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THE MOST COMPLETE AND AUTHORITATIVE TEXTBOOK
ON DEMOCRATIZATION
Democratization provides insightful coverage of all important aspects of contemporary
democratization, including theories, actors, dynamics, and real-world developments.
lt brings together leading experts from a range of international backgrounds, including
some of the best-known names in the field, making it an invaluable resource for students
of democratization.

NEW TO THIS EDITION: :t\n important and brilliant book

• A new chapter on social media highlights this
important new dynamic in democratization.
• New chapters on Post-Communist Europe
and the Post-Soviet Space demonstrate the
which will be essential reading
for students and scholars of
democracy and democratization ·
Yosef Kamal lbssa. Univers1ty of Copenhagen

significant changes and developments in these

regions in recent years.
• Updates throughout the text reflect dramatic
developments in world politics since the
publication of the first edition, including the
aftermath of the Arab Spring, and autocratizing
tendencies in various regions of the world.
• lncreased coverage of resilient authoritarianism
highlights this key area of contemporary debate.
• An expanded glossary helps you to develop your
technical vocabulary in this complex field of study.
~ online resources
~ - www.oup.com/uk/haerpfer2e/
ABOUT THE EDITORS:
Christian Haerpfer is Professor
of Sociology at the United Arab
Emirates University.
Patrick Bernhagen is Professor
of Comparative Politics at the
University of Stuttgart.
Christian Welzel is Professor for
Political Culture Research at Leuphan
University of Lüneburg.
Ronald F. lnglehart is Professor
of Political Science at the University
of Michigan.

This textbook is supported by a range of online resources

designed to help you take your learning further. Co\.,.er 1ma.9es r r~1c, ,:) S!ock com Lai'-"",~' _1:_
1tJottc:rni C) ,:~or;__::r)a,.~~. /\rtern S iru!!e~st, , . .._

OXFORD ISBN 978- 0-19 -8 73228 -0

UN I V ERSITY PR ESS
II I 11 1111 1111111111
9 780198 732280
www.oup.com
Democratization
SECOND EDITION

Christian W. Haerpfer
Patrick Bernhagen
Christian Welzel
Ronald F. lnglehart

OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
 OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,

United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Oxford University Press 2019
The moral rights of the authors have been asserted
First edition 2009
Impression: 3
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
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Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018959888
ISBN 978---0--19-873228-0
Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd,
Croydon, CR0 4YY
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
 \
\
Preface and Acknowledgements
to the First Edition

Since the global wave of democratization peaked in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet
Union, the subject has become of crucial concern for any attempt of understanding the contem-
porary political world. Consequently, over the past ten years, courses on democratization have
established themselves as core components of a large, and increasing, number of undergraduate
and postgraduate curricula in politics and international relations. At the same time, the availability
of high-quality textbooks in that field has been very limited.
The idea for a new book to fill this gap first surfaced in a conversation between the editors and
Ruth Anderson at Oxford University Press in October 2006. They agreed that an introductory text
that would introduce students to the theoretical and practical dimensions of democratization in
an accessible and systematic way has been lacking for quite some time. Bringing together leading
authors from diverse international backgrounds, including some of the best known names in the
field, as well as younger scholars, they decided to produce the present book. The resulting text treats
in a single volume all important aspects of contemporary democratization, including theories of
democratization, critical prerequisites and driving forces of democratic transition, pivotal actors,
and institutions, and the conditions and challenges for the consolidation of new democracies,
including the analysis of failed democratization. To demonstrate how all these factors have affected
democratization around the world, we decided that all major world regions should be covered, and
we included cases of successful democratic consolidation as well as countries in which the future
of democracy remains highly uncertain.
In the process of writing and editing this book, we have incurred great debt to an even greater
number of people-too many to list in detail. But we would like to particularly acknowledge the
help of Ecaterina McDonagh, who has been responsible for creating the Online Resource Centre
supporting the book. Of course we also thank all our contributors for fitting their expertise into
the general framework of this book. Thanks are also due to Ruth Anderson, Suzy Armitage, and
Thomas Sigel, who have been patient and supportive at different stages of the process.
The contribution of Christian W. Haerpfer to this volume has been supported by a Woodrow
Wilson Fellowship of the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian and Ukrainian Studies in
Washington DC, and by the CINEFOGO network under the Sixth Framework Programme of the
European Union. The University of Aberdeen has been very supportive of this project and facilitated
the participation of five scholars from its Department of Politics and International Relations as
editors and/ or authors. We are also grateful to a considerable number of anonymous reviewers
whose comments early on in the process were immensely helpful in improving the structure and
content of this book. Needless to say, we are solely responsible for any remaining errors.
The Editors (Aberdeen, Ann Arbor, and Bremen) 2009
Preface and Acknowledgements
to the Second Edition

At the time of this writing, almost ten years have passed since the first edition of this volume. Dur-
ing this time, we have witnessed the Color Revolutions and the Arab Spring, followed by a reverse
wave of democratization, rising authoritarianism, democratic backsliding, and electoral triumphs
of right-wing populism. This recent tum of events has nourished a new pessimism about the pros-
pects of democracy and a general sense of democracy in crisis. Coping with this change of the
academic and public mood prompted us to thoroughly re-write the introductory and concluding
chapters of this volume. Likewise, all authors of the first edition have profoundly updated and-
where necessary-modified their chapters, in recognition of the newly emerging sense of crisis.
Furthermore, we have recruited new authors to cover aspects in the context of democratization
(and autocratization) that require more attention. Above all, this holds true for Larry Diamond's
chapter on the role of the new media and the Internet. Furthermore, Christian Haerpfer's chapter
on the post-communist world has been divided into two separate chapters for Central/Eastern
Europe, on one hand, and the post-Soviet space, on the other. The glossary and references have also
been thoroughly updated.
In acknowledgement of all authors' formidable contributions to this second edition of
Democratization, we wish to express at this occasion our deep and sincere gratitude-in the hope
that a third edition will tum back to a more optimistic outlook on democracy. Last but not least,
our sense of sincere gratitude extends to our enormously competent and helpful editor at Oxford
University Press, Francesca Walker-thank you, indeed.
Key parts of the research embodied in Christian Welzel's contribution to this edition in Chapters
1, 2, and 9 have been funded by the Russian Academic Excellence Project '5-100'.
The Editors (Ann Arbor, Lilneburg and Moscow; Stuttgart, and Vienna) 2018
Brief Contents

How to use this book xxii

How to use the online resources xxiv
About the Editors XXV
About the Contributors xxvi

Introduction
Christian Welzel, Ronald lnglehart, Patrick Bernhagen, and Christian W. Haerpfer

PART ONE Theoretical and Historical Perspectives 19

2 Theories of Democratization 21
Christian Welzel

3 Democratic and Undemocratic States 40

Richard Rose

4 Measuring Democracy and Democratization 52

Patrick Bernhagen

5 Long Waves and Conjunctures of Democratization 67

Dirk Berg-Schlosser

6 The Global Wave of Democratization 82

John MarkDff and Daniel Burridge

PART TWO Causes and Dimensions of Democratization IOI

7 The International Context 103
Hakan Yilmaz

8 The Political Economy of Democracy 119

Patrick Bernhagen

9 Political Culture, Mass Beliefs, and Value Change 134

Christian Welzel and Ronald F. lnglehart

I O Gender and Democratization 158

Pamela Paxton and Kristopher Velasco
x Brief Contents

I I Social Capital and Civil Society 171

Natalia Letki

12 Social Movements and Contention in Democratization Processes 182

Federico M. Rossi and Donate/la de/la Porta

PART THREE Actors and Institutions 195

13 Conventional Citizen Participation 197

Ian McAllister and Stephen White

14 Political Parties 212

Leonardo Morlino

15 Institutional Design in New Democracies 228

Matthijs Bogaards

16 The Media 239

Katrin Voltmer and Gary Rawnsley

17 Social Media 253

Larry Diamond and Zak Whittington

18 A Decade of Democratic Decline and Stagnation 267

Laura Jakli, M. Steven Fish, and Jason Wittenberg

PART FOUR Regions of Democratization 283

19 Southern Europe 285

Richard Gunther

20 Latin America 305

Andrea Oelsner and Mervyn Bain

21 Post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe 322

Christian W. Haerpfer and Kseniya Kizilova

22 Post-Soviet Eurasia 341

Christian W. Haerpfer and Kseniya Kizilova

23 The Middle East and North Africa 364

Francesco Cavatorta

24 Sub-Saharan Africa 384

Michael Bratton

25 East Asia 401

Doh Chu/I Shin and Rollin F. Tusa/em
 Brief Contents xi

PART FIVE Conclusions and Outlook 421

26 Conclusion: The Future of Democratization 423

Christian Welzel, Ronald lnglehart, Patrick Bernhagen, and Christian W. Haerpfer

Glossary 432

Bibliography 440

Index 476
Detailed Contents

How to use this book xxii

How to use the online resources xxiv
About the Editors XXV

About the Contributors xxvi

Introduction
Christian Welzel, Ronald lnglehart, Patrick Bernhagen, and Christian W. Haerpfer

The New Pessimism about Democracy

A New Look at Democracy 2
Re-Examining the Centennial Democratic Trend: A Reversal? 2
Democracy's Persistent Culture-Boundedness 3
Democracy's Societal Pre-Conditions 7
Global Support for Democracy-A False Standard 10
Economic Inequality as Democracy's Key Challenge 14
The Value of Democracy 15
Plan of the Book 16

PART ONE Theoretical and Historical Perspectives 19

2 Theories of Democratization 21
Christian Welzel

Introduction 22
The Nature of Democracy 22
Ancient Democracy 23
The 'Cool Water' Origin of the West's Emancipatory Dynamic 24
The Principle of Representation 24
The West-East, North-South Gradient 25
Rent-Seeking States 25
Patterns of Colonialism 27
Industrialization and Class Divisions 27
Ethnic and Religious Cleavages 29
Socioeconomic Modernization 29
International Conflicts and Regime Alliances 30
Elite Pacts and Mass Mobilization 31
State Repression and Grassroots Pressures 32
The Role of Emancipative Values 32
 •... ,;'~

Detailed Contents xiii

Elite Concessions versus Pressures from Below 33

Institutional Configurations 34
The Emancipatory Path to Sustainable Democracy 35
A Typology of Democratization Processes 36
Conclusion 36

3 Democratic and Undemocratic States 40

Richard Rose

Introduction 41
Defining Democratic States 41
The state as the starting point 41
The characteristics of a democratic state 42
The State of States Today 43
Different kinds of accountable democracies 44
Different kinds of undemocratic states 45
Most regimes are incompletely democratic or autocratic 45
Evolution, False Starts, and Democratization Backwards 47
Getting rid of tangible evils 47
Dynamics of Democratic and Undemocratic States 48
Dynamics of democratic regimes 49
Dynamics of constitutional autocracy 49
Dynamics of plebiscitarian autocracy 50
Dynamics of unaccountable autocracy 50
Conclusion 50

4 Measuring Democracy and Democratization 52

Patrick Bernhagen

Introduction 53
Is Democracy a Matter of Degree? 53
Conceptualizing democracy 53
Sortal versus scalar concepts of democracy 54
Dimensions and Indicators of Democracy 56
Dimensions of democracy 56
Indicators of democracy 57
Aggregating dimensions and indicators into scales 58
The global wave of democratization according to the four major indices 61
Hybrid Regimes and Sub-Types of Democracy 63
Conclusion 64

5 Long Waves and Conjunctures of Democratization 67

Dirk Berg-Schlosser

Introduction 67
The Overall Picture 69
The First Long Wave, 1776-1914 71
The first positive conjuncture, 19 I8/19 72
xiv Detailed Contents
The Second 'Long Wave' (with some Intermittent Turbulences), 1945-88 74
The Latest Conjuncture, 1989/90 75
A Period of Uncertainty 76
Conclusion 79

6 The Global Wave of Democratization 82

John Markoff and Daniel Burridge 1

Introduction 83
Democracy Ascending 83
National, Regional, and Global Processes 88
Mediterranean Europe, 1970s 89
Latin America, 1980s and early 1990s 89
Soviet/communist bloc, 1989 and beyond 91
Asia, 1980s and 1990s 92
Africa, early 1990s 93
Middle East and North Africa 94
Beyond the Global Wave 95
Into the twenty-first century 96

PART TWO Causes and Dimensions of Democratization IOI

7 The International Context 103

Hakan Yi/maz

Introduction 103
The International Context of Democratization: Theoretical Approaches 104
Democracy Promotion Strategies of the USA and the European Union 106
Democracy promotion by the USA 107
Democracy promotion by the EU II 0
Globalization, Global Civil Society, and Democratization 112
Conclusion 114

8 The Political Economy of Democracy 119

Patrick Bernhagen

Introduction 119
Economic and Political Development 121
What Capitalism Does for Democracy 123
What Democracy Does for Capitalism 126
The Role of Business Actors in Democratic Transition 128
Politico-Economic Reform 130
Reforming systems based on import substitution industrialization 130
Reforming systems with a history of export-led development 131
Reforming collectivist economies 131
Reforming rentier states 131
Conclusion 132
 Detailed Contents xv

9 Political Culture, Mass Beliefs, and Value Change 134

Christian Welzel and Ronald F. lnglehart

Introduction 134
Mass Beliefs-The Missing Link between Structure and Action 135
The Centrality of Emancipative Values 136
Measuring Emancipative Values 137
The Importance of Regime Legitimacy 138
The Emancipatory Impulse of Action Resources 140
Some Key Qualifications 142
The 'Tectonic Model' of Regime Change 143
Updated Evidence 145
Conclusion 154

IO Gender and Democratization 158

Pamela Paxton and Kristopher Velasco

Introduction 158
Gender in Definitions of Democracy 159
Women's Democratic Representation: Formal, Descriptive, Substantive, and Symbolic Representation 161
Women's Suffrage as an Aspect of Democratization 163
Women's Representation as an Aspect of Democracy 165
Women and Democratization Movements 167
Conclusion 168

I I Social Capital and Civil Society 171

Natalia Letki

Introduction 172
Defining Civil Society and Social Capital 172
Civil Society and Social Capital in Democratization 173
Networks as sources of information 174
Associations as schools of democracy 175
Trust and democracy 175
Reprise 176
Paradoxes of Civil Society and Social Capital in New Democracies 176
Are civil society and social capital necessary for democratization! 176
'Civil society against the state'! 177
Social capital, civil society, and democracy: what comes first! 177
Are all forms of social capital conducive for democracies! 177
Civil Society, Social Capital, and Democracy: the Western Perspective! 178
Conclusion 179

12 Social Movements and Contention in Democratization Processes 182

Federica M. Rassi and Danatel/a de/la Porta

Introduction 183
Social Movements in Research on Democratization 183
Structural approaches: modernization theory and historical class perspective 183
xvi Detailed Contents

Elite transactional process approach: transitology 184

The Role of 'Democratization from Below': Perspectives from Social Movement Studies 186
Cycles of protest and waves of strikes during democratization 187
Resistance to the non-democratic regime 188
Liberalization and the upsurge of mobilization 189
Transition to procedural democracy 190
Consolidation of a procedural (or substantive!) democracy 191
Expansion to post-representative democracy 191
Conclusion 192

PART THREE Actors and Institutions 195

13 Conventional Citizen Participation 197

Ian McAllister and Stephen White

Introduction 197
Dimensions of Political Participation 198
Election Turnout 201
Institutions and Political Participation 204
Citizens and Political Participation 205
Political Participation and its Consequences 208
Conclusion 209

14 Political Parties 212

Leonardo Morlino

Introduction: Parties as an Essential Component of Democracy 213

Are Parties the Key Actors of Transition! Are there Alternative Actors! 215
Variations in transitions to democracy 215
Elite continuity, party continuity, and elite and party discontinuity 217
International and external factors 218
Party role in democratic transition 219
How do Parties Anchor a Democracy! 220
Electoral stabilization 220
The establishment of definite patterns of partisan competition 220
Stabilization of party leadership 221
Legitimation 221
Anchoring 222
Interaction between legitimation and anchoring 223
When do Parties Fail! 224
Conclusion 225

15 Institutional Design in New Democracies 228

Matthijs Bogaards

Institutions and Institutional Design 228

Institutional Choices 229
President and Parliaments 230
 Detailed Contents xvii

Duverger's and Sartori's Electoral Laws 231

Parties and Party Systems 232
The Evidence from New Democracies 233
Electoral System Design and Ethnic Conflict Management 235
Conclusion 237

16 The Media 239

Katrin Vo/tmer and Gary Rawnsley

Introduction 240
Media and Democracy: Normative Foundations 240
Media and the Dynamics of Regime Change 241
International broadcasting and the demonstration effect 241
Communication technologies and the convergence between 'old' and 'new' media 243
Democratizing the Media 244
Media-state relationships 245
Media regulation and media laws 245
The ambivalence of press freedom 246
The Media and the Market 247
Media after communism: Central and Eastern Europe 247
Media after capitalist dictatorship: Latin America and Asia 248
Post-colonial media: Africa 248
Media and the Quality of New Democracies 249
Conclusion 250

17 Social Media 253

Larry Diamond and Zak Whittington

Introduction 254
Social Media as Information Channels 255
Online news and opinion 255
Information crowdsourcing and government transparency 256
Social Media as Organizing Tools 257
Protest mobilization 257
The value and limits of social media in driving democratic change 259
The Empire Strikes Back: Digital Censorship and Repression 261
Conclusion 263

I8 A Decade of Democratic Decline and Stagnation 267

Laurajakli, M. Steven Fish, and Jason Wittenberg

Introduction 267
Theory and Central Concepts 268
Measuring Democracy 269
Democratic Stagnation 271
What Undermines Democracy? 272
The Limits of Explanations Based on Structural Factors 276
Agents of Democratic Failure 278
xvi ii Detailed Contents

Strengthening Legislatures and Curtailing Executive Power 280

Altering the Structural Factors 280
Conclusion 281

PART FOUR Regions of Democratization 283

19 Southern Europe 285

Richard Gunther

Introduction 286
Portugal 286
First transition to democracy 286
Second transition to democracy 287
Reasons for democratic transition 287
Greece 289
The Cyprus conflict as trigger of transition 289
The role of Karamanlis in transition 290
Founding elections and first democratic government 291
Spain 292
Elite pact as main feature of transition 292
Backward legitimacy 292
The new democratic constitution 293
Politics of consensus 294
Explaining Democratization in Southern Europe 296
The international context 296
Business and the economy 297
Social movements 298
Actors: the role of elite pacts 299
Conclusion 300
Epilogue 302

20 Latin America 305

Andrea Oelsner and Mervyn Bain

Introduction 306
Historical Overview 306
The historical impact of the Cuban Revolution 307
Argentina 307
Chile 307
Mexico 308
Venezuela 308
The International Context 309
Economic Factors 311
Political Culture and Society 312
Political Parties and Social Movements 315
Institutional Challenges 317
Conclusion 320
 Detailed Contents xix

21 Post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe 322

Christian W. Haerpfer and Kseniya Kizilova

Introduction 323
Stage One: Failed Reforms and the Decline of Communist Regimes, 1968--88 324
Stage Two: The End of Communist Political Regimes, 1989-91 326
Stage Three: The Creation of New Democracies 326
From New Democracies towards Consolidated Democracies 327
From New Democracies towards Electoral Democracies 332
From New Democracies towards Emerging Democracies 336
Conclusion 338

22 Post-Soviet Eurasia 341

Christian W. Haerpfer and Kseniya Kizilova

Introduction 342
Decline of the Soviet Union 1985-91 343
The End of the Soviet Union in 1991 344
The Creation of New Political Systems of the Russian Federation and
the Newly Independent States 345
From Soviet Republics towards Consolidated Democracies 347
From Soviet Republics towards Electoral Democracies 349
Georgia 349
Moldova 351
Ukraine 352
Kyrgyzstan 353
From Soviet Republics towards Electoral Autocracies 354
Russia 354
Armenia 356
Azerbaijan 356
Belarus 357
Kazakhstan 358
Tajikistan 358
From Soviet Republics towards Full Autocracies 359
Uzbekistan 359
Turkmenistan 360
Conclusion 361

23 The Middle East and North Africa 364

Francesco Cavatorta

Introduction 365
Authoritarian Persistence in the Arab World 367
The International Context 370
The role of lslamist political actors 371
Political Culture and Society 373
Business and the Economy 376
Agents of Democratization and Democratic Failure 378
Weak multi-party systems under state control 379
XX Detailed Contents

Challenges 380
Conclusion 381

24 Sub-Saharan Africa 384

Michael Bratton

Introduction 385
Africa's Democratic Wave 386
A period of transition 386
Features of transition 386
Key Cases of Regime Transition 388
South Africa 388
Ghana 389
Nigeria 390
Zimbabwe 391
Explanatory Factors 391
International influences 391
Economic conditions 392
Political culture and society 392
The roles of political actors 393
Conjuncture and causality 394
Institutional Challenges 394
Elections 395
Political parties 395
Civil society 396
Legislatures and courts 396
Conclusion 397

25 East Asia 401

Doh Chui/ Shin and Rollin F. Tusa/em*

Introduction 402
East Asia as a Region of Democratization 402
Democratic Transition 405
Modes of democratic regime change 405
The Philippines 407
South Korea 407
Taiwan 408
Thailand 408
Mongolia 409
Cambodia 409
Indonesia 410
Causes of democratic transitions 411
Substantive Democratization 412
Democratic governance 412
Prospects of Democratization in China 414
Conclusion 417
 Detailed Contents xxi

PART FIVE Conclusions and Outlook 421

26 Conclusion: The Future of Democratization 423

Christian Welzel, Ronald lnglehart, Patrick Bernhagen, and Christion W. Haerpfer

Introduction 423
Tactics and Strategies 424
Varieties of Autocracy 425
Development 426
External Threats and Group Hostilities 427
An Evolutionary Perspective 427
The Democratic Agenda of the Future 429
Spreading Democracy to New Regions 429
Consolidating and Improving New Democracies 430
Deepening Old Democracies 430

Glossary 432

Bibliography 440

Index 476
Another random document with
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Cornhill
Magazine, February, 1860 (Vol. I, No. 2)
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

Title: The Cornhill Magazine, February, 1860 (Vol. I, No. 2)

Author: Various

Release date: May 26, 2022 [eBook #68175]

Language: English

Original publication: United Kingdom: Smith, Elder and Co, 1860

Credits: hekula03, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book
was produced from images made available by the
HathiTrust Digital Library.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE

CORNHILL MAGAZINE, FEBRUARY, 1860 (VOL. I, NO. 2) ***
 Transcriber’s Note
Larger versions of most illustrations may be seen by right-
clicking them and selecting an option to view them separately,
or by double-tapping and/or stretching them.
Cover image created by Transcriber, using an illustration
from the original magazine, and placed into the Public Domain.
 THE

CORNHILL MAGAZINE.
FEBRUARY, 1860.

CONTENTS.

PAGE
Nil Nisi Bonum 129
Invasion Panics 135
To Goldenhair (from Horace). By Thomas Hood. 149
Framley Parsonage 150
Chapter IV.—A Matter of Conscience.
„ V.—Amantium Iræ Amoris Integratio.
„ VI.—Mr. Harold Smith’s Lecture.
Tithonus. By Alfred Tennyson 175
William Hogarth: Painter, Engraver, and Philosopher.
Essays on the Man, the Work, and the Time 177
I.—Little Boy Hogarth.
Unspoken Dialogue. By R. Monckton Milnes. (With an
Illustration) 194
Studies in Animal Life 198
 Chapter II.— Ponds and rock-pools— Our necessary tackle
— Wimbledon Common— Early memories— Gnat larvæ—
Entomostraca and their paradoxes— Races of animals
dispensing with the sterner sex— Insignificance of males—
Volvox globator: is it an animal?— Plants swimming like
animals— Animal retrogressions— The Dytiscus and its
larva— The dragon-fly larva— Molluscs and their eggs—
Polypes, and how to find them— A new polype, Hydra
rubra— Nest-building fish— Contempt replaced by
reverence.

Curious, if True. (Extract from a Letter from Richard

Whittingham, Esq.) 208
Life among the Lighthouses 220
Lovel the Widower 233
Chapter II.—In which Miss Prior is kept at the Door. (With
an Illustration.)
An Essay without End 248

LONDON: SMITH, ELDER AND CO.,

65, CORNHILL.
 THE

CORNHILL MAGAZINE.
FEBRUARY, 1860.

Nil Nisi Bonum.

Almost the last words which Sir Walter spoke to Lockhart, his
biographer, were, “Be a good man, my dear!” and with the last flicker
of breath on his dying lips, he sighed a farewell to his family, and
passed away blessing them.
Two men, famous, admired, beloved, have just left us, the
Goldsmith and the Gibbon of our time. Ere a few weeks are over,
many a critic’s pen will be at work, reviewing their lives, and passing
judgment on their works. This is no review, or history, or criticism:
only a word in testimony of respect and regard from a man of letters,
who owes to his own professional labour the honour of becoming
acquainted with these two eminent literary men. One was the first
ambassador whom the New World of Letters sent to the Old. He was
born almost with the republic; the pater patriæ had laid his hand on
the child’s head. He bore Washington’s name: he came amongst us
bringing the kindest sympathy, the most artless, smiling goodwill. His
new country (which some people here might be disposed to regard
rather superciliously) could send us, as he showed in his own
person, a gentleman, who, though himself born in no very high
sphere, was most finished, polished, easy, witty, quiet; and, socially,
the equal of the most refined Europeans. If Irving’s welcome in
England was a kind one, was it not also gratefully remembered? If
he ate our salt, did he not pay us with a thankful heart? Who can
calculate the amount of friendliness and good feeling for our country
which this writer’s generous and untiring regard for us disseminated
1
in his own? His books are read by millions of his countrymen, whom
he has taught to love England, and why to love her. It would have
been easy to speak otherwise than he did: to inflame national
rancours, which, at the time when he first became known as a public
writer, war had just renewed: to cry down the old civilization at the
expense of the new: to point out our faults, arrogance, shortcomings,
and give the republic to infer how much she was the parent state’s
superior. There are writers enough in the United States, honest and
otherwise, who preach that kind of doctrine. But the good Irving, the
peaceful, the friendly, had no place for bitterness in his heart, and no
scheme but kindness. Received in England with extraordinary
tenderness and friendship (Scott, Southey, Byron, a hundred others
have borne witness to their liking for him), he was a messenger of
goodwill and peace between his country and ours. “See, friends!” he
seems to say, “these English are not so wicked, rapacious, callous,
proud, as you have been taught to believe them. I went amongst
them a humble man; won my way by my pen; and, when known,
found every hand held out to me with kindliness and welcome. Scott
is a great man, you acknowledge. Did not Scott’s king of England
give a gold medal to him, and another to me, your countryman, and
a stranger?”
Tradition in the United States still fondly retains the history of the
feasts and rejoicings which awaited Irving on his return to his native
country from Europe. He had a national welcome; he stammered in
his speeches, hid himself in confusion, and the people loved him all
the better. He had worthily represented America in Europe. In that
young community a man who brings home with him abundant
European testimonials is still treated with respect (I have found
American writers of wide-world reputation, strangely solicitous about
the opinions of quite obscure British critics, and elated or depressed
by their judgments); and Irving went home medalled by the king,
diplomatized by the university, crowned, and honoured and admired.
He had not in any way intrigued for his honours, he had fairly won
them; and, in Irving’s instance, as in others, the old country was glad
and eager to pay them.
In America the love and regard for Irving was a national
sentiment. Party wars are perpetually raging there, and are carried
on by the press with a rancour and fierceness against individuals
which exceed British, almost Irish, virulence. It seemed to me, during
a year’s travel in the country, as if no one ever aimed a blow at
Irving. All men held their hand from that harmless, friendly
peacemaker. I had the good fortune to see him at New York,
2
Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington, and remarked how in
every place he was honoured and welcome. Every large city has its
“Irving House.” The country takes pride in the fame of its men of
letters. The gate of his own charming little domain on the beautiful
Hudson River was for ever swinging before visitors who came to
3
him. He shut out no one. I had seen many pictures of his house,
and read descriptions of it, in both of which it was treated with a not
unusual American exaggeration. It was but a pretty little cabin of a
place; the gentleman of the press who took notes of the place, whilst
his kind old host was sleeping, might have visited the whole house in
a couple of minutes.
And how came it that this house was so small, when Mr. Irving’s
books were sold by hundreds of thousands, nay, millions, when his
profits were known to be large, and the habits of life of the good old
bachelor were notoriously modest and simple? He had loved once in
his life. The lady he loved died; and he, whom all the world loved,
never sought to replace her. I can’t say how much the thought of that
fidelity has touched me. Does not the very cheerfulness of his after
life add to the pathos of that untold story? To grieve always was not
in his nature; or, when he had his sorrow, to bring all the world in to
condole with him and bemoan it. Deep and quiet he lays the love of
his heart, and buries it; and grass and flowers grow over the scarred
ground in due time.
Irving had such a small house and such narrow rooms, because
there was a great number of people to occupy them. He could only
afford to keep one old horse (which, lazy and aged as it was,
managed once or twice to run away with that careless old
horseman). He could only afford to give plain sherry to that amiable
British paragraph-monger from New York, who saw the patriarch
asleep over his modest, blameless cup, and fetched the public into
his private chamber to look at him. Irving could only live very
modestly, because the wifeless, childless man had a number of
children to whom he was as a father. He had as many as nine
nieces, I am told—I saw two of these ladies at his house—with all of
whom the dear old man had shared the produce of his labour and
genius.
“Be a good man, my dear.” One can’t but think of these last
words of the veteran Chief of Letters, who had tasted and tested the
value of worldly success, admiration, prosperity. Was Irving not
good, and, of his works, was not his life the best part? In his family,
gentle, generous, good-humoured, affectionate, self-denying: in
society, a delightful example of complete gentlemanhood; quite
unspoiled by prosperity; never obsequious to the great (or, worse
still, to the base and mean, as some public men are forced to be in
his and other countries); eager to acknowledge every
contemporary’s merit; always kind and affable with the young
members of his calling; in his professional bargains and mercantile
dealings delicately honest and grateful; one of the most charming
masters of our lighter language; the constant friend to us and our
nation; to men of letters doubly dear, not for his wit and genius
merely, but as an exemplar of goodness, probity, and pure life:—I
don’t know what sort of testimonial will be raised to him in his own
country, where generous and enthusiastic acknowledgment of
American merit is never wanting: but Irving was in our service as well
as theirs; and as they have placed a stone at Greenwich yonder in
memory of that gallant young Bellot, who shared the perils and fate
of some of our Arctic seamen, I would like to hear of some memorial
raised by English writers and friends of letters in affectionate
remembrance of the dear and good Washington Irving.
As for the other writer, whose departure many friends, some few
most dearly-loved relatives, and multitudes of admiring readers
deplore, our republic has already decreed his statue, and he must
have known that he had earned this posthumous honour. He is not a
poet and man of letters merely, but citizen, statesman, a great British
worthy. Almost from the first moment when he appears, amongst
boys, amongst college students, amongst men, he is marked, and
takes rank as a great Englishman. All sorts of successes are easy to
him: as a lad he goes down into the arena with others, and wins all
the prizes to which he has a mind. A place in the senate is
straightway offered to the young man. He takes his seat there; he
speaks, when so minded, without party anger or intrigue, but not
without party faith and a sort of heroic enthusiasm for his cause. Still
he is poet and philosopher even more than orator. That he may have
leisure and means to pursue his darling studies, he absents himself
for a while, and accepts a richly-remunerated post in the East. As
learned a man may live in a cottage or a college common-room; but
it always seemed to me that ample means and recognized rank were
Macaulay’s as of right. Years ago there was a wretched outcry raised
because Mr. Macaulay dated a letter from Windsor Castle, where he
was staying. Immortal gods! Was this man not a fit guest for any
palace in the world? or a fit companion for any man or woman in it? I
daresay, after Austerlitz, the old K. K. court officials and footmen
sneered at Napoleon for dating from Schönbrunn. But that miserable
“Windsor Castle” outcry is an echo out of fast-retreating old-world
remembrances. The place of such a natural chief was amongst the
first of the land; and that country is best, according to our British
notion, at least, where the man of eminence has the best chance of
investing his genius and intellect.
If a company of giants were got together, very likely one or two
of the mere six-feet-six people might be angry at the incontestable
superiority of the very tallest of the party: and so I have heard some
London wits, rather peevish at Macaulay’s superiority, complain that
he occupied too much of the talk, and so forth. Now that wonderful
tongue is to speak no more, will not many a man grieve that he no
longer has the chance to listen? To remember the talk is to wonder:
to think not only of the treasures he had in his memory, but of the
trifles he had stored there, and could produce with equal readiness.
Almost on the last day I had the fortune to see him, a conversation
happened suddenly to spring up about senior wranglers, and what
they had done in after life. To the almost terror of the persons
present, Macaulay began with the senior wrangler of 1801–2–3–4,
and so on, giving the name of each, and relating his subsequent
career and rise. Every man who has known him has his story
regarding that astonishing memory. It may be he was not ill-pleased
that you should recognize it; but to those prodigious intellectual
feats, which were so easy to him, who would grudge his tribute of
homage? His talk was, in a word, admirable, and we admired it.
Of the notices which have appeared regarding Lord Macaulay,
up to the day when the present lines are written (the 9th of January),
the reader should not deny himself the pleasure of looking especially
at two. It is a good sign of the times when such articles as these (I
mean the articles in The Times and Saturday Review) appear in our
public prints about our public men. They educate us, as it were, to
admire rightly. An uninstructed person in a museum or at a concert
may pass by without recognizing a picture or a passage of music,
which the connoisseur by his side may show him is a masterpiece of
harmony, or a wonder of artistic skill. After reading these papers you
like and respect more the person you have admired so much
already. And so with regard to Macaulay’s style there may be faults
of course—what critic can’t point them out? But for the nonce we are
not talking about faults: we want to say nil nisi bonum. Well—take at
hazard any three pages of the Essays or History;—and, glimmering
below the stream of the narrative, as it were, you, an average reader,
see one, two, three, a half-score of allusions to other historic facts,
characters, literature, poetry, with which you are acquainted. Why is
this epithet used? Whence is that simile drawn? How does he
manage, in two or three words, to paint an individual, or to indicate a
landscape? Your neighbour, who has his reading, and his little stock
of literature stowed away in his mind, shall detect more points,
allusions, happy touches, indicating not only the prodigious memory
and vast learning of this master, but the wonderful industry, the
honest, humble previous toil of this great scholar. He reads twenty
books to write a sentence; he travels a hundred miles to make a line
of description.
 Many Londoners—not all—have seen the British Museum
Library. I speak à cœur ouvert, and pray the kindly reader to bear
with me. I have seen all sorts of domes of Peters and Pauls, Sophia,
Pantheon,—what not?—and have been struck by none of them so
much as by that catholic dome in Bloomsbury, under which our
million volumes are housed. What peace, what love, what truth, what
beauty, what happiness for all, what generous kindness for you and
me, are here spread out! It seems to me one cannot sit down in that
place without a heart full of grateful reverence. I own to have said my
grace at the table, and to have thanked heaven for this my English
birthright, freely to partake of these bountiful books, and to speak the
truth I find there. Under the dome which held Macaulay’s brain, and
from which his solemn eyes looked out on the world but a fortnight
since, what a vast, brilliant, and wonderful store of learning was
ranged! what strange lore would he not fetch for you at your bidding!
A volume of law, or history, a book of poetry familiar or forgotten
(except by himself who forgot nothing), a novel ever so old, and he
had it at hand. I spoke to him once about Clarissa. “Not read
Clarissa!” he cried out. “If you have once thoroughly entered on
Clarissa, and are infected by it, you can’t leave it. When I was in
India, I passed one hot season at the hills, and there were the
governor-general, and the secretary of government, and the
commander-in chief, and their wives. I had Clarissa with me: and, as
soon as they began to read, the whole station was in a passion of
excitement about Miss Harlowe and her misfortunes, and her
scoundrelly Lovelace! The governor’s wife seized the book, and the
secretary waited for it, and the chief justice could not read it for
tears!” He acted the whole scene: he paced up and down the
Athenæum library: I daresay he could have spoken pages of the
book—of that book, and of what countless piles of others!
In this little paper let us keep to the text of nil nisi bonum. One
paper I have read regarding Lord Macaulay says “he had no heart.”
Why, a man’s books may not always speak the truth, but they speak
his mind in spite of himself: and it seems to me this man’s heart is
beating through every page he penned. He is always in a storm of
revolt and indignation against wrong, craft, tyranny. How he cheers
heroic resistance; how he backs and applauds freedom struggling for
its own; how he hates scoundrels, ever so victorious and successful;
how he recognizes genius, though selfish villains possess it! The
critic who says Macaulay had no heart, might say that Johnson had
none: and two men more generous, and more loving, and more
hating, and more partial, and more noble, do not live in our history.
The writer who said that Lord Macaulay had no heart could not
know him. Press writers should read a man well, and all over, and
again; and hesitate, at least, before they speak of those αἰδοἴα.
Those who knew Lord Macaulay knew how admirably tender, and
4
generous, and affectionate he was. It was not his business to bring
his family before the theatre footlights, and call for bouquets from the
gallery as he wept over them.
If any young man of letters reads this little sermon—and to him,
indeed, it is addressed—I would say to him, “Bear Scott’s words in
your mind, and ‘be good, my dear.’” Here are two literary men gone
to their account, and, laus Deo, as far as we know, it is fair, and
open, and clean. Here is no need of apologies for shortcomings, or
explanations of vices which would have been virtues but for
unavoidable &c. Here are two examples of men most differently
gifted: each pursuing his calling; each speaking his truth as God
bade him; each honest in his life; just and irreproachable in his
dealings; dear to his friends; honoured by his country; beloved at his
fireside. It has been the fortunate lot of both to give uncountable
happiness and delight to the world, which thanks them in return with
an immense kindliness, respect, affection. It may not be our chance,
brother scribe, to be endowed with such merit, or rewarded with such
fame. But the rewards of these men are rewards paid to our service.
We may not win the baton or epaulettes; but God give us strength to
guard the honour of the flag!

FOOTNOTES:
1
See his Life in the most remarkable Dictionary of
Authors, published lately at Philadelphia, by Mr.
Alibone.
2
At Washington, Mr. Irving came to a lecture given by the
writer, which Mr. Filmore and General Pierce, the
president and president elect, were also kind enough to
attend together. “Two Kings of Brentford smelling at one
rose,” says Irving, looking up with his good-humoured
smile.
3
Mr. Irving described to me, with that humour and good
humour which he always kept, how, amongst other
visitors, a member of the British press who had carried
his distinguished pen to America (where he employed it
in vilifying his own country) came to Sunnyside,
introduced himself to Irving, partook of his wine and
luncheon, and in two days described Mr. Irving, his
house, his nieces, his meal, and his manner of dozing
afterwards, in a New York paper. On another occasion,
Irving said, laughing: “Two persons came to me, and
one held me in conversation whilst the other miscreant
took my portrait!”
4
Since the above was written, I have been informed that
it has been found, on examining Lord Macaulay’s
papers, that he was in the habit of giving away more
than a fourth part of his annual income.
 Invasion Panics.
When, about the year 1899, Field-marshal Dowbiggin, full of years
and honours, shall edit, with copious notes, the Private
Correspondence of his kinsman, Queen Victoria’s celebrated War
Minister during England’s bloody struggle with Russia in 1854–5, the
grandchildren of the present generation may probably learn a good
deal more respecting the real causes of the failures and
shortcomings of that “horrible and heartrending” period than we, their
grandfathers, are likely to know on this side our graves.
And when some future Earl of Pembroke shall devote his
splendid leisure, under the cedar groves of Wilton, to preparing for
the information of the twentieth century the memoirs of his great
ancestor, Mr. Secretary Herbert, posterity will then run some chance
of discovering—what is kept a close secret from the public just now
—whether any domestic causes exist to justify the invasion-panic
under which the nation has recently been shivering.
The insular position of England, her lofty cliffs, her stormy seas,
her winter fogs, fortify her with everlasting fortifications, as no other
European power is fortified. She is rich, she is populous, she
contains within herself an abundance of coal, iron, timber, and
almost all other munitions of war; railways intersect and encircle her
on all sides; in patriotism, in loyalty, in manliness, in intelligence, her
sons yield to no other race of men. Blest with all these advantages,
she ought, of all the nations of Europe, to be the last to fear, the
readiest to repel invasion; yet, strange to say, of all the nations of
Europe, England appears to apprehend invasion most!
There must be some good and sufficient reason for this
extraordinary state of things. Many reasons are daily assigned for it,
all differing from each other, all in turn disputed and denied by those
who know the real reason best.
 The statesman and the soldier declare that the fault lies with
parliament and the people. They complain that parliament is
niggardly in placing sufficient means at the disposal of the executive,
and that the people are distrustful and over-inquisitive as to their
application; ever too ready to attribute evil motives and incapacity to
those set in authority over them. Parliament and the people, on the
other hand, reply, that ample means are yearly allotted for the
defence of the country, and that more would readily be forthcoming,
had they reason to suppose that what has already been spent, has
been well spent; their Humes and their Brights loudly and harshly
denounce the nepotism, the incapacity, and the greed, which,
according to them, disgrace the governing classes, and waste and
weaken the resources of the land. And so the painful squabble
ferments—no probable end to it being in view. Indeed, the public are
permitted to know so little of the conduct of their most important
affairs—silence is so strictly enjoined to the men at the helm—that
the most carefully prepared indictment against an official delinquent
is invariably evaded by the introduction of some new feature into his
case, hitherto unknown to any but his brother officials, which at once
casts upon the assailant the stigma of having arraigned a public
servant on incomplete information, and puts him out of court.
But if, in this the year of our Lord 1860, we have no means of
discovering why millions of strong, brave, well-armed Englishmen
should be so moved at the prospect of a possible attack from twenty
or thirty thousand French, we have recently been placed in
possession of the means of ascertaining why, some sixty years ago,
this powerful nation was afflicted with a similar fit of timidity.
The first American war had then just ended—not gloriously for
the British arms. Lord Amherst, the commander-in-chief at home,
had been compelled by his age and infirmities to retire from office,
having, it was said, been indulgently permitted by his royal master to
retain it longer than had been good for the credit and discipline of the
service. The Duke of York, an enthusiastic and practical soldier, in
the prime of life, fresh from an active command in Flanders, had
succeeded him. In that day there were few open-mouthed and vulgar
demagogues to carp at the public expenditure and to revile the
privileged classes; and the few that there were had a very bad time
of it. Public money was sown broadcast, both at home and abroad,
with a reckless hand; regulars, militia, yeomanry, and volunteers,
fearfully and wonderfully attired, bristled in thousands wherever a
landing was conceived possible; and, best of all, that noble school of
Great British seamen, which had reared us a Nelson, had reared us
many other valiant guardians of our shores scarcely less worthy than
he. But in spite of her Yorks and her Nelsons, England felt uneasy
and unsafe. Confident in her navy, she had little confidence in her
army, which at that time was entirely and absolutely in the hands and
under the management of the court; parliament and the people being
only permitted to pay for it.
Yet the royal commander-in-chief was declared by the general
officers most in favour at court to know his business well, and to be
carrying vigorously into effect the necessary reforms suggested by
our American mishaps; his personal acquaintance with the officers of
the army was said to have enabled him to form his military family of
5
the most capable men in the service; his exalted position, and his
enormous income, were supposed to place him above the
temptation of jobbing: in short, the Duke of York was universally held
up to the nation by his military friends—and a royal commander-in-
chief has many and warm military friends—as the regenerator of the
British army, which just then happened to be sadly in need of
regeneration.
A work has recently been published which tells us very plainly
now many things which it would have been treasonable even to
suspect sixty years ago. It is entitled The Cornwallis
Correspondence, and contains the private papers and letters of the
first Marquis Cornwallis, one of the foremost Englishmen of his time.
Bred a soldier, he served with distinction in Germany and in America.
He then proceeded to India in the double capacity of governor-
general and commander-in-chief. On his return from that service he
filled for some years the post of master-general of the Ordnance,
refused a seat in the Cabinet, offered him by Mr. Pitt; and, although
again named governor-general of India, on the breaking out of the
Irish rebellion of 1798 was hurried to Dublin as lord-lieutenant and
commander-in-chief. He was subsequently employed to negotiate
the peace of Amiens, and, in 1805, died at Ghazeepore, in India,
having been appointed its governor-general for the third time.
From the correspondence of this distinguished statesman and
soldier, we may now ascertain whether, sixty years ago, the people
of England had or had not good grounds for dreading invasion by the
French, and whether the governing classes or the governed were
most in fault on that occasion for the doubtful condition of their native
land.
George the Third was verging upon insanity. So detested and
despised was the Prince of Wales, his successor, that those who
directed his Majesty’s councils, as well as the people at large, clung
eagerly to the hopes of the king’s welfare; trusting that the evil days
of a regency might be postponed. And it would seem from the
Cornwallis Correspondence, that the English were just in their
estimation of that bad man. H. R. H. having quarrelled shamefully
with his parents, and with Pitt, had thrown himself into the hands of
the Opposition, and appears to have corresponded occasionally with
Cornwallis, who had two votes at his command in the Commons,
during that nobleman’s first Indian administration. In 1790, Lord
Cornwallis, writing to his brother, the Bishop of Lichfield and
Coventry, says: “You tell me that I am accused of being remiss in my
correspondence with a certain great personage. Nothing can be
more false, for I have answered every letter from him by the first ship
that sailed from hence after I received it. The style of them, although
personally kind to excess, has not been very agreeable to me, as
they have always pressed upon me some infamous and unjustifiable
job, which I have uniformly been obliged to refuse, and contained
much gross and false abuse of Mr. Pitt, and improper charges
against other and greater personages, about whom, to me at least,
6
he ought to be silent.”
The intimacy which had existed from boyhood between General
Richard Grenville, military tutor to the Duke of York, and Lord
Cornwallis, and the correspondence which took place between them,
to which we have now access, afford ample means of judging of the