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American Popular Song
American Popular Song
The Great Innovators, 1900–​1950
Third Edition

ALEC WILDER
Edited and with a New Introduction and Additional Chapter
by Robert Rawlins

1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press


198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2022

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in


a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form


and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

CIP data is on file at the Library of Congress


ISBN 978–​0–​19–​093995–​3 (pbk.)
ISBN 978–​0–​19–​093994–​6 (hbk.)

DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190939946.001.0001

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Paperback printed by Marquis, Canada
Hardback printed by Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., United States of America
To James T. Maher:
for his inestimable contribution to this book, for his truly phenomenal
knowledge and research, his impeccable collation of thousands of facts, his
endless patience, his tolerance of my eccentric methods of work, his unfailing
good humor, his guidance and encouragement. Also for his superb editing. If
ever the phrase “but for whom this book would never have been written” were
apt, it is so in this instance.
Contents

Acknowledgments  ix

Alec Wilder’s American Popular Song Revisited  1

1. T
 he Transition Era: 1885 to World War I 6
2. J  erome Kern (1885–​1945) 31
3. I  rving Berlin (1888–​1989) 91
4. G
 eorge Gershwin (1898–​1937) 132
5. R
 ichard Rodgers (1902–​1979) 172
6. C
 ole Porter (1891–​1964) 224
7. H
 arold Arlen (1905–​1986) 252
8. V
 incent Youmans (1898–​1946) and Arthur Schwartz
(1900–​1984)  287
9. B
 urton Lane (1912–​1997), Hugh Martin (1914–​2011),
and Vernon Duke (1903–​1969) 323
10. T
 he Great Craftsmen 357
I: Hoagy Carmichael (1899–​1981)  358
II: Walter Donaldson (1893–​1947)  373
III: Harry Warren (1893–​1981)  380
IV: Isham Jones (1894–​1956)  387
V: Jimmy McHugh (1894–​1969)  390
VI: Duke Ellington (1899–​1974)  396
VII: Fred Ahlert (1892–​1953)  400
VIII: Richard Whiting (1891–​1938)  403
IX: Ray Noble (1907–​1978)  408
X: John Green (1908–​1989)  411
XI: Rube Bloom (1902–​1976)  418
XII: Jimmy Van Heusen (1913–​1990)  423
viii Contents

11. Outstanding Individual Songs: 1920 to 1950 433


12. Additional Songs and Composers 493
I: George M. Cohan (1878–​1942)  494
II: Sigmund Romberg (1887–​1951)  499
III: Buddy DeSylva (1895–​1950), Lew Brown (1893–​1958),
and Ray Henderson (1896–​1970)  502
IV: Bernice Petkere (1901–​2000)  504
V: Ralph Rainger (1901–​1942)  506
VI: Fats Waller (1904–​1943)  510
VII: Jule Styne (1905–​1994)  514
VIII: Dana Suesse (1909–​1987)  519
IX: Individual Songs of Interest  526
X: Alec Wilder (1907–​1980)  535

Index of composers  547


Index of Lyricists 551
Index of Song Titles 553
Acknowledgments

I should like first to thank the Avon Foundation, St. Paul, Minnesota, for
the grant that made this study possible. But for the financial support of the
Foundation, and the generous encouragement of its Trustees, I would not
have dared to undertake so exhaustive a piece of work. I hope that the fin-
ished book conveys, in some measure, my profound gratitude.
I am pleased to acknowledge the able guidance given the project by Mr.
Harvey G. Phillips during his tenure as Executive Assistant to the President,
New England Conservatory of Music, Boston. As the Administrator of
the Avon Foundation grant, Mr. Phillips kept a watchful eye on every de-
tail of disbursements but managed, nonetheless, to stand aside from the
ledgers and express his warm enthusiasm during the progress of the study.
His was a judicious voice in the many discussions that so complex a project
generates. Mr. Gunther Schuller, the President of the Conservatory, gener-
ously befriended the project from the time my original proposal was made to
the Avon Foundation.
In the early research stages of the project a number of very busy people in
the world of music graciously took the time to talk to me at length about their
work, and to answer my many questions about their professional experience.
They may feel, should they happen to see the book, that the biographical and
background information they so considerately provided served little ap-
parent purpose. Quite the contrary, for it was only through these discussions,
and the candor of my hosts, that I was able to discover what it was that I was
searching for. All of them were enormously helpful in guiding me toward
the central logic of the book: the music itself. I wish here to thank them for
their kindness, patience, and sympathetic help. The following submitted to
extended interviews:
New York City: Mr. Harold Arlen, Mr. Robert Russell Bennett, Mr.
Irving Caesar, Ms. Dorothy Fields, Mr. Abe Olman, Mr. Richard Rodgers,
Mr. Hans Spialek. Brooklyn, New York: Mr. Eubie Blake. Pacific Palisades,
California: Mr. Vernon Duke. Beverly Hills, California: Mr. John Mercer.
Tarzana, California: Mr. Shelton Brooks. Santa Monica, California: Mr. Ferde
Grofé. (Mr. Grofé was interviewed on my behalf by Mr. Rogers Brackett.)
x Acknowledgments

Malibu Beach, California: Mr. Gordon Jenkins. Remsenburg, Long


Island: Mr. P. G. Wodehouse. (Mr. Wodehouse, whose annual new novel is
not only a literary event but also a celebration of the vigor of wit in a dour
world, very patiently submitted to an interview by letter.)
Mr. Duke’s death deprived us of any further work from an uncommonly
gifted composer. He loved American music deeply and his affection was re-
flected in the astonishing scope and depth of his knowledge. Only weeks be-
fore his death he took the time to write a careful commentary on the concept,
and general scheme, of the present project, suggesting certain correctives
in early theater music. Then quite suddenly, this book lost an expert and
sympathetic guide.
Mr. Max Morath has a rare gift for discerning what was truly fresh and
original—​hip, to be precise—​about certain key songs at the turn of the cen-
tury. I am very much in his debt for sharing with me those insights which it
had taken him years of research, and public performance, to discover. And
I should like here to mention the generosity of Mr. Rudi Blesh in discussing
with Mr. James T. Maher certain aspects of ragtime which shed light on the
origins of the distinctively native popular song as it emerged in the 1890s.
Other people helped me in a variety of ways in resolving both legal and
editorial problems, and I should like to thank them all, particularly Mr.
Edward N. Cramer, Mr. Russell Sanjek, Mr. Harold Leventhal, and Mr.
Joseph Taubman. Mr. Taubman served as my counsel with respect to the ex-
ecution of the copyright permissions I sought. I am grateful to Mr. Philip
B. Wattenberg for assistance in copyright clearance. And I was pleased to
have the expert help of Ms. Maureen Meloy who prepared the final, revised
copyright and permissions data.
I know that it is customary to thank that silent expert who turns one’s
scrawl into a legible typescript. However, I find that in order truly to express
my appreciation for the work of Ms. Joellyn Ausanka I must describe her ex-
ceptional contribution to this book. She is an editor of children’s books who
happened, at the time, to be studying the organ music of Bach, an incidental
condition which brought a great sense of joy to the project. Bach does that.
Further, because of her affection for the songs I was discussing in the text,
she played through the sheet music of all of them as it was turned over to her
chapter by chapter to extract the copyright data. Needless to say, her keen eye
sifted out some errors and ambiguities in the text. The intelligence, care, and
critical enthusiasm she brought to the preparation of the typescript resulted
in a contribution I certainly could not have anticipated.
Acknowledgments xi

From the beginning of the project, Mr. Sheldon Meyer of Oxford University
Press persisted in his belief in the value of what I had set out to do. He felt
that it should be published. I could not have asked for more heartening en-
couragement. Because of his conviction, the book is done. It bears, in its final
polishing, the mark of his astute editorial eye, as well as the careful concern of
Ms. Guy-​Dorian Cristol, the copy editor of the manuscript (who also played
through many of the songs once the sheet music got into her hands).
I have saved until the last a personal acknowledgment to a gentleman
I much admire, Mr. Howard Richmond. I faced two severe problems in orga-
nizing my work on the book: a place to work, and a source for the music
I wished to examine. Mr. Richmond solved both problems. He placed at
my disposal an audition room with a piano in his music publishing offices.
His staff graciously saw to it that there was always a music room available
to me. Fortunately, Mr. Richmond had several years earlier asked one of the
associates, Mr. Abe Olman, to assemble a sheet music library that would
bring together the work of the best-​known songwriters. The great bulk of the
songs I studied came from Mr. Olman’s shelves. I was thus saved the tedious
chore of searching through public and private collections for older music.
Without Mr. Richmond’s concern and generosity, a difficult task might
have become impossible in very short order.
A. W.

We are especially grateful to Mr. Miles Kreuger, the president of The Institute
of the American Musical, Inc., and a meticulous researcher and historian,
for undertaking to reread the text and compile a list of the errors that fell to
his exacting eye. These errors have been corrected in subsequent printings of
the book.
J. T. M., 1974

In preparation of this third edition of American Popular Song, I would like


to thank the scores of colleagues and musicians who offered their advice and
expertise, including: Nancy Rawlins, John McClernan, Davide Ceriani, and
especially Pat Mercuri and Jake Spinella who were of tremendous assistance
in preparing the musical examples.
R. R., 2021
Alec Wilder’s American Popular
Song Revisited

Revising the work of another is a bold undertaking, requiring no small degree


of humility, sensitivity, and respect. Preparing a new edition of Alec Wilder’s
American Popular Song was an especially tricky task, considering the en-
during stature of the book and Wilder’s overwhelming presence throughout.
But some fifty years later, the time for a revision has come. What that revision
would look like required careful consideration.
There were the obvious typographical errors, misplaced examples, inac-
curate dates, minor mistakes, incorrect measure numbers, and the like. Also,
language has been adjusted to adhere to present-​day racial and gender con-
siderations, while musical terminology has been changed to conform with
current practice. Then come the larger issues.
It was decided that Wilder’s text should remain mostly intact. His
sometimes-​outrageous opinions are part of the book’s charm and remain as
written. Minor revisions for clarity have been made, but most explanations
and elaborations were placed in footnotes. Wilder’s references to individuals
well known in his day but largely forgotten now (Edgar Guest, for example)
have received elucidation in footnotes. When Wilder was mistaken, such
as when he thinks he remembers how Sinatra sang a song but gets it wrong
(Wilder didn’t own a phonograph!), his assertion was left and referenced in
a footnote. It would have been insincere and misleading to simply correct
his words.
One fortunate opportunity that was pursued was the inclusion of musical
examples for the chapter on Irving Berlin. (The Berlin estate had not per-
mitted them in the first edition.) Although Wilder’s intended excerpts are
lost, sixty-​seven new examples were chosen to help clarify his discussions in
the text.
The first part of Chapter 1, “The Transition Era,” received more revision
than the rest of the book. While Wilder’s speculations and opinions pertaining
to this period are interesting, it was felt that a briefer, more objective account

American Popular Song. Alec Wilder, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press 2022.
DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190939946.003.0001
2 American Popular Song

of this period would be more beneficial to the reader. Wilder’s comments on


the musical excerpts, however, have been left as he wrote them.
For a variety of reasons, Wilder left out songs and composers whose
absence was likely to raise an eyebrow. Inserting additional songs and
descriptions in Wilder’s original text was decided against. Rather than sig-
nificantly alter his original book, an additional chapter has been added at the
end. The selection process for the added songs and composers is explained at
the beginning of Chapter 12.
Unquestionably, the most significant challenge in revising American
Popular Song was the substitution of lead sheet notation for piano score.
This was largely done to embrace a wider range of readership and to reflect
a paradigm shift in the music world. Musicians today are less reliant upon
the piano score than in Wilder’s time. By contrast, they are likely to be more
familiar with chord symbols and lead-​sheet notation. And, of course, the ad-
dition of lyrics is helpful to all, including those who are not trained in music
but are familiar with the songs being discussed.
Indicating the harmony with chords rather than piano score was a
daunting task. A chord symbol as a reductive tool is meant to give some
indication of the harmony but is unable to specify a precise arrangement.
True, an arrangement can be hinted at by specifying the bass note, building
inner parts into the chords (such as V7sus going to V7), and the addition
of “in-​between” chords on the weak beats. But by and large, chord symbols
give a suggestion of the harmony but few specifics as to how it should be
realized. In many, if not most cases, popular songs of this era were not
expected to have a definitive harmony, arrangement, or a “correct” set of
chords. Arrangers and chord players took whatever liberties they deemed
appropriate when producing a new version. A song’s first appearance in
a show or movie was likely to reveal differences from the published sheet
music, no matter which came first. Successive reprints of titles and the pub-
lication of collections of songs might also deviate from the original sheet
music. Moreover, songwriters did not always have much or any control
over the printed arrangement that would appear in the sheet music. But
sometimes they did.
How much control did composers have over their arrangements?
Conflicting reports indicate that it varied considerably depending on the
composer and the publisher. We know, for example, that Irving Berlin,
Richard Rodgers, and Alec Wilder himself were quite particular about every
aspect of the harmony.
Alec Wilder’s American Popular Song Revisited 3

Johnny Green, a brilliant composer in his own right, worked as a tran-


scriber for Irving Berlin in the 1940s. He affirmed that Berlin made all the
musical choices regarding his songs: “Whether it’s a word of lyric, a line of
melody, a line of countermelody, a harmonic progression, it was written by
Irving Berlin.”1
But George Gershwin tells a different story. In 1932 he published a collec-
tion of piano arrangements of his own songs, commenting in the introduc-
tion: “Sheet music, as ordinarily printed for mass sales, is arranged with an
eye to simplicity. The publishers cannot be blamed for getting out simplified
versions of songs, since the majority of the purchasers of popular music are
little girls with little hands, who have not progressed very far in their study
of the piano.”2 A reasonable conclusion would be that composers in most
instances had limited control over their music.
But, whatever the case, in American Popular Song Wilder treated each
piece of sheet music as if it were an art song. For this reason, if only to be sure
the music matched up with Wilder’s discussions, every attempt was made to
include the original (or extracted) chords to the musical passages.
But what were the “original” chords? Few composers were concerned with
chords—​the symbols themselves were generally added by the publisher to re-
flect the piano arrangement. (And chord symbols did not begin appearing at
all until circa 1920.) In many cases, editors were simply trying to pull vertical
alignments of the notes from the score, with no regard to functional harmony
or sequences of chords that made sense. At first, chords were intended for the
ukulele, with its restrictive limitations. Over time, chord symbols began to
indicate the harmony more accurately, but older sheet music chords can be
unreliable. A glance at a Tune-​dex card from the period bears this out.3
When extracting chords from the score, it was sometimes necessary to
separate “the arrangement” from “the essential” parts of the songwriter’s har-
monic intent. Even specifying the bass note by using “slash” chords could be
misguided in some instances. Consider, for example the opening of Hugh

1 Quoted in Laurence Bergreen, As Thousands Cheer: The Life of Irving Berlin (New York: Viking

Penguin, 1990), 477.


2 George Gershwin, Introduction to Gershwin at the Keyboard: Eighteen Song Hits Arranged by the

Composer for Piano (Van Nuys, CA: Alfred, 2005, reprint of first edition by Simon and Schuster, 1932).
3 Tune-​dex was a subscription service for music-​industry professionals that provided three
by five index cards, each containing the melody, chords, lyrics, and publishing information for
a single song. The company operated from 1942 until approximately 1963. See Witmer, Robert,
and Barry Kernfeld. “Fake book.” Grove Music Online. 2003; Accessed 13 Aug. 2021. https://​
www.oxfordmusiconline.com/ ​ g rovemusic/ ​ v iew/ ​ 1 0.1093/ ​ g mo/ ​ 9 781561592630.001.0001/​
omo-​9781561592630-​e-​2000144800.
4 American Popular Song

Martin’s “Tiny Room.” The tempo is indicated as slowly. The song begins with
six beats of a G pedal note. But the chord on the downbeat of measure 2 is
C7 (♭5). If one were to ignore the obvious decay of the low G over six beats
and indicate the chord on the downbeat of measure 2 as C7 ♭5/​G, the result
would be a terrible and unintended clash. True, a pianist might discern what
was going on, and hold the note through the changing chords, but what can
a guitarist do?
It was also necessary to seek a balance between including chords that
reflect current practice with chords that indicate more specifics but re-
sult in awkward chord sequences. There were times when chords had to be
extracted verbatim from the score to illustrate Wilder’s analyses, or just be-
cause they were so interesting. This results in a lead sheet of no practical value
to a musician. In such cases, two sets of chords were included, one revealing
the intricacies of the harmony as much as was possible, the other showing
chords that provide a usable performance tool. If the original chords seemed
viable for performance, they were placed directly above the staff, with the
chords more commonly played for the tune in parentheses above. When the
extracted chords seemed impractical for anything other than revealing what
was in the piano arrangement, they were placed in parentheses with the more
standard chords indicated directly above the staff. This, of course, was a sub-
jective decision.
For example, in Richard Rodgers’s “The Lady Is a Tramp,” in the key of
C most performers play some flavor of A7 or E♭7 in measure 2 leading to
the D-​7 in bar 3. But the printed chord for the second measure was C-​7 and
Wilder stresses the unique quality of this harmony. Consequently, it was
placed directly above the staff, with the more standard chord placed above in
parentheses. But in George Gershwin’s “A Foggy Day” in F, the second chord
in the sheet music is E♭-​6/​G♭, an unlikely chord to precede a G-​7 that is li-
able to puzzle the modern-​day performer and listener alike. In this case, the
more expected A♭9 was placed directly above the staff. In a more extended
example, the original chords to Jimmy Van Heusen’s “Here’s That Rainy Day”
provide a fine harmonic support to the melody but differ remarkably from
those shown by almost any fake book today. They appear directly above the
staff with the more common substitutions in parentheses above.
Rhythmic choices also raise questions regarding the composer’s intentions.
In some cases, rhythms had to be altered to reflect current practice and the
most likely intentions of the composer. For example, straight eighth notes are
the standard in modern fake books, with the understanding that performers
Alec Wilder’s American Popular Song Revisited 5

will interpret the rhythm according to the tempo and stylistic expectations.
But in older sheet music, dotted-​eighth-​sixteenth pairs were sometimes in-
cluded in the published music to indicate a swing feel. Of course, if a dotted-​
eighth-​sixteenth pair is played correctly, it is not a swing feel at all. But if the
publisher needed to indicate that one passage should be played with straight
eighths and another with a swing feel, the dotted-​eighth-​sixteenth option
was the most direct. And then there are some passages that call for a dotted-​
eighth-​sixteenth pairs interpreted literally (such as Walter Donaldson’s
“Carolina in the Morning”). Except in cases where one of these conditions
applied (and one can never be sure), dotted-​eighth-​sixteenth rhythms were
changed to straight eighths.
Although Wilder often refers to lyrics in his text, examples in the orig-
inal edition did not include them. The decision to add them in this edition
presented its own set of unique issues. Publishers were not always correct
or even consistent with spelling, capitalization, or punctuation. Moreover,
some spellings have changed over the years (such as the tendency for hy-
phenated word pairs to fuse into a single word), and stylistic guidelines have
evolved. But in this case, it was decided to preserve the original as found in
the sheet music and not adopt current norms.
We all know of revisions of books in which the initial author manages to
recede into the background with each subsequent revision, until the book’s
original creator becomes a mere shadow from the past. This is decidedly not
such a revision. Corrections have been made, new information has been in-
cluded, and the format of musical examples has been completely revamped.
But the presence of Wilder remains. The final, newly written chapter
examines fifty-​three songs not included in the earlier edition. It includes
a brief synopsis of Wilder’s life, offers a glimpse into his personality, and
concludes by discussing ten of his songs.
Much of the significance of Wilder’s monumental book lies in the record
of the man himself: his vast musical experience, his shortcomings, his dis-
cerning ear, his prejudices, his insight, and his blunders. It is the intent of this
edition not only to renew the book’s relevance for modern readers, but to
preserve the record of the man who wrote it.
1
The Transition Era
1885 to World War I

During the thirty-​year period between 1885 and World War I, American
popular music underwent many fundamental changes. Finally, when these
changes—​rhythmic, harmonic, melodic—​were consolidated, a unique kind
of song emerged: American song. While this chapter will discuss and illus-
trate the roots and nature of these changes, it is not intended to be a formal
history of the music of this era. Further, it is deliberately selective in its choice
of songs that reveal evolution and innovation.
Stephen Foster (1826–​1864) was certainly the most celebrated songwriter
of his generation, if not the nineteenth century. His work began to attract
attention in the years after 1847, and by 1850 he was able to earn a living ex-
clusively through the publication of his own music, one of the first American
composers to do so.1 He wrote competently in a variety of styles but is mostly
known for his songs with a distinctive “American” flavor: “Old Black Joe,”
“De Camptown Races,” and “Oh! Susanna,” for example.
Foster grew up in Pittsburgh, where he demonstrated an early talent for
music, though he had little formal training. He developed a keen interest in
minstrel shows, and by listening to and studying the music (which at that time
was written and performed by White musicians2), Foster indirectly absorbed
many characteristics of African American music.3 In his most American

1 William W. Austin, “Susanna,” “Jeanie,” and “The Old Folks at Home”: The Songs of Stephen

C. Foster from His Time to Ours (New York and London: MacMillan, 1975), 11–​12.
2 While there were some Black minstrel troupes in the early days of minstrelsy, they did not be-

come significant or numerous until the 1860s, and it is highly unlikely that Foster would have heard
them during his formative years. See Clayton W. Henderson, “Minstrelsy, American,” Grove Music
Online, accessed January 7, 2021, https://​doi.org/​10.1093/​gmo/​9781561592630.article.18749.
3 Although Foster’s brother Morrison claimed, in 1896, that a servant regularly took Stephen to

an African American church, Stephen would have been too young at the time to have retained much
from the experience, and it is doubtful that it ever happened at all. See William W. Austin, Susanna,
Jeanie, and the Old Folks at Home, 238–​239.

American Popular Song. Alec Wilder, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press 2022.
DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190939946.003.0002
The Transition Era 7

songs can be heard duple meter, call-​and-​response, pentatonic scales, lim-


ited range, melodies constructed entirely of diatonic notes, short repetitive
phrases, and minimal harmony. Although he seldom employed syncopation,
Foster (who was of Irish descent) often employed the Scotch snap (short-​
long) in his songs, such as on “doodah” in “De Camptown Races,” “Susanna”
in “Oh! Susanna,” and “river” in “Old Folks at Home” (also known by the title
of “Swanee River”).
Most of Foster’s songs do not have these traits. To earn his living through
songwriting, Foster had to and did write in a wide variety of styles. “Beautiful
Dreamer,” one of his last and finest songs, contains no identifiable African
American characteristics. Most of his later work consisted of such “parlor”
songs. Only some two dozen of Foster’s nearly three hundred published
works have Southern themes or minstrel dialect, yet these few songs estab-
lished his career and ensured his legacy. And while it is true that Foster’s
(early) songs added to the body of stereotype blackface music, Foster used
his rare gift as a melodist to soar above such music.4
Foster may have set the standard for American song, but significant
contributions were made by other musicians as well, especially those of the
African American community. In Foster’s time, professional opportuni-
ties in the music business had been almost exclusively reserved for White
practitioners. But Emancipation (1863) changed this situation. The robust
pastime of music making among African Americans could now transition
from the amateur world to the professional one. In particular, the minstrel
show offered financial security for many Black musicians, both in the realms
of composition and performance. It is estimated that more than one hun-
dred Black minstrel troupes began touring between 1865 and 1890.5 Among
the most successful of musicians of this period was singer/​composer James
Bland (1854–​1911).
Although Bland was only one of hundreds of Black minstrels, his legacy
endures. As David Jasen and Gene Jones observe: “He alone left a body of

4 Foster had reservations about writing minstrel songs. In a letter to E. P. Christy he writes, “I have

done a great deal to build up a taste for the Ethiopian songs among refined people by making the
words suitable to their taste, instead of the trashy and really offensive words which belong to some
songs of that order.” Quoted in Gilbert Chase, America’s Music: From the Pilgrims to the Present, 3rd
ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 256. His use of stereotyped dialog was
limited (although later editions of his songs often added dialect) and after 1852 he would abandon it
altogether. His authorized sheet music covers did not have the blackface caricatures found on most
minstrel songs.
5 Ra Guthrie P. Ramsey, “African American music,” Grove Music Online, accessed February 6, 2021,

https://​doi.org/​10.1093/​gmo/​9781561592630.article.A2226838.
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