presented to the female customer as
given in this small action of purchasing or tasting of the dates. As such,
to that small extent, it can be argued that the female customer has inter-
nalized them as mediational means in her practice. The point is that even
in this very brief moment of tasting dates, the female customer is becom-
ing a competent user of dates. However, there is a dialectic between the
external object and her internalization of its use (Scollon 2001a). Hence,
it should be noticed that the appropriation of the dates for tasting employs
just some part of what Halliday (1978) might have called the meaning
potential of the dates in that it is not at all the expected meaning. In this,
we can see that the dates as a mediational means are appropriated by the
female customer through practice.
1 The Framing of Service Encounters 7
However, the same dates sitting on the counter within the same site of
engagement (at the counter where this interaction occurs; see Chap. 2)
have a different interpretation and a different history in the habitus (sim-
ply participants’ world view) (Bourdieu 1977) of the male Persian-
speaking customer (MC) and of the shop-owner. When the shop-owner
and the female customer were talking about the dates, MC was observing
their interaction and was fully cognizant of the situation. As soon as the
female customer left the counter, while putting his chosen items on the
counter to pay, MC made inquiries about them as evidenced in line
9—‘are you giving dates to charity what are they for for the new presi-
dent’. Interestingly, here, at the same time, the dates are being used by
MC within two other social practices, namely ‘charity’ and ‘festivity’ (for
the new president). At the time of data collection, exactly on the same
day when Extract 1.2 was being recorded, Hasan Rouhani was announced
as President of Iran. Therefore, MC proposed a further reason for the
dates in his practice. Immediately following, in response to MC, in line
10 the shop-owner responded that ‘no they’re for someone whose father
passed away and he bought them in commemoration of his father’. The
shop-owner’s response serves as a kind of ‘metadiscourse’, that is, the
shop-owner and MC make what they are doing explicit by discussing it.
By providing further information, the shop-owner frames the emerging
interaction as a certain kind of interaction, particularly one that involves
some sort of new information, more than just a mere information
exchange. In response to the shop-owner’s account, MC was taken aback
and immediately responded ‘oh may he rest in peace’ in line 13. As evi-
dent from the accounts the shop-owner has provided, it would be assumed
that the shop-owner feels reasonably more comfortable conversing with
MC than the female customer as to why the dates are on the counter. It
seems that mutual understanding and common ground about an object
(mediational means, here the date) provides an arena where interactants
have demonstrated their personal involvement and interest and built up
a positive atmosphere in the interaction when MC initiated the
conversation.
Although not displaying the level of detachment present in his conver-
sation with MC as opposed to the female customer above, this case also
demonstrates a critical moment, though much less hostile. This may be
8 D. Izadi
because the primary issue with the female customer seems to be a dam-
aged relationship and therefore the shop-owner did not attempt to give
the female customer the floor or at least to be open with her. Here, the
shop-owner opens up to MC that he gets different types of customers,
who put entirely different interpretations on the dates sitting on the
counter. The shop-owner focuses on two types of customers, two specific
dilemmas, and takes his position regarding each: ‘so I’ve put the dates
here some are eating and saying “what is it” and some are eating and pray-
ing for him (for the guidance, lordship and mercy of God)’ for him in
line 16. However, what seems to be interesting is the shop-owner’s posi-
tion on the date in question. As evidenced in line 20, the shop-owner
views the date neither as a religious practice nor as a sample, but as a
commodity in his shop. Hence, it can be argued that the presence of a
product such as the date, which none of the customers attempted to buy,
obviously plays a central role in the cultural practice of the participants to
frame the actions in which they are engaged.
Scollon (1998, 2001a, b) argued that all actions that social actors are
performing in a social space (site of engagement) are identity telling. The
actions embedded in the dates sitting on the counter are just as telling of
identity as are those actions that participants carry out in the situated
context. Thus, various actions that are telling of a variety of the partici-
pants’ identity observed in Extracts 1.1 and 1.2 are embedded in the
dates (as a mediational tool) within the site of engagement of the partici-
pants purchasing items in this Persian shop.
The Extracts 1.1 and 1.2 analysed have demonstrated the partial aspect
of objects (mediational means) in the sense that the dates are being
(locally) used in the first place to taste and are consumed on special occa-
sions. These are for prayer and for a formal rite (i.e. for a deceased) in the
second place. This practice might be viewed as secondary characteristics
of the objects that have been exploited in making them as mediational
means, not for tasting or praying, but for the cultural practices of each
participant. In this case, it is Australian and Persian culture; to which we
need to add the cultural perception of the transaction. In addition, it is
mainly this mediational means, with its various interpretations for differ-
ent social actors with different habitus, that links the multiple practices
incorporated in the present nexus. In other words, as illustrated in
1 The Framing of Service Encounters 9
Practice of
service Practice of
encounter tasting
Practice of
praying Practice of
selling
Religious Discourse
Economy Discourse
Fig. 1.2, the participants at this site of engagement have different percep-
tions on the mediational means (i.e. dates). In all ways, one might be
compelled to say interactions, particularly in this ethnic shop, are marked
by differences. Four dominant discourses (see Fig. 1.2) have emerged and
at the same time merged with the practice of service encounters at this
site of engagement: namely, the practice of a service encounter, the prac-
tice of tasting, the practice of praying and the practice of selling dates, all
leading to shifting from one possible discourse to another.
As a shop-owner, he adopts the economy discourse by paying close
attention to the thriving of his own business rather than to his customer’s
as mentioned in line 20. The shop-owner conveys that as long as the
deceased father’s customer pays, he will provide the dates for offering on
the counter. Previous studies in the domain of service encounters have
viewed such interactions as mainly consisting of simple business
transactions.
Here, the economy discourse converges with the transactional dis-
course. However, as a member of the Persian community, the shop-owner
has adopted the religious discourse as a common practice among Persians
after someone’s passing in line 26 along with the male customer. In fact,
there are more discourses that could be teased out, but these four dis-
courses are primarily merged with the practices that make the action of
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
of our stars. You cannot see our own sun; it is too small. Or our earth
—too small. And too dark.
“But if you did see our earth, and were a fatuous scientist, you
might say, ‘Ah, at last I have seen the smallest thing!’ Which is
amusing, because our earth has a good many rocks composing it.
And each rock goes down to pebbles, grains of sand, molecules,
atoms, electrons—to infinity.
“Do you get the conception now? This whole universe we see
and feel from here on earth, from a greater viewpoint would all shrink
into a tiny, apparently solid particle.”
“I can visualize it,” I said. “It’s stupendous.”
But Jim interposed, “This trip we are to make—”
Alice interrupted him, explaining, “Grandfather has been making
tests. We have several models; he saved one of them to show you.
We can see it now?” She looked inquiringly at her grandfather.
Dr. Weatherby rose to his feet. “We’ll try it now. I’ll show you the
model and we’ll send it . . . away.
“Come,” he added. “When you see it start, you will understand.”
We left the house. Night had closed down, a soft, cloudless night.
Never had I seen the stars so brilliant.
Dr. Weatherby led us up a path, beneath spreading trees, past
gardens of flowers, past his lake with its pool and a cascading brook
for its outlet down the hillside to the Hudson; past the shadowy
landing stage where high overhead my plane lay moored; up the
slope of a hill to a long, narrow outbuilding.
Jim and I had noticed this building when we landed at dawn. It
was new to us, erected during the year or so since we had last been
here.
“My workshop,” Dr. Weatherby said as we approached it.
III
LAUNCHED INTO SPACE!
We were to leave at dawn, and during that night a thousand
details ended our attention: Jim’s resignation from the service, which
he gave to the superior through verbal traffic department without so
much as a word of explanation; my own resignation, leaving the post
of Commander 3 of the 40 N temporarily to Argyle.
Temporarily! With what optimism I voiced it! But there was a
queer pang within me, an exaltation—which I think was as well a
form of madness—was upon us all. This thing we were about to do
transcended all our petty human affairs.
I was standing at the door of the workshop, gazing at a tree. Its
leaves were waving in a gentle night breeze, which as I stood there
fanned my hot, flushed cheeks with a grateful coolness. I found Alice
beside me.
“I’m looking at that tree,” I said. “Really, you know I’ll be sorry to
leave it. These trees, these hills, the river—I wouldn’t like to leave
our earth and never come back, Alice. Would you?”
“No,” she said. Her hand pressed mine; her solemn blue eyes
regarded me. She was about to add something else, but she
checked herself. A flush rose to her cheeks; it mantled the whole
column of her throat with red.
“Alice?”
“No,” she repeated. “We’ll come back, Len.”
Dr. Weatherby called us. And Jim shouted, “This infernal
checking! Len, come here and do your share. We’re going at dawn.
Don’t you know that?”
I shall not forget the first sight I had of the vehicle. It lay in the
great main room of the workshop. A hundred feet long, round like a
huge cigarro, a dead white thing, lying there in the glow of the blue
tubes.
Even in its silent immobility, there seemed about it a latent power,
as though it were not dead, but asleep—a sleeping giant, resting
quiescent, conscious of its own strength.
And there was about it too, an aspect almost infernal in its sleek,
bulging body, dead-white like bloodless flesh, in its windows, staring
like bulging, thick-lensed eyes. I felt instinctively a repulsion, a desire
to avoid it. I touched it finally; its smooth side was hard and
abnormally cold. A shudder ran over me.
But after a time these feelings passed. I was absorbed in
examining this thing which was to house us, to bear us upward and
away.
Within the vehicle was a narrow corridor down one side. Corridor
windows opened to the left. To the right were rooms. Each had a
window opening to the side, a window in the floor beneath, and in
the roof above.
There was a room for Jim and me, another for Dolores and Alice,
and one for Dr. Weatherby. An instrument and chart room forward,
with a tower room for keeping a lookout, and a galley with a new
Maxton electronic stove, fully equipped. And other rooms—a food
room, and one crowded with a variety of apparatus: air purifiers,
Maxton heaters and refrigerators, piping the heat and cold
throughout the vehicle. There was a score of devices with which I
was familiar, and another score which were totally strange.
Dr. Weatherby already had the vehicle fully equipped and
provisioned. With a tabulated list of its contents, he and Jim were
laboriously checking the items to verify that nothing had been
overlooked.
“I don’t want to know how it works,” Jim had said. “Not ’til after we
start. Let’s get going. That’s the main idea.”
Then Alice took the list. She and Jim went from room to room.
Dolores stood a moment in the corridor, as Dr. Weatherby and I
started for the instrument room.
“Jim! Oh Jim, where are you?”
“He and Alice are farther back, Dolores,” I said. “In the galley, I
think. Don’t you want to come forward with us?”
“I guess not. I’ll go with Jim.”
She joined them and I heard her say, “Oh, I’m glad to find you,
Jim. I was a little frightened, just for a moment. I thought something
was wrong here on board.”
I turned and followed Dr. Weatherby to the instrument room.
The dawn had not yet come when we started. Dr. Weatherby’s
workmen were none of them in evidence. He had sent them away a
few days before. They did not know his purpose with this vehicle; it
was thought among them that he was making some attempt to go to
the moon. It was not a startling adventure. It caused very little
comment, for since Elton’s discovery many such projects had been
undertaken, though all had not been successful.
Dr. Weatherby’s activities occasioned a few daily remarks from
the National Broadcasters of News, but little else.
There was, however, one of Dr. Weatherby’s assistants whom he
trusted with all his secrets: a young fellow called Mascar, a wordless,
grave individual, quiet, deferential of manner, but with a quick
alertness that bespoke unusual efficiency.
He had been on guard in the workshop since the workmen left.
When Jim and I arrived, Dr. Weatherby had sent Mascar home for
his much needed sleep. But he was back again, now before dawn,
ready to stand at the Elton switch and send us away.
Dr. Weatherby shook hands with him, as we all gathered by the
huge bull’s-eye lens which was swung back to give ingress to the
vehicle.
“You know what you are to do, Mascar. When we are well
outside, throw off the Elton switch. Lock up the workshop and the
house and go home. Report to the International Bureau of News that
if they care to, they can announce that Dr. Weatherby’s vehicle has
left the earth. You understand? Tell them they can assume, if they
wish, that it will land safely on the moon.”
“I will do that,” said Mascar quietly. He shook hands with us all.
And his fingers lightly touched Dolores’ head. “Good-bye, Miss
Dolores.”
“Good-bye, Mascar. Good-bye. You’ve been very good to
Grandfather. I thank you, Mascar. You wait at home. We will be back
soon.”
“Yes,” he said. He turned away, and I could see he was striving to
hide his emotion.
He swung on his heel, crossed the room, and stood quiet, with a
firm hand upon the Elton switch.
Jim called impatiently, “Come on, everybody. Let’s get away.”
For one brief instant my gaze through the forward opened end of
the building caught a brief vista of the peaceful Hudson countryside.
Hills, and trees in the starlight, my own earth—my home.
The huge convex door of the vehicle swung ponderously closed
upon us.
“Come to the instrument room,” said Dr. Weatherby.
We sat on the couch, huddled in a group. The bull’s-eye
windows, made to withstand any pressure, were nevertheless
ground in such a way that vision through them was crystal clear. The
one beside me showed the interior of the workshop with Mascar
standing at the Elton switch.
He had already thrown it. I could not hear the hum. But I saw the
current’s effect upon Mascar. He was standing rigid, tense, and
gripping the switch as though clinging. And then, with his other hand,
he seized a discharging wire planted near at hand, so that the
current left him comparatively unaffected.
Still I could feel nothing. My mind was whirling. What was it I
expected to feel? I do not know. Dr. Weatherby had assured us we
would undergo no terrifying experience; he seemed to have no fear
for the girls. But how could he be sure?
The walls of the workshop now were luminous; Mascar’s
motionless figure was a black blob of shadow in the glowing,
snapping interior of the room. Sparks were crackling out there. But
here in the vehicle there was nothing save a heavy silence; and the
air was cold, dank, tomblike.
IV
EXPANSION!
Then the vehicle cooled rapidly. Soon we had the heaters going.
The coldness of space enveloped us penetrating the vehicle’s walls.
But with the heaters we managed to be comfortable.
Dr. Weatherby sat at the instrument table. His chronometer there
showed 5 a.m. We had started at 4 a.m. On one of the distant dials
the miles were registering in units of a thousand. The dial-pointer
was nearing XX6. Six thousand miles:
Dr. Weatherby glanced up as I appeared. Alice and Dolores, and
Jim with them, had gone astern to prepare a broth. We were all of us
still feeling a bit shaky, though the sense of lightness had worn off.
Dr. Weatherby had a chart on the table. It showed our solar
system. The sun was at its center, and the planetary orbits in
concentric circles around it. The planets and our own moon and a
few of the larger comets and asteroids were all shown, their
positions given progressively for each hour beginning at our starting
time.
“I’m heading this way, Leonard. Holding the general plane in
which the planets lie.” His finger traced a line from the earth, past the
moon, past Mars. Jupiter and Saturn lay over to one side, and
Neptune to the other. Uranus was far on the opposite side, beyond
the sun.
Dr. Weatherby added, “The moon is drawing us now. But I shall
shortly turn a neutral side toward it, and Mars will draw us. We are
more than a freely falling body. We are being pulled downward.”
I sat beside him. “What is our velocity now?”
He gestured toward a dial, an ingenious affair. He had already
explained its workings, the lessening rate of the earth’s gravitational
pull shown by a hair-spring balance as a figure on the dial.
“Three thousand miles an hour, Leonard.” But as I watched, the
figure moved to 4; and then to 5, 6 and 7.
The moon, nearly full, lay below us, ahead of us, white, glittering
and cold, with the black firmament and the stars clustering about it.
We were falling bow down. Overhead, above our blunt stern, the
giant crescent earth hung across the firmament. It was still dull red;
its configurations of land and water were plainly visible. A silver
sunlight edged it.
“Ah, the sun, Leonard!” Abruptly we had emerged from the
earth’s conical shadow into the sunlight. But the heavens remained
black. The stars blazed with a cold, white gleam as before. And
behind us was the white sun with its corona of flame leaping from it.