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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN EUROPEAN POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY

The European Union and

the Paradox of Enlargement
The Complex Accession of the
Western Balkans

Tatjana Sekulić
Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology

Series Editors
Carlo Ruzza
School of International Studies
University of Trento
Trento, Italy

Hans-Jörg Trenz
Department of Media, Cognition & Communication
University of Copenhagen
Copenhagen, Denmark
Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology addresses contemporary
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turned increasingly to processes of Europeanization and globalization
and the social and political spaces that are opened by them. These pro-
cesses comprise both institutional-constitutional change and new dynam-
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Sociology series addresses linkages between regulation, institution build-
ing and the full range of societal repercussions at local, regional, national,
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 Tatjana Sekulić

The European Union

and the Paradox of
Enlargement
The Complex Accession
of the Western Balkans
Tatjana Sekulić
Department of Sociology and Social Research
University of Milan Bicocca
Milan, Italy

Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology

ISBN 978-3-030-42294-3    ISBN 978-3-030-42295-0 (eBook)
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 Preface

In the first days of January 2019, we leave Sarajevo, gliding on the ice and
the snow that had fallen in the previous days. Temperatures are extremely
low, minus ten degrees. Before that, there was the struggle of conducting
the last round of interviews and collecting research documents during the
holiday breaks. The thirty kilometres of highway towards Zenica illumi-
nate the horizon of progress, foreshadowing the idea that Bosnia and
Herzegovina could become a state where mobility is possible in safety and
speed. The highway ends in front of the blast furnaces of the Zenica steel
mill, amid the reddish air that covers the landscape of an otherwise
uniquely beautiful valley. From Zenica, the road narrows into only two
lanes, which makes overtaking a car or truck a life-threatening manoeu-
vre. The road leads to Nemila, a small town along the river Bosna
the name of which literally means ‘undear’, where for some years now
there have been stalls and delays due to damage on the road caused by
floods, landslides or who knows what else. The crossing of the first admin-
istrative but also political border in Bosnia and Herzegovina is marked by
only one sign welcoming passengers to the Republic of Srpska in the
Cyrillic alphabet (the expression is identical in all three national lan-
guages—Serbian, Croatian and Bosnian) and in English. For part of our
journey we are accompanied by sights of mined houses in roadside

v
vi Preface

villages, only a small number of which were restored within the twenty-
four years of the Dayton Agreement marking the end of the open war
conflicts. After Doboj now, a new section of the highway much more
comfortably leads to the border with Croatia and, since July 2013, with
the European Union. Yet we continue in the usual direction towards the
border between the two ships—Bosanski Brod and Slavonski Brod (brod
means ship), across Sava River. Its waters originate in Slovenia, flow
through Croatia and Bosnia and finally through Serbia to meet the
Danube in Belgrade. Along the way, we stop for an Illy coffee at the Nada
(hope) gas station, where we are already friends with the staff. Entry into
the European Union this time is not so difficult—twenty minutes wait-
ing in Nemila and another forty at the border with Croatia. It then takes
us four full hours to cross the seven kilometres that separate us from the
Schengen border between Croatia and Slovenia. Hundreds of motorists
are honking simultaneously as they approach the toll booth four hundred
metres ahead of the border, the primary purpose of which is to control
the influx of cars avoiding thus heavy congestion in front of the ‘fortress’
gate. Croatia is once again the bulwark of civilization, while people—
probably mostly from the ‘diaspora’—flock back to their Western
European homes after the holidays. Slovenia also has double border
checks, with restrictive policies of the European institutions related to the
‘migrant crisis’, especially since the opening of the Balkan Route in 2015,
pressuring both countries. At last, Europe: at the border with Italy, they
just check the vignette that Slovenia required us to pay in order to drive
on the highway.
This brief ethnographic reportage illustrates how the contingent redef-
inition of boundaries of different character directly and indirectly deter-
mines the everyday life of citizens, whether they are nationals of EU
member states or residents of the accession countries. Free movement, as
one of the founding principles upon which the community of European
states is founded, is called into question under the pressure of European
and national securitization policies, for which the pretext of a ‘migrant
crisis’ and its direct association with Islamic-inspired terrorism provides a
very convenient framework. In addition to this, the old bilateral disputes
between countries—in this particular case between Slovenia and
Croatia—are being reactivated in informal and non-transparent ways.
 Preface vii

The ethnographic experience of crossing the border between Italy and

the countries of former Yugoslavia from 1990 to present day is a research
topic in itself, uniquely relevant precisely to the analysis of the accession
process of these countries into the European Union. As far back as the
1980s, this border divided democratic and communist Europe, the world
of capitalism and the world of socialism; it was the vestibule of the Iron
Curtain, but also a source of inspiration for generations of West European
leftists dreaming about socialism ‘with a human face’, as the self-­governing
Yugoslav model was often defined. As the red YU passport lost its rele-
vance in the early 1990s and at times became subject to hiding when
crossing borders, and eventually ceased to apply, so did the collective
identity of the citizens of the Yugoslav federal units under the pressure of
rampant political and military violence. In the 1990s, some of these bor-
ders became insurmountable for ‘wrong’ passports, as military and para-
military violence drew new barriers on the ground within the
internationally recognized frontiers of the newly created states, and those
escaped and expelled, as well as those who could not or did not want to
leave their homes, sought ways to survive. Entire parts of the territory
remained inaccessible due to military operations for many years. The
policies implemented by ethno-national elites were intended to disrupt
communication channels between states, groups and citizens/individuals,
through the destruction of infrastructures—telephone lines, roads, rail-
ways, air transport, shared industrial facilities, schools and universities, as
well as through redefining both the status of individuals as determined by
the new citizenship, and new relationships of closeness and (mis)trust
among people and peoples. The key word of today’s policies of associa-
tion with the European Union is precisely connectivity, which has inspired
the efforts of a group of European countries to support the development
of the so-called Western Balkan (WB) region within the Berlin Process
since 2014.
The new statuses and documents of the citizens of these states from
2000 onwards began to take on new meanings, increasingly in relation to
the position of individual countries in the European integration process,
after the ‘European perspective’ of the eastern and south-eastern parts of
the continent became defined with relative clarity. ‘Novelty’ here is a basic
concept that is to be taken into account in almost every respect when it
viii Preface

comes to the complementary processes of deepening and widening the

EU. Novelty is about the profound transformation of the countries and
societies of East and Southeast Europe, but above all of the European
Union itself, which only in the 1990s actually emerged as something that
should grow into a supra- and transnational unit—a structure/institution
whose character is to this day still insufficiently defined. Here we are talk-
ing about a tension between two processes: on the one side, the enlarge-
ment of the European Union; on the other, the deepening of integration
structures and their institutionalization. Both processes include what
could be called mindset, or mentality, which cannot be nationally stan-
dardized given the implicit differentiation of worldviews related primarily
to class, gender, age, religion, ethnicity and other elements of belonging
and identity. We are also talking here about the temporal component, that
is, the changes that occur in and over time, which require as much time as
necessary, and whose dynamics cannot be linear but are instead exposed
to an almost unfathomable and immeasurable series of events and acts/
actions within the growing complexity of a globalized society. The prin-
ciple of conditionality, as the basis of the enlargement policy whose imple-
mentation is entrusted primarily to the European Commission, was
conceived precisely as the fundamental leading and controlling institu-
tion which should ‘order’ the process of transformation of new states and
societies aspiring for an EU membership. Conditionality is based on rela-
tively explicit criteria for standardization and harmonization defined by
Acquis Communautaire, which in principle apply to all member states’
societies, with the aim of reducing as much as possible the influence of
exogenous factors (geopolitical and others) by establishing equivalent and
complementary structures and institutions in various societies. This would
deepen the integration linkages of the ‘community of fate’ of the united
European continent, which seems to be yet so hard to imagine.
For the countries of former Yugoslavia and Albania, the process of
accession can be considered to have actually begun with the Zagreb
Summit in November 2000. The Thessaloniki Declaration of June 2003
gave the process an institutional framework and set out in principle the
instruments and rules under which the process would play out over the
coming years: the European Commission presented so-called Road Map
of the accession process for the Western Balkans. The subsequent enlarge-
ment of the European Union was seriously jeopardized after the 2004
 Preface ix

and 2007 accession, which almost doubled the number of members tak-
ing it from fifteen to twenty-seven. It certainly shook the previous equi-
libria of individual national interests of the core member states and
required, above all, a huge institutional and structural effort to reorganize
the existing field of action of the Union itself. The effort of this fifth wave
of enlargement, colloquially referred to as the Big Bang, required that
each subsequent step towards the accession of new members pass a far
greater check on each institutional barrier, which the already existing
conditionality principle coherently made possible. If we can accept that
this was necessary to stabilize and re-assert the new identity of the
European Union after such a major and historically important event at
the global level, at the same time, the survival of the idea of unification is
of invaluable significance for the Union itself. It means inevitably taking
responsibility for the already launched accession initiatives both in candi-
date countries and in those whose candidacy is still in question.
The character of the enlargement/accession process is such that it can-
not be stopped, or reversed, without very serious repercussions both for
aspirant countries or countries seeking to withdraw their membership,
and for the European Union itself. Brexit is the first experience for which
there is still no adequate term contrary to the term enlargement. In any
case, this concerns the guaranteed freedom of each member state to leave
the Union, while there is no instrument for the other member states to
make such decisions conditional. The procedural rules, but also the sanc-
tioning of such a decision, are just being written in the case of the United
Kingdom. The unanimity principle is sought when it comes to the acces-
sion of new member states and only after the European Commission has
assessed that all the conditions for accession have been fulfilled. Countries
starting from a very low level of development, especially related to the
economic dimension, but also to the political and social ones, as is the
case with the Western Balkans 6 countries must make a far greater effort
to reach the minimum standard levels while at the same time disposing of
far lower resources. The same could be said for Bulgaria, Romania and
Croatia, and to some extent Slovenia and Hungary. The political, eco-
nomic and social resources that these countries can count on in the acces-
sion process are almost entirely directed toward fulfilling the conditions
imposed by the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA), though
the real priorities of these societies may be others. The constant
x Preface

dissatisfaction of the European Commission evaluators produces many

negative effects in the process itself. “There is no clear message”, said one
of my interlocutors from the Kosovo Embassy in Brussels. And this is
part of the paradox of enlargement—the principled openness of the
Union (Community) to encompass ALL countries and citizens of Europe
as a continent, in contrast with the empirical reality and practical capa-
bilities of these countries to undertake enormous reforms in too short a
time for a major change to occur in the mindset of the political, eco-
nomic and other social actors who are expected to bring about these
changes. Enlargement as merely a principled perspective without acces-
sion, or with accession as its permanently delayed end result, does not
make enough sense. It creates the conditions for the emergence of new
risky situations, leaving behind those sectors of society that could be
characterized as ‘progressive’, ‘enlightened’, convinced Europeists, whose
actions are based on belief in the correctness of Copenhagen principles
and criteria. It creates a situation which favours further deterioration of
political and socio-economic relations between individuals and groups. It
also provokes the departure of young people, educated and cheap EU
workforce, thus draining societies in the accession process. The paradox
manifests itself in the fact that the process does not presuppose an alter-
native to association as the ultimate goal, while conditioning it not only
by insisting on standards and harmonization but especially by political
will, which is not the will of European transnational institutions nor the
abstract will of EU member states; it is the will of the contingent victori-
ous political structures of nation-states within the European Union.
Enlargement is a project of the Union, and before that of the Community,
a project related to the idea of unifying the European continent and its
societies. The weakening of the incentives to super- and transnationalize
certain institutions and their competences, alongside the lack of creation
and construction of new common/unique European institutions, deep-
ening the integrative bonds, not only calls into question the widening
process but directly disrupts it at its very foundations. The credibility of
the institutions of the European Union is based precisely on its ability to
specifically and substantially support aspirant countries with poor start-
ing positions to reach a common quality of life threshold, which can be
called European, in all fundamental sectors. The principle of
 Preface xi

solidarity—that is building the solid ties of togetherness based on a com-

mon interest in peace, prosperity, security, respect and recognition of the
rights and freedoms of individuals and groups on every basis—contra-
dicts here the neoliberal principle of competition between falsely equal
actors, upon which European institutions’ policies have been predicated
for a long time, since the 1980s. This concerns not only the European
Commission but also the Parliament as well as the Council, since this
principle essentially determines the political organization of the EU
member states. This was clearly demonstrated in the wake of the financial
crisis that erupted in 2008, with the disastrous social consequences of a
forced austerity policy, especially in Greece. The principle of competition
is defeating for the ‘Western Balkan’ countries, which continue to face
the long-lasting consequences of the violent breakup of Yugoslavia, such
as the forced demographic redistribution of peoples and groups, but also
of wealth, within the imposed borders of the new states, the open issues
of recognition of the rights and freedoms of groups and individuals, the
assumption of political responsibility for the war crimes of the 1990s,
and much more. By insisting on competition, the nationalist positions of
the dominant groups are strengthened, the borders in the region become
stronger rather than weaker, and the fear and dissatisfaction of minority
groups within national majorities grow. That is the case in Croatia, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania.
But it becomes ever more the condition of many other Western and
Eastern European societies, where the populist and nationalist political
forces have been growing in size and strength.
Did we learn something from the disaster of the Yugoslav wars?
This book is a reflection on a long travel initiated in 1989, passing
above, below and through the borders and barriers, physical, geopolitical
and institutional, as a witness and participant in a new great transforma-
tion of the European polity and societies—with a curious gaze of an eth-
nographer and a strong belief that a better, alternative Europe is possible.

Milan, Italy Tatjana Sekulić

 Acknowledgements

The twelve-year research and the writing of this book would not be pos-
sible without the participation and support of my family, friends and
colleagues, and many other significant encounters. One of these was with
scholars related to the European Sociological Association Research
Network 32—Political Sociology, and to the European Consortium
for Political Research, Standing group for Political Sociology, where I
finally felt at home concerning the way of conceiving Europe sociologi-
cally. Carlo Ruzza and Hans-Jörg Trenz gave the book project their sup-
port from the beginning, and my gratitude goes firstly to their constant
inspiration and reflections on the EU. I found the research by, and dia-
logue with, Virginie Guiraudon, Niilo Kauppi, David Swartz, Virginie
Van Ingelgom, Oscar Mazzoleni, Cristina Marchetti and Alberta Giorgi
extremely stimulating, as well as that of many young scholars who took
part in the work of the networks over the past few years. Sharla Plant and
Poppy Hull followed the production of the manuscript for Palgrave
Macmillan and helped to create the final version with constancy and
kindness. Many thanks to Fabio de Nardis, editor-in-chief of Participazione
e conflitto (PACO), and to Valida Repovac-Nikšić and Sanela Čekić-­
Bašić, editors-in-chief of Sarajevo Social Science Review (SSSR), for allow-
ing the reuse of two articles whose previous versions were published
in 2016.1

xiii
xiv Acknowledgements

Analysis of the empirical documentation collected over a twelve-year

time span would have been incomplete without constant dialogue with
Federico Giulio Sicurella, who introduced me to Critical Discourse
Studies. The adventure of exploring the European Union and its borders
and boundaries started some time ago together with Marina Calloni and
Elena Dell’Agnese within the PRIN projects (Progetti di Rilevante
Interesse Nazionale) 2009 and 2011. Lavinia Bifulco and Sara Trovato
never let me forget the importance of writing this book. I am grateful to
Roberto Moscati, Ota de Leonardis, Cinzia Meraviglia, Giovanni Picker,
Giovanna Fullin and Ilenya Camozzi for being my friends and sociolo-
gists from whom I continue to learn a lot. Marco Vinante helped to
construct the statistics, while Arianna Piacentini gave me precious last
minute feedback regarding initial chapters of the book. I am grateful also
to Hoda Dedić for her support of my field research in Brussels in 2018.
I would like to give special thanks to officials of the European
Commission with the seats based in Brussels, at DG Enlargement (2010)
and DG NEAR (2018), and with the seats in the Western Balkan capitals
at Delegations of the EU, for their agreement to organize our conversa-
tions. All the diplomatic institutions of the WB countries in Brussels,
without exception, welcomed my request for interviews. The same can be
said for all governmental and non-governmental institutions that were
involved in the research. So, many thanks to all of my interviewees for
allowing me to learn much about today’s Europe.
The book was written in English, improved after the interventions of
Patricia Hampton. The only exception is the Foreword, the first version of
which was written in my native Bosnian-Serbian-Croatian and then
translated by Federico Giulio Sicurella and refined by Hana Žerić. Amar
Hadžihasanović reviewed the ‘Conclusions’ chapter in real time, just
before the editor’s deadline for submission.
Not many people can count on such family support and expertise, as
Hana is my nephew and Amar is my son. This work was constantly sus-
tained by my father, the philosopher Gajo Sekulić, an inexhaustible
source of ideas, criticism and bibliographic references, and by other dear
members of my family. Enormous energy came with my grandson Vivian,
who gave us a new sense of being European.
 Acknowledgements xv

Finally, this book, which took up so much of our life and time, is dedi-
cated to my husband, my fellow traveller, Amer Hadžihasanović.

Note
1. Sekulić T. “Constituting the social basis of the EU. Reflections from the
European margins”, Partecipazione e conflitto, 9(2) 2016, 691–716;
Sekulić T., “Harmonization in Turbulent Times. Western Balkans’
Accession to the European Union”, Sarajevo Social Science Review, Vol. 5,
n.1–2/2016, 91–110.
 Contents

1 Europe from East to West, from South to North:

Harmonization in Turbulent Times  1

2 Dimensions and Contradictions of the European

Integration: Deepening Versus Widening 23

3 New Axes of Integration and the Constitution of the

European Polity and Society 49

4 European Integration on the Field: Framing the Western

Balkans 71

5 Framing the Field Within the Text: Analysis of the

European Commission Reports on the Western Balkan
Countries in a Longitudinal Perspective 2008–2019 89

xvii
xviii Contents

6 Narrating the Process of Enlargement and Accession:

European Union Versus Western Balkans175

7 Conclusions: The Paradox of the European Integration223

Index233
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Further enlargement of the EU (% of positive answers,

Eurobarometer Standard 71.3, 82.3, 91.5) 26
Fig. 2.2 Thirty-five chapters of Acquis Communautaire. EU15 was the
number of member countries in the European Union prior to
the accession of ten candidate countries on 1 May 2004. The
EU15 comprised the following 15 countries: Austria,
Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece,
Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain,
Sweden, United Kingdom. OECD Glossary of Statistical
Terms, https://stats.oecd.org/glossary/detail.asp?ID=6805 32
Fig. 2.3 Trust in the EU institutions (% of ‘tend to trust’ answers—
Eurobarometer Standard 71.3, 82.3, 91.5) 34
Fig. 5.1 Index of shortcomings 156

xix
 List of Tables

Table 5.1 Croatia: economic, demographic and social indicators 107

Table 5.2 FYROM/North Macedonia: economic, demographic and
social indicators 110
Table 5.3 Montenegro: economic, demographic and social indicators 113
Table 5.4 Serbia: economic, demographic and social indicators 115
Table 5.5 Albania: economic, demographic and social indicators 118
Table 5.6 Bosnia and Herzegovina: economic, demographic and social
indicators121
Table 5.7 Kosovo: economic, demographic and social indicators 124
Table 6.1 Outline of topoi identified in ‘European’ and ‘national’
agency in 2009/2010 and in 2018/2019 207
Table 6.2 Outline of the types of enlargement and accession discourses 211

xxi
 Introduction

The main aim of this book is to shed light on the contradictions underly-
ing the EU enlargement process, challenging the common assumption
that the integration of an extended European space might be possible
without mutual transformation of the institutions and agencies involved.
The paradox that I will try to identify and explain here lies precisely in the
dominant approach, which argues that the EU can enlarge by transform-
ing the new arrivals only, without changing the whole. Conversely, the
enlargement process affects the European Union as such (and its member
states), which, on each new occasion, has to learn how to welcome new
members and adapt its own institutions and narratives to the new situa-
tion. EU politics and EU enlargement policies are understood here as
constitutive elements of complex integration dialectics, within which
Europeanization acquires a plurality of meanings, being regarded at one
and the same time as an institutional building process based on the prin-
ciple of harmonization with common laws and standards, as a project of
empowering social actors as carriers of individual rights and liberties and
as a way of imagining the emergence of a transnational society (Trenz
2016: xviii).
After the accession of the ten new member states in 2004, and of
Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, the following stage of enlargement fatigue
had become a sort of stumbling block for future integration of the conti-
nent, with serious consequences for other accession countries with
xxiii
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