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REPRODUCING SHAKESPEARE
Series Editors
Thomas Cartelli
Department of English
Muhlenberg College
Allentown, PA, USA
Katherine Rowe
Office of the President
The College of William & Mary
Williamsburg, VA, USA
Pascale Aebischer
Languages & Literature, Queens Building
University of Exeter, School of Arts
EXETER, UK
Reproducing Shakespeare marks the turn in adaptation studies toward
recontextualization, reformatting, and media convergence. It builds on
two decades of growing interest in the “afterlife” of Shakespeare, show-
casing some of the best new work of this kind currently being produced.
The series addresses the repurposing of Shakespeare in different technical,
cultural, and performance formats, emphasizing the uses and effects of
Shakespearean texts in both national and global networks of reference
and communication. Studies in this series pursue a deeper understanding
of how and why cultures recycle their classic works, and of the media
involved in negotiating these transactions.
Shakespeare’s
Serial Returns in
Complex TV
Christina Wald
English and Comparative Literature
University of Konstanz
Konstanz, Germany
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Für Hans und Heinrich
Acknowledgements
This book, which is concerned with returns and recyclings, is itself very
much the product of a long process of rethinking, rewriting, and many
conversations with colleagues and friends. My interest in Shakespeare and
TV series started with the research for my inaugural lecture at the
University of Konstanz in 2016 on Coriolanus and Homeland, and I am
grateful to my colleagues for their generous and thought-provoking
responses to my ideas. The most decisive work on this book was accom-
plished when I was a fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study Konstanz
in the academic year 2017–2018, and I would like to thank the staff, my
co-fellows, and the outstanding academic community at Konstanz for
their intellectual inspiration.
In summer 2019, Tobias Döring and I co-organised a workshop on
“Shakespearean Transections and Translocations” at the University of
Konstanz, where I presented my research, and I would like to thank every-
one for our lively and stimulating discussions: Dympna Callaghan, Ewan
Fernie, Sandra Fluhrer, Ina Habermann, Sabine Schülting, and Stefan
Willer. My thanks go to Elisabeth Bronfen, too; our conversations between
Zürich and Konstanz on our shared intellectual curiosity about Shakespeare
and TV have been a pleasure. I am very grateful to the participants of the
London Shakespeare Seminar and the Harvard Renaissance Colloquium
for their insightful comments on my project, in particular to Gordon
McMullan, Stephen Greenblatt, and James Simpson. My special thanks go
to Tobias Döring, who has offered precious advice and encouragement
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
through all phases of this project, and to Juliane Vogel for much inspira-
tion and her enthusiasm, which has guided me through less-enthusiastic
moments.
While working on this book, I taught several seminars on Shakespeare
and TV series and I appreciate the contributions of my students as well as
their passion for the topic. I would like to thank all participants of my
research colloquium in Konstanz for their astute feedback, in particular
my wonderful doctoral students (some of whom are post-docs now)
Jasmin Bieber, Anja Hartl, Jonas Kellermann, Susanne Köller, and Marit
Meinhold. My student assistants Maria Litherland, Evelyn Mohr, and
Felix Sauer have supported me in researching and writing this book—
thank you. I am indebted to Sofia Meyers for her meticulous and percep-
tive proofreading of the manuscript. Thomas Cartelli drew my attention
to some of the TV series discussed in this study, and I would like to thank
him and his co-editors Pascale Aebischer and Katherine Rowe for their
interest in my project and for accepting it as part of their “Reproducing
Shakespeare” series. I am also grateful to the three anonymous peer
reviewers, whose comments helped to substantially improve this study.
An earlier and shorter version of Chap. 5 has appeared as “The
Homeland of Coriolanus: War Homecomings between Shakespeare’s
Stage and Current Complex TV” in Shakespeare Survey 72 (2019),
136–149. I am grateful to the editor Emma Smith for granting me per-
mission to recycle this material. This book was supported by funds made
available by the Centre for Cultural Inquiry (ZKF) at the University of
Konstanz.
Contents
References239
Index263
ix
CHAPTER 1
Earth Rising, the most recent of the series discussed in this study, which
was first aired in 2018.
My study traces the Shakespearean legacy in an aesthetic phenomenon
that has recently gained as much popular as scholarly attention: in TV
series that are characterised by long narrative arcs; large budgets; high
production standards; a cinematographic look; elaborate scripts written by
teams of prestigious authors, many of whom are known for their previous
film work; casts that include well-known actors; and, above all, narrative
complexity and self-reflexivity. The series are typically developed with mul-
tiple seasons in mind, but decisions on their continuation are usually made
during or even after the broadcast of each season, so that season finales
have to be conclusive enough to be the end of the entire series but open
enough to allow for new seasons. As the series can develop their characters
over many episodes, they can offer psychological complexity and depth.
The scripts are responsive, since the authors, directors, producers, and
actors can take into account audience reactions and journalistic criticism in
the writing and filming of later episodes and seasons. Scholars have offered
competing labels to categorise this new kind of TV series, including ‘qual-
ity TV’ (Thompson 1996), ‘prestige TV’ (Bignell 2013), ‘transgressive
television’ (Däwes et al. 2015), and, most influential, ‘complex TV’
(Mittell 2015), Jason Mittell’s term that I will be adopting, too.
Historicising the development, Mittell has shown how the new form of
TV storytelling has spread since the late 1990s, deliberately offering an
alternative to conventional episodic series that require some plot closure at
the end of each episode (2015, 17). Instead, complex TV unfolds cumula-
tive narratives with long story arcs. It experimentally merges established
genres to create new forms; Black Earth Rising’s combination of a legal
thriller with a coming-of-age drama or Westworld’s blending of science
fiction and the Western are typical examples. Mittell notes that serials are
a minority phenomenon, with most television shows still working with
more conventional narrative patterns, but it is one that has gained consid-
erable public attention and cultural capital in recent decades (cf. 31). Such
narrative experiments in the commercial medium of TV became possible
because the number of channels and networks rose and audiences for each
show shrunk. Therefore, shows which attract a small but dedicated audi-
ence have become commercially viable. What is more, the cultural prestige
of particular series has helped to make a channel’s brand seem more
sophisticated (cf. 34). Thus, a commercial for HBO, the channel that has
produced a number of award-winning shows including Succession and
4 C. WALD
Westworld, claimed “It’s not TV. It’s HBO”. Like Shakespeare’s plays,
‘complex’ or ‘quality’ TV is hence situated ambiguously between high-
brow and popular culture. References to Shakespeare frequently function
as markers of high cultural learning while at the same time self-reflexively
raising the question of where the TV show itself belongs in this stratified
notion of culture. In this respect, the series participate in a common post-
modern trend of Shakespearean appropriations, which self-reflexively
negotiate their own status (cf. Lanier 2002). It might be part of this par-
ticipation in Shakespearean ‘high culture’ that the prestige series predomi-
nantly use Shakespeare’s tragedies as references, traditionally the more
esteemed form of dramatic art.
The new trend of serial Shakespeare was prepared by TV and film ver-
sions of Shakespeare that contributed to the fact that many people today
predominantly encounter Shakespeare’s oeuvre through filmic adapta-
tions, which frame the experience of reading the plays or seeing them on
stage (cf. Ryle 2014, 9). Current TV series keep drawing inspiration from
and in turn influence filmic, literary, and theatrical Shakespeare versions in
what can be considered a transmedial transformation of Shakespeare’s
oeuvre. As Douglas Lanier noted ten years ago, “[i]nstead of being par-
ticular texts, ‘Shakespeare’ […] becomes a collection of narratives highly
mobile from context to context, verbal style to style, genre to genre, media
platform to platform” (2010, 107). According to Lanier, after the peak of
Anglophone mass-market Shakespeare films in the 1990s and early 2000s,
“the adaptational energy once associated with Shakespeare on film has
migrated elsewhere” (105). This study argues that the adaptational energy
has partly travelled to complex TV, which offers a new field for fruitful
examinations of the Shakespearean legacy and which has taken up charac-
teristics of the earlier films, such as contemporary settings, modern lan-
guage, revised plots, and a high degree of intertextuality (Cartelli and
Rowe 2007, 2).
Several precursors to the recent phenomenon of complex TV’s serial
Shakespeare can be identified. From 1978 to 1985, all Shakespeare plays
were filmed and broadcast by the BBC and PBS with considerable eco-
nomic success. BBC Television Shakespeare popularised the oeuvre but at
the same time drew attention to the aesthetic challenges of airing
Shakespeare on the small screen while trying to maintain part of the the-
atrical experience, that is, theatrical sets and shots that allow one to see all
interacting characters. Furthermore, the creativity of directors was cur-
tailed by “a strict house style: sets and costumes were to be ‘traditional’
1 SHAKESPEARE AND COMPLEX TV: “OUR OLD WORK COMING BACK… 5
TV studies, two fields which too rarely speak to each other. Not only have
“[a]daptations of Shakespeare’s plays to television […] been a relatively
neglected field of inquiry, despite the commonplace remark that
Shakespeare, were he alive today, would be a cinema or TV scriptwriter”
(Ribeiro de Oliveira 2016, 1807), but also recent publications on complex
TV have paid little attention to Shakespeare. For instance, the collection
Reading Westworld briefly acknowledges the Shakespearean quotes and
allusions of the series, but does not discuss them in any detail (Goody and
Mackay 2019). Therefore, the following chapters seek to initiate a dia-
logue between Shakespeare studies, adaptation studies, and serial TV stud-
ies. For instance, the insights into dramaturgical seriality that have been
developed in studies of complex TV such as Mittell’s can be utilised for
Shakespeare studies. Discussing how Shakespearean constellations resur-
face in a serialised manner, that is, in repetitions and variations, this study
proposes that the evident dramaturgical seriality typical of complex TV
allows insights into the less pronounced seriality that Shakespeare
employed in structuring his plays. My book thus aims at making a contri-
bution to what Thomas Leitch has projected as ‘Adaptation Studies 3.0’
(2017, 5–7) and to what Stephen O’Neill has called the “media turn” in
Shakespeare studies (2018, 1), which is guided by an awareness “of
Shakespeare as always already existing in and reappearing through media,
as well as an acute recognition that a medium brings to Shakespeare its
own frame effects” (21).
Beyond Westworld, Succession, Black Earth Rising, and Homeland, a
number of other series can be and have been discussed as Shakespeare revi-
sions, among them The Wire (Bronfen 2015b; Pittman 2020), Lost
(Stockton 2011; Barnes 2015; Hatchuel and Laist 2017), Person of Interest
(Hatchuel 2019), Deadwood (Cosby Ronnenberg 2018), House of Cards
(Dyson 2019; Bronfen 2020), Breaking Bad (Cantor 2019), Peaky
Blinders (Fernie and Gibbs 2019), and Game of Thrones (Rodgers 2015).
This list could be extended by taking into account series beyond the
Anglophone sphere, such as the Danish Borgen, which have become part
of the ‘complex TV’ phenomenon. While the shows that this book dis-
cusses are all produced by American and British channels and networks,
they are distributed worldwide via national TV channels, international on-
demand streaming platforms, as well as DVD and BluRay. These new
forms of distribution facilitate complex storytelling as they allow for con-
centrated, uninterrupted, and multiple viewing strategies. As Mittell has
argued, “complex television encourages, and even at times necessitates, a
1 SHAKESPEARE AND COMPLEX TV: “OUR OLD WORK COMING BACK… 7
new mode of viewer engagement” (2015, 52). He calls this active, atten-
tive watching, which sometimes includes online discussions in fan forums
and blogs, “forensic fandom” (52).
The way in which the serials introduce their Shakespearean link also
inspires forensic viewership. For instance, Black Earth Rising places its
only intertextual reference to Hamlet in the penultimate episode, thus
inviting audiences to reconsider, and possibly to rewatch, the action
through this lens. The fact that Succession was promoted as a version of
King Lear even though the series itself never explicitly refers to the play
encourages audiences to actively look out for reverberations of King Lear
in the leadership crises of a twenty-first-century media conglomerate. The
many riddles of Westworld have produced particularly lively viewership
communication in several fan forums. Among the concerns discussed are
the references to Shakespeare, for example in the Westworld Wiki “Literary
References” and the Reddit thread “Shakespeare References in Westworld?”.
These conversations prove that just as in Jonathan Nolan’s earlier TV
series Person of Interest (2011–2016), Shakespeare here functions as “a
narrative clue, an Easter egg with high cultural value, calling for the spec-
tators’ literary knowledge to understand the series’ subtleties and decode
its mysteries” (Hatchuel 2019, 6–7). The interactive engagement with the
Shakespearean legacy of Westworld also demonstrates that we may have to
speak of the ‘Shakespeare user’ rather than the ‘Shakespeare reader’, as
Valerie M. Fazel and Louise Geddes have proposed: “the value of
Shakespeare lies in its usability, in that the texts […] can be broken down
and reassembled by a body of users whose valuation of Shakespeare is
unpredictable and often resistant to pre-conceived notions of cultural
hegemony” (2017, 3–4). The “dialogic opportunities” (4) created by
these uses of Shakespeare include the creators of the series, who adapt
their responsive scripts to the reactions of viewers and who can assess the
knowledgeability of their audience when it comes to the intertextual refer-
ences. As Frank Kelleter puts it, complex TV shows are “evolving narra-
tives: they can register their reception and involve it in the act of (dispersed)
storytelling itself. Series observe their own effects—they watch their audi-
ences watching them—and react accordingly” (2017, 14). Viewers fre-
quently not only watch the series itself but also explainer videos and read
discussions in fan forums, thus pursuing a hyper-watching or hyper-
reading of Westworld that may include its Shakespearean sources.
Homeland includes a particularly striking case of responsiveness. Its
reception was marked not only by speculations about plot twists but also
8 C. WALD
What a transhistorical crossmapping uncovers are not just the lines of con-
nection and correspondences between early and late modern texts, but that
Shakespeare’s meaning returns to us inscribed by and intensified by the his-
tory of his rearticulations. The aesthetic energies emanating from his poetic
refiguration of the cultural anxieties and crises of his own times are both
1 SHAKESPEARE AND COMPLEX TV: “OUR OLD WORK COMING BACK… 11
prior to our contemporary concerns and the product of rethinking our his-
torical moment in light of his plays. (2015a, 255)
I asked Mad Wolf how it happened they were giving a Sun Dance,
and he replied:
“Last winter, at the time of the second big blizzard, Small Otter, our
youngest grandchild, was ill. Snow lay deep over the prairie; it was
cold and for many days the sun did not shine. The doctors, White
Grass and Ear-Rings, came. They gave root medicines; they danced
and sang and beat upon their medicine drums. But our child grew
weaker; they said he was going to die.
“One evening the clouds broke and the sun shone through. My wife
went outside the lodge; she looked up to the Sun and prayed:
“Then she went to the bedside of Small Otter and said: ‘Rise up, my
child, and get well; for your sake I have vowed to give a Sun Dance.’
“After that my wife went to see Bull Child, the medicine man, and told
him of her vow. Next morning they stood together facing the rising
sun; and Bull Child prayed:
“ ‘Sun, I know this woman has led a pure life. If her sick grandchild
recovers, I promise she will give the ceremony for [244]you; she will
fast before all the people and become a medicine woman.’
“The following spring, by the time the snow had melted, Small Otter
was well. So when the warm winds began to blow and the grass was
green, we began to save tongues and make ready to fulfill our vow to
the Sun. Now we are going to prepare them for the sacred food.”
Then they smoked a pipe together, and White Calf and his wife
promised to lead and instruct and to act as “father” and “mother”
throughout the long ceremony of the Sun Dance. And from them
Gives-to-the-Sun purchased a “natóas” (sun-dance bundle),
containing a sacred headdress and other articles, which were used
by the woman who made a vow to the Sun. Thus it became known
throughout the tribe that the Sun Festival would be given that
summer by the Mad Wolf family.
After many tongues had been gathered and dried ready for use, Mad
Wolf moved his camp to another place and summoned his relatives
and friends to assist him in the ceremony. Then came many well-
known Indians and their families and joined the camp, White Grass,
Ear-Rings, Curly Bear, Middle Calf, Double Runner, Morning Plume,
and [245]Blessed Weasel—the men to help in the singing and
prayers, the women in preparing tongues.
The wife of White Calf, as the “mother,” took the tongues from the
cases and laid them in rows on a rawhide. It was her privilege to
hand them to the other women for slicing and skinning. She gave the
first one to Gives-to-the-Sun, because she made the vow to the Sun.
This tongue was then painted black on one side and red on the
other, to distinguish it from the others; and as soon as Gives-to-the-
Sun had taken it, she renewed her vow by praying:
“Sun, I have lived a straight life.
Ever since I came to my husband,
I have been faithful to him.
Sun, help me! What I say is true.
Help me to cut this tongue without mistake.”
[246]
After the tongues were cut into slices, two women went to the river
for water, carrying a kettle between them. Before starting and all
through their movements, they made prayers and sang. On their way
to the river they stopped four times, each time standing with bowed
heads, praying earnestly to the Sun. While dipping the water, they
also sang and prayed and made four pauses for prayer on their way
back to the lodge.
When the women placed the kettle of tongues on the fire, they
burned sweet grass as incense. And while the tongues were boiling,
they chanted and prayed, burning sweet grass and throwing it into
the kettle. At this time the women made vows to the Sun that they
were virtuous. They recounted their temptations—the occasions
when they were improperly approached by men; they made known
the names of the men and told how they had resisted.
After the boiling of the tongues, the kettle was taken from the fire and
held in the sweet smoke, while White Calf sang to the Sun, Moon,
and Morning Star. Then they had another ceremony for drying the
tongues, and still another one for placing them in cases. Thus the
meat was consecrated and made ready for taking to sun-dance
camp, where the entire tribe would assemble. [247]
[Contents]
CHAPTER XXXV
FORMING THE GREAT CIRCLE CAMP
Indians with their families kept coming to Mad Wolf’s camp until their
lodges spread far out upon the plain. The days were warm with clear
sunshine and all were eager to move to the sun-dance camp.
At last the ceremony of the tongues was finished and they were
packed in parfleches. One evening, when the sun was sinking into the
west, I saw Mad Wolf come from his lodge and heard his strong voice
ring out over the quiet plain, saying:
“Hear, my children. The time has come to move to the circle camp.
Berries are ripe and the grass is now long over the prairies. To-morrow
we shall go to the big flat on Willow Creek. Bring in your horses to-
night and be ready to start at the rising of the sun.”
Next morning I wakened soon after dawn and went out from my lodge.
Along the horizon of the prairie was the golden glow of sunrise. Smoke
was already rising from some of the tepees where the women were
cooking breakfast. In the meadows many larks were singing and from
the hills came the wailing of coyotes.
When it was time to break camp, the Indians watched the lodge of Mad
Wolf for the signal to move. As soon as they saw the poles being
removed from his tepee, the entire camp became a scene of
confusion. All the white lodges came down together; quickly they were
waving and flapping in the wind, and then lay flat on the ground. The
horses stood ready and were soon loaded; and the people fell into line
according to their different bands.
Chief Mad Wolf mounted his horse while singing a chant. He rode a
short distance with White Calf by his side, and was followed by the
sacred woman and her “mother.” They rode in single file to a near-by
hill; and there they waited for the rest of the people to fall into line.
Then Mad Wolf and White Calf slowly led the way across the open
prairie. In the procession that followed were prominent Indians with
their families—White Grass the medicine man, Ear-Rings the doctor,
Heavy Breast, Bull Child, Middle Calf, Double Runner, Three Bears,
Morning Plume, Bear Child, Blessed Weasel, Cream Antelope, and
Medicine Weasel. I rode with the Mad Wolf family and among his
relatives and friends.
It was still early morning when we started. The undulating hills were
glorious under a bright July sun. Western meadow-larks were singing
and I saw many wild flowers—pink roses, purple asters, and yellow
gaillardia with dark-brown [249]centers. On my face the sun felt hot, but
a fragrant west breeze came from the mountains.
The plain we crossed stretched many miles in every direction and
swept upwards towards the mountains, with snow-capped peaks in the
distance. Then we climbed to a broad table-land, which was covered
with tussocks of tough wiry grass, and here and there the skulls and
bleaching bones of buffalo.
Mad Wolf was in the lead, tall and erect, with head thrown proudly
back. The venerable head chief, White Calf, rode by his side; he was
older than Mad Wolf and was somewhat stooped, his long gray hair
falling in waves over his shoulders. The women followed with the
sacred travois, its poles crossed in front, high over the horse’s head,
and the ends dragging behind on the ground. Then came a group of
women helpers in bright-colored clothing. They rode horses with
beaded ornaments on heads and breasts, having saddles with deer
antlers for pommels and beaded buckskin flaps for the flanks.
In the van was a group of warriors with war bonnets of eagle feathers;
they carried weapons, also a sacred Lance and a Shield. Their limbs
were bare, and their clean copper skins shone in the sunlight. They
were a hardy lot, with lithe muscular figures, riding gracefully, with an
easy careless air and the haughty military bearing of warriors.
Then came many travois laden with baggage, groups of old men and
women, children and young girls. The granddaughters of Mad Wolf
and White Calf, Anatapsa and [250]Dives-Under-Water, were both
astride a pinto horse. Anatapsa rode in front, her long black hair flying
in the wind; round her slender waist, a blanket of bright scarlet was
fastened by a belt of colored beads. She was pretty and vivacious,
continually striking the sides of their old saddle horse with her small
moccasined feet. All the time the hands of both girls moved gracefully
in the sign language, for Dives-Under-Water was deaf and dumb.
Our procession wound in and out among the grassy hills, until we
came to the broad plain chosen by Mad Wolf for the circle camp. It was
covered with rich bunch grass, still green from the rains of early
summer. On the west side of the plain was Willow Creek, a small trout
stream, which was lined with willows and marshy meadows. Toward
the east were the open plains, south, a range of grass-covered hills,
and north, a ridge with a huge rock near the center.
The Indians all waited while Mad Wolf and White Calf chose the place
for the sun lodge; and then the sacred woman and her attendants
dismounted. Mad Wolf and White Calf seated themselves beside the
medicine bundles and smoked, while the women helpers pitched the
Mad Wolf tepee over the place where the sacred bundles lay. They
placed green branches against the back, also the sacred travois—a
sign to the people that the fasting woman was inside and must not be
disturbed.
Around the lodge of Mad Wolf, the great circle camp was formed
according to bands or blood relatives. Each family knew where their
lodge belonged and took their accustomed places, each band under a
head man.
THREE CHIEFS, FOLLOWERS OF MAD WOLF
A LINE OF WARRIORS WITH WAR BONNETS
[251]
Mad Wolf was the head man of the “Hard-Top-Knot” band, which were
on the north side of the camp. They were called Hard-Top-Knots,
because of the way they wore their hair. Other bands were called—
Small Robes, because of the size of their robes; Fat Melters, who liked
to eat melted fat; Don’t Laughs, Worm People, Skunks, Buffalo Chips,
and Lone Fighters. There was a band called All Chiefs, because their
men all acted like chiefs; Lone Eaters, who were selfish and ate by
themselves; Eat-Before-Others, because they had their meals before
others were ready.
Then Mad Wolf sent a messenger to the southern division of the tribe,
who were assembled under Running Crane many miles to the south,
calling on them to move to the circle camp on Willow Creek.
In the afternoon of that same day, Running Crane arrived with his
followers of the southern division. Among them were the war chiefs,
Little Plume and Little Dog, Bear Chief, Spotted Eagle, Big Moon,
Shoots-in-the-Air, Black Bear, Flat Tail, Strangling Wolf, and other
prominent chiefs with their families.
The big camp was over a mile in circumference, with the lodges of the
head men of different bands on the inside circle; the small and inferior
tepees of the poorer class were relegated to the outskirts.
Near the center of the camp, and apart from the others, the powerful
society of Brave Dogs had their lodges where they kept their weapons
and dance clothes. In their society lodge they gathered to feast and
dress for their ceremonies and social dances, which took place at all
times, both day and night. They were the police of the tribal camp. The
head men looked to the Brave Dogs to enforce their orders. They saw
that all the tepees were in their proper places and the big camp was
symmetrically formed. [253]
[Contents]
CHAPTER XXXVI
LIFE IN THE CIRCLE CAMP
The first day of the big camp, the Indians were all outside their lodges,
eager to see friends and on the lookout to greet those who came from
a distance.
Excitement was in the air. Packs of dogs ran barking through the
camp. Men and boys galloped over the hills, shouting and singing,
rounding up bands of horses and driving them to water, picketing them
in the meadows and driving others to feed on the grassy hills. Women
were at work cooking, stacking lodge-poles or handling unwieldy
covers flapping in the wind.
Near by was the lodge of Morning Eagle, an aged warrior, the hero of
many battles. He was so old and decrepit he had to be lifted from his
horse. Every morning before sunrise, he wakened me, singing his
medicine songs. He was not musical and they all sounded alike; the
only variation being slight changes in the rhythm, or in the bird or
animal calls, at the end of each song. On a cold and rainy day, he
crawled from his tepee to drive back the storm. In spite of his age and
rheumatism, he sat in the wind and rain, singing and praying to the
Maker of the Storm.
Another neighbor was Little Owl, who had a large family. I watched
them every day at their outside fire. His pretty [254]young wife, Coming
Running, was tall and slender, with jet-black hair, which hung in heavy
braids below her waist. Strong and healthy, she was always at work,
with a flock of small children about her. She had many cares—a babe
in arms and a small daughter with a dangerous abscess, and two
visitors to entertain from the Flathead tribe. Yet she was always smiling
and in a good humor. I did not hear her complain or speak an angry
word.
She had a little play-tepee for the children, made by a blanket fastened
round a cluster of poles. There they kept their playthings—dolls with
deerskin suits decorated with real beads and feathers, dolls in baby
cases, also little robes and blankets and cooking utensils. The boys
had bows and arrows, and stilts made of cottonwood, crooked sticks
for hobbyhorses and wooden tops.
Another Indian had a pet crane, which followed him everywhere, and
was said to be very wise. The man and the crane went so much
together the people called them father and son. Whenever he left the
crane behind, it mourned and was unhappy, going through the camp,
even into tepees, until it found its master and stood beside him.
I met an elderly man from the north, whose name was Natosin (Sun
Chief). He was over six feet in height and had long gray hair falling
over his shoulders. He was venerable in appearance and his face had
a kindly expression. He occupied a small traveling-lodge and had two
travois to carry his baggage, one with a wicker frame of green
branches [255]built over the seat, to shield him and his aged wife from
the sun. When I asked him how it happened they came so far to attend
a Sun Dance, he said:
“Last winter I was very ill; the doctors said I was going to die. But I
made a vow to the Sun; if I recovered I would attend the next Sun
Dance, wherever it might be. In the spring I heard that Mad Wolf and
his wife were giving the ceremony, so I came from the north to fulfill my
vow and eat one of the sacred tongues.”
A marked feature of Indian life was the superiority of the women in all
household arts; they were trained in them from [256]childhood. Though
women performed most of the menial work and men were the
providers and defenders, the women were not dissatisfied. A mother
trained her daughter from childhood in tanning skins and making them
into clothes and shelter; also in the knowledge of herbs and wild
vegetables, which were used for eating and healing. Women
considered this their special vocation and allowed no interference from
the men, who were unfitted for the work.
In front of the War Tepee of Running Rabbit were two women drying
and curing meat. They cut it into thin slices and smoked it, hanging it
on a scaffold of poles and left it to cure in sun and wind. They made
pemmican from choice pieces of dried meat, pounding it with stone
hammers and mixing with crushed wild cherries, together with
marrowfat and tallow. For the marrow, they boiled cracked bones and
skimmed off the fat. They split tongues the long way and dried them in
the sun. The tongues were a great delicacy together with beaver tails.
Meat was the chief article of diet for the Blackfoot; they were unhappy
without it. In former years, when wild game was plentiful, they lived
mostly on the flesh of buffalo and the deer species, but of late years on
cattle. Their favorite way of preparing meat was by boiling, or in the
form of soup. Sometimes they ate dogs at ceremonial feasts; but this
was not a common custom.