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Southern Rhodesia–
South Africa Relations,
1923–1953
Political, Social and
Economic Ties
Abraham Mlombo
Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series

Series Editors
Richard Drayton
Department of History
King’s College London
London, UK

Saul Dubow
Magdalene College
University of Cambridge
Cambridge, UK
The Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies series is a collection
of studies on empires in world history and on the societies and cultures
which emerged from colonialism. It includes both transnational, compar-
ative and connective studies, and studies which address where particular
regions or nations participate in global phenomena. While in the past the
series focused on the British Empire and Commonwealth, in its current
incarnation there is no imperial system, period of human history or part of
the world which lies outside of its compass. While we particularly welcome
the first monographs of young researchers, we also seek major studies
by more senior scholars, and welcome collections of essays with a strong
thematic focus. The series includes work on politics, economics, culture,
literature, science, art, medicine, and war. Our aim is to collect the most
exciting new scholarship on world history with an imperial theme.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/13937
 Abraham Mlombo

Southern
Rhodesia–South Africa
Relations, 1923–1953
Political, Social and Economic Ties
Abraham Mlombo
Bloemfontein, South Africa

Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series

ISBN 978-3-030-54282-5 ISBN 978-3-030-54283-2 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54283-2

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been
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 Acknowledgements

It was an immense joy researching and writing this book. Having started
with a vague research idea at the start of my Ph.D., I now complete this
journey with this monograph. It would not have been completed without
the generosity, support, encouragement, and advice of colleagues and
friends. Special thanks, goes to Ian Phimister. I would like to thank you
for your generosity, advice, and insight throughout my time at the Inter-
national Studies Group (ISG). I have grown exponentially throughout my
time in Bloemfontein and it is my good fortune to have learned from you.
Thank you. Likewise, I would like to thank Kate Law for her encourage-
ment and meticulous suggestions during my time at the ISG. I am most
grateful, many thanks Kate. I would also like to thank IIse le Roux and
Tarisai Gwena for all their tireless work to ensure that my academic stay at
the ISG was comfortable, I thank you. I wish to thank the Oppenheimer
Memorial Trust Fellowship and the National Institute for the Humanities
and Social Sciences for providing funding to complete this monograph.
I was fortunate to be part of the ISG at the University of the Free State.
To all the members at the ISG who made it a wonderful and collegial
workplace, thank you. A special mention to Tinashe Nyamunda, Victor
Gwande, Kundai Manamere, Duncan Money, David Patrick, and Lazlo
Passemiers for your friendship and advice during my time at the ISG.
Many archivist and librarians assisted me during my research. I wish to
thank all of them for their assistance and willingness to help me. I would
like to thank the staff at the National Archives of South Africa, National

v
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Archives of the United Kingdom, Bodleian Libraries, National Library of

South Africa, and the South African National Defence Force Archives.
Finally, I would like to thank my family and lifelong friends. Your
encouragement and support have helped me grow to the person that I
am today. I appreciate you and may we continue to grow together. My
love and thanks to you.
 Praise for Southern Rhodesia–South
Africa Relations, 1923–1953

“This book is a well-researched and insightful history of the relations

between South Africa and its northern neighbour, Southern Rhodesia,
which explores the tension-filled social, political and economic relations
between the two countries which, sometimes, resulted in mutual resent-
ment and other times in very fruitful cooperation, as the countries could
not escape from their geographical proximity and all that entailed. The
period it focuses on, namely the years between Southern Rhodesia’s
attainment of self-government in 1923 and the run-up to the Federa-
tion, enable a very rich and nuanced understanding of critical years in the
history of southern Africa. This is a must read for anyone interested in the
forces that shaped the relations between the most economically successful
settler colonies in southern Africa and the Boer and Briton ethnic tensions
and rivalries that always framed their interactions”.
—Alois Mlambo, University of Pretoria, South Africa

“In a detailed, yet accessible manner, Mlombo offers new insights into the
multifaceted relationships between Southern Rhodesia and South Africa.
The book succeeds in charting the evolving, and often fraught rela-
tionships during the period of ‘Responsible Government’ (1923-1953),
providing a nuanced assessment of the political, cultural, migratory, and
socio-economic ties that existed. The analysis adds to our understanding
of the complexities of white-minority rule in Southern Africa, as well as
the significant tensions and divergence in policies and actions. Drawing

vii
viii PRAISE FOR SOUTHERN RHODESIA–SOUTH AFRICA RELATIONS …

upon the current scholarship, and based upon extensive archival research,
Mlombo has provided an informed, and important contribution to the
academic literature”.
—Matthew Graham, University of Dundee
 Contents

1 Introduction: A History of Southern Rhodesia–South

Africa Relations 1

2 Responsible Government in Southern Rhodesia: The

South African Factor, 1914–1923 19

3 The First Decade of Responsible Government,

1923–1933: Competition and Interdependence 53

4 Trade, Customs Arrangement and Regional

Implications, 1934–1939 99

5 The War Years, 1939–1945: War Economy and Military

Engagement 123

6 A Period of Change, 1946–1953: Shifting Interests,

Close Connections 155

7 Conclusion: Bound by History 201

Index 211

ix
 Abbreviations

ACF Active Citizen Force

ANYL African National Youth League
BSA Company British South Africa Company
DHQ Defence Headquarters
FRI Federation of Rhodesian Industries
GATT General Agreement on Trade and Tariff
ICU Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union
IDAC Industrial Development Advisory Committee
IDC Industrial Development Corporation
ISI Import Substitution Industrialisation
MP Member of Parliament
MT Mechanical Transport
NP National Party
OTC Officers’ Training Corps
RAF Royal Air Force
RAR Rhodesian African Rifles
RATG Rhodesian Air Training Group
RBVA Rhodesian Bantu Voters Association
RGA Responsible Government Association
RICU Reformed Industrial Workers’ and Commercial Union
RNA Rhodesian Native Association
RUA Rhodesian Union Association
RUC Rhodes University College
SAP South African Party
SAWAS South African Women Auxiliary Services
SRANC Southern Rhodesian African National Congress

xi
xii ABBREVIATIONS

TAC Tariff Advisory Committee

UDF Union Defence Force
UK United Kingdom
UNISA University of South Africa
UP United Party
USA United States of America
WITS University of the Witwatersrand
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 Southern Rhodesia and South Africa Trade Figures,

1930–1933 (£) 80
Table 5.1 British Empire Air Training Scheme: aircrew trained
under the scheme 149
Table 6.1 Southern Rhodesia–South Africa imports and exports,
1938–1947 (£) 160
Table 6.2 European population by country of birth (%) 184
Table 6.3 Labour Migration from Southern Rhodesia to South
Africa 198

xiii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: A History of Southern

Rhodesia–South Africa Relations

On 1 October 1923, Responsible Government was officially granted to

Southern Rhodesia after a referendum on the status of the country was
held in October 1922. In an all-white vote with the options to go it
“alone” or union with South Africa, the choice was the former. For a
number of years prior to the referendum, the union between the two
territories was regarded as inevitable. Southern Rhodesia’s early colonial
history was closely tied to South Africa. Whites in Southern Rhodesia
either came from or travelled through South Africa to settle in the country
in the late nineteenth century. It is a result of this historical period that
relations were established, and a shared and united future was envisioned.
It is also a history upon which state-level relations continue to exist today
between South Africa and Zimbabwe. South Africa and Zimbabwe enjoy
what some authors and publications term a “special relationship” and it is
assumed such a relation has always existed. D. Geldenhuys argues that the
two neighbouring countries have enjoyed a special relationship born of
geographical contiguity, historical ties, economic interdependence, racial
solidarity, and shared political interests.1 It is a result of these continuing
connections that the assumption of a special relationship exists.

1 D. Geldenhuys, ‘The Special Relationship between South Africa and Zimbabwe’

[Accessed 25 January 2017]. https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Chapter+7%3A+the+spe
cial+relationship+between+South+Africa+and+Zimbabwe.-a0131321559.

© The Author(s) 2020 1

A. Mlombo, Southern Rhodesia–South Africa Relations,
1923–1953, Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54283-2_1
2 A. MLOMBO

This book, which makes a long, historical appraisal of Southern

Rhodesia–South Africa relations, stretching back to the late nineteenth
century, and argues that the relationship was far more complex and intri-
cate. Focusing on the period of Responsible Government in Southern
Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia-South Africa relations, 1923–1953, provides
the first comprehensive historical study of this relationship. It argues that
a coherent overview of relations in the fields of (high) politics, trade, and
migration, social and cultural ties demonstrates that the relationship was
characterised by competition, contradiction, and antagonism and in some
instances co-operation in their social, political, and economic interactions.
It is this antagonistic, ambiguous relationship that this book significantly
details and analyses. This book builds on the works of a number of
scholars2 who have discussed aspects of this relationship, and though they
do not primarily focus on the relationship, they offer the most significant
contribution to the subject of this book.
Martin Chanock notes the “southern factor” in Southern Rhodesian
history from the time of Rhodesia’s inception; again as an option rejected
by the settlers in 1922; South African territorial expansionism hovers in
the wings as a threat countered by Federation in the 1950s; and is on
stage again after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965.3
This book investigates the complex nature of this relationship between
Southern Rhodesia and the “southern factor”, South Africa. While this
book takes a broad approach to investigate the nature of the relation-
ship, it looks closely at political relations, economic links, social and
cultural ties as well as African connections. It also examines Southern
Rhodesia–South Africa relations through the lens of “settler colonialism”.
Drawing upon the existing literature, this book marks settler colonialism
as a distinct form of colonialism.4 Echoing the work of Veracini, this

2 Martin Chanock, Unconsummated Union: Britain, Rhodesia and South Africa, 1900–
1945 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1977); Ian Phimister, An Economic
and Social History of Zimbabwe: Capital Accumulation and Class Struggles (London:
Longman, 1988); Ronald Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion 1908–1948
(London: MacMillan, 1972).
3 Chanock, Unconsummated Union, 1.
4 See Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (New York: Palgrave
MacMillan, 2010). Veracini notes that “Colony” has two main connotations. A colony
is “both a political body that is dominated by an exogenous agency, and an exogenous
entity that reproduces itself in a given environment”. Though they may refer to different
circumstances, “‘colony’ implies the localised ascendancy of an external element––this is
 1 INTRODUCTION: A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN … 3

book argues that given the supposition that the “southern factor” was at
the inception of Southern Rhodesia, and its development drew explicitly
and implicitly from South African examples, in the process one country
mirrored the other in terms of how society was organised, and settler
dominance consolidated, i.e. there was similarity in the structure of the
colonial project. Veracini has positioned (settler) colonialism as coloni-
sation in which settlers neither exterminate nor assimilate the indigenes
they moved. Among the former European colonies that exemplified this
type are Algeria, Rhodesia, Kenya, South Africa, and Indonesia.5 Caro-
line Elkins and Susan Pedersen (eds.) provide important insight on settler
colonialism for this book and the period it covers. In the situation where
an alien population settles in a territory and makes its home and enjoys
a materially privileged position in relation to the indigenous population,
Elkins and Pedersen note that the settler colonial experience provides a
particular circumstance. In countries like Southern Rhodesia and South
Africa, where whites had settled, settlers were driven to create commu-
nities constructed on ethnic and racial terms in what they defined as
virgin land.6 Therefore, if colonialism practiced by these settler soci-
eties is to be understood as a “relationship of domination” by which
a foreign minority governs the indigenous majority, according to the
dictates of a distant metropolis, it ought to be acknowledged that these

what brings the two meanings together”. Conceptually, settler colonialism on the other
hand incorporates this vital distinction. According to Veracini, since both the perma-
nent movement and reproduction of communities and the dominance of an exogenous
agency over an indigenous one are necessarily involved, settler colonial phenomena are
intimately related to both colonialism and migration. And yet, not all migrations are
settler migrations and not all colonialisms are settler colonialisms; Veracini argues that
settler colonialism should be seen as structurally distinct from both.
5 Veracini, ‘Settler Colonialism: Career of a Concept’, Journal of Imperial and Common-
wealth History, 41, 2 (2013), 313–320. For Wolfe see his ‘Settler Colonialism and the
Elimination of the Native’, Journal of Genocide Research, 8, 4 (2006), 387. Also see
Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics
of an Ethnographic Event (London: Cassell, 1999).
6 The essence of the empty land theory claims that European colonisation of Africa was
justified because when Europeans first arrived in Africa, land belonged to no one and that
the continent was unknown territory which had yet to be explored. Given this status, the
continent was deemed to be in need of those who could explore and control unclaimed
land. Europeans were portrayed as carriers of knowledge, skill and intellect to develop the
land and Africans were cast as intellectually inferior to master the conditions and use the
land productively.
4 A. MLOMBO

settler colonies often sought to weaken metropolitan control.7 In such

instances, settlers sought to consolidate their power by seeking to weaken
metropolitan supervision over the colonial state. Settlers saw themselves
as being better placed than the metropole in governing the colony. This
was true for South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. A common feature of
Southern Rhodesia and South Africa from 1923 to 1953 is that both
territories were controlled by settlers. It is important to note that the
label settler is a contested term and white South Africans would not see
themselves as settlers given that whites have been in South Africa since
the mid-seventeenth century.
In unpacking the settler nature of the relationship, this book intro-
duces a new dimension to settler colonialism. This study argues that by
studying Southern Rhodesia–South Africa relations, settler colonialism in
the region was marked by a competitive and antagonistic relationship
between settler communities, in particular Afrikaner and English. It is a
relationship in which the persisting features of competition, contradiction,
and antagonism permeated every aspect: social, political, and economic
relations, themes this book engages with.

Southern Rhodesia and South

Africa: A Shared Past
For much of Southern Rhodesia’s existence prior to 1923, it was believed
by most of the settlers in both countries that amalgamation with South
Africa was to be the final outcome for Southern Rhodesia, once the British
South Africa Company’s (hereafter BSA Company) term in administering
the territory had come to an end. Southern Rhodesia’s destiny had always
been regarded by Britain and by much of southern Africa to be incorpo-
rated into a federated South Africa. This had been conceived by Cecil
John Rhodes who sought to counter the Dutch-dominated Republics of
the Transvaal and the Orange Free State and to secure for the British
Empire the region of South Africa. Rhodes had never regarded Rhodesia
as a country outside South Africa or as a black colony like Uganda or
Nigeria. Rhodesia was destined to join the south.8 South Africa had made

7 C. Elkins and S. Pedersen, ‘Settler Colonialism: A Concept and Its Uses’, in C. Elkins
and S. Pedersen (eds.), Settler Colonialism in the Twentieth Century: Projects, Practices,
Legacies (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), 2.
8 Chanock, Unconsummated Union, 51.
 1 INTRODUCTION: A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN … 5

provision through the South Africa Act of 1909 for the incorporation
of Southern Rhodesia. However, it was Jan Smuts, the second Prime
Minister of the Union of South Africa established in 1910, who aggres-
sively pursued amalgamation with the support of the British Government,
the BSA Company and a section of the business community in Southern
Rhodesia. Smuts considered Southern Rhodesia as the most important
territory which, when incorporated, would accelerate South Africa’s terri-
torial expansion. From South Africa’s point of view, territorial expansion
was grounded on the notion that the Union of South Africa would take
the form of a large political bloc, stretching well into the African inte-
rior and becoming what the United States had become for the American
continent. Although the matter of union between the two countries was
contested on either side of the Limpopo River, racial solidarity and settler
colonial dominance over each territory was a point of convergence.
From a British Imperial perspective, Southern Rhodesia’s future was
significant as it was seen as ensuring her sway in the region and South
Africa in particular. As Palley has noted, Britain sought to retain influence
in South Africa and thus create an Imperial Federation which would be
pro-British.9 This period in Southern Rhodesia–South Africa relations was
marked by intense contestation on either side of the border about political
ties, as well as social and cultural links with Britain. In the years leading up
to the Southern Rhodesian referendum of 1922, there emerged a distinct
feature about white communities in both countries. It was remarked that
white Rhodesians were typically English. In contrast, South Africa’s white
population was Dutch/Afrikaner-dominated at this time and the newly
established National Party (1914) was overtly republican and a critic of
the idea of union. It sought to repudiate the prevailing capitalist policies
in the Union of South Africa at the time, along with challenging British
involvement in Union affairs. These issues of formal relations between the
two neighbours, cultural identity, and divergence of interests are discussed
throughout the book. Historical works that cover Southern Rhodesia–
South Africa relations during the colonial period ought to be aware of the
origins of Southern Rhodesia. When whites began to settle in the territory
later known as Southern Rhodesia in 1890, almost all of them came via
the Cape Colony and the Transvaal. This laid the foundation for a long
and complex relationship which this book details. Studies by a number of

9 Claire Palley, The Constitutional History and Law of Southern Rhodesia, 1888–1965:
With Special Reference to Imperial Control (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), xxiv.
6 A. MLOMBO

scholars such as Philip Mason, Arthur Keppel-Jones, Stanlake Samkange,

and Hugh Marshall Hole10 on this early colonial phase of Southern
Rhodesia–South Africa relations and in particular Southern Rhodesia’s
early history, have examined the country’s establishment on the basis of
the “southern factor” as constant throughout the literature. It speaks to
the origin of Rhodesia in part as a product of two centres of power in
South Africa, the Transvaal, and the Cape Colony, contesting fiercely for
political, cultural, and economic supremacy. According to Hole, Rhodes
always professed a desire that whatever territory could be obtained south
of the Zambezi should become the heritage of the Cape.11 It was impor-
tant for Rhodes that the territory north of the Limpopo ought to be
claimed and should be an expansion of the Cape. By settling this terri-
tory and making it predominantly British and promoting its development
for the benefit of the Cape Colony, which had experienced British and
Dutch co-operation under his premiership, Rhodes sought to counter
the increasingly wealthy Transvaal and to secure for the British Empire
the region north of the Limpopo. For this to be achieved, what became
Southern Rhodesia would need to contain within it a “Second Rand”.
According to Samkange, Rhodes declared the land a country for white
men and their families. His ambition was to fill this land with homesteads
and towns with railways and telegraphs for the advancement of Great
Britain. Rhodes was aware that not only the Transvaal but also Portugal
and Germany were interested in Matabeleland.12 It was the Cape Colony
which triumphed through the birth of Southern Rhodesia, given that
many who settled in the territory under BSA Company administration
came from the Cape Colony.13 Furthermore, the emphases of this early
history is that the early years of Southern Rhodesian history involved

10 For more on the origins of Southern Rhodesia see P. Mason, The Birth of a Dilemma:
The Conquest and Settlement of Rhodesia (London: Oxford University Press, 1958); A.
Keppel-Jones, Rhodes and Rhodesia: The White Conquest of Rhodesia 1884–1902 (Pieter-
maritzburg: University Press of Natal, 1983); S. Samkange, Origins of Rhodesia (London:
Heinemann, 1973); and H.M. Hole, The Making of Rhodesia (London: MacMillan and
Co., 1926); H.M. Hole was not an academic but a senior BSA Company administrator.
11 Hole, Making of Rhodesia, 51.
12 Samkange, Origins of Rhodesia, 56–57.
13 See E.A. Walker (ed.), The Cambridge History of the British Empire, Volume VIII.
South Africa, Rhodesia and The High Commission Territories (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1963); D. Denoon and B. Nyeko, Southern Rhodesia Since 1800
(London: Longman, 1984).
 1 INTRODUCTION: A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN … 7

mainly an outlying portion of the Cape Colony.14 From the very begin-
ning Southern Rhodesia had very close links with its southern neighbour.
In part, this meant that some of the whites who settled in the territory
carried with them South African attitudes and traditions.
Although Southern Rhodesia’s inception was followed by the assump-
tion that the country was to become the fifth province in the Union of
South Africa, it became less likely by 1953 that any union was to take
form. Though there had existed over time close links between the two
territories which maintained the possibility of union, especially as social,
business, family, entertainment, and sporting ties were strong,15 1953
marked a change in the political configuration of Central and Southern
Africa with Southern Rhodesia playing a crucial role in the process. In
1953, the Central African Federation (hereafter Federation) was formed
and Southern Rhodesia was a founding member along with Nyasaland
and Northern Rhodesia. In the process, the political project of union
between Southern Rhodesia and South Africa was closed.
The formation of this new entity was not only important in the devel-
opment of Southern Rhodesian relations with South Africa, but it was
also a formation of great importance for Britain who was ultimately its
architect. The idea of a closer association in Central Africa had a long
history especially between Northern and Southern Rhodesia. The first
proposal made towards establishing a central African bloc was put forward
by the BSA Company in 1915. At the time, the cry of Rhodes’ heirs was
not for Federation of the three territories, but for amalgamation of the
two, Northern and Southern Rhodesia, in effect for the absorption of
the North by the white-settled and white-settler-controlled South.16 It
took well over thirty years for any bloc to come into existence. The 1953
formation of the bloc had two-part dynamics. One, it was part of a long
history which the works of Harry Franklin, Robert Blake, and Ronald
Hyam have all similarly suggested as part

14 F.S. Malan, ‘South Africa after the Union, 1910–1921: South Africa’, in E.A. Walker
(ed.), The Cambridge History of the British Empire, Volume VIII. South Africa, Rhodesia
and The High Commission Territories (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963),
662.
15 Ronald Hyam and Peter Henshaw, The Lion and the Springbok: Britain and South
Africa since the Boer War (Cambridge University Press, 2003), 227.
16 Harry Franklin, Unholy Wedlock: The Failure of the Central African Federation
(London: George Allen & Unwin, 1963), 19.
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practical sense of Master Ambrose, a new industry was started—that
of candying fairy fruit, and exporting it to all the countries with which
they trafficked, in pretty fancy boxes, the painted lids of which
showed that art was creeping back to Dorimare.
As for Ranulph, when he grew up he wrote the loveliest songs that
had been heard since the days of Duke Aubrey—songs that crossed
the sea and were sung by lonely fishermen in the far North, and by
indigo mothers crooning to their babies by the doors of their huts in
the Cinnamon Isles.
Dame Marigold continued to smile, and to nibble marzipan with her
cronies. But she used sometimes sadly to wonder whether Master
Nathaniel had ever really come back from beyond the Debatable
Hills; sometimes, but not always.
And Master Nathaniel himself? Whether he ever heard the Note
again I cannot say. But in time he went, either to reap the fields of
gillyflowers, or to moulder in the Fields of Grammary. And below his
coffin in the family chapel a brass tablet was put up with this epitaph:
NATHANIEL CHANTICLEER
PRESIDENT OF THE GUILD OF MERCHANTS
THREE TIMES MAYOR OF LUD-IN-THE-MIST
TO WHOM WAS GRANTED NO SMALL SHARE OF
THE PEACE AND PROSPERITY
HE HELPED TO BESTOW ON
HIS TOWN AND COUNTRY.
An epitaph not unlike those he used to con so wistfully in his visits to
the Fields of Grammary.
And this is but another proof that the Written Word is a Fairy, as
mocking and elusive as Willy Wisp, speaking lying words to us in a
feigned voice. So let all readers of books take warning! And with this
final exhortation this book shall close.

Columbine

"And can the physician make sick men well,

And can the magician a fortune divine
Without lily, germander, and sops in wine?
With sweet-brier,
And bon-fire,
And strawberry-wire,
And columbine."

"Within and out, in and out, round as a ball,

With hither and thither, as straight as a line,
With lily, germander, and sops in wine.
With sweet-brier
And bon-fire
And strawberry-wire
And columbine."

"Any lass for a Duke, a Duke who wears green,

In lands where the sun and the moon do not shine,
With lily, germander, and sops in wine.
With sweet-brier
And bon-fire
And strawberry-wire
And columbine."

"When Aubrey did live there lived no poor,

The lord and the beggar on roots did dine
With lily, germander, and sops in wine.
With sweet-brier
And bon-fire,
And strawberry-wire,
And columbine."

"There are windfalls of dreams, there's a wolf in the stars,

And Life is a nymph who will never be thine,
With lily, germander, and sops in wine.
With sweet-brier,
And bon-fire,
And strawberry-wire,
And columbine."
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LUD-IN-THE-
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