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Business Communication Process and

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Name: Class: Date:

Chapter 08: Positive Messages


1. What is the most accurate statement about writing skills and social media?
a. Social media is seldom used in business, so writing for social media is not important
b. When writing for social media, correct grammar and spelling is not important
c. Because of social media, your writing skills will be on display; and the quality of your writing can affect your
career.
d. Writing for social media is completely different from writing traditional business documents.
ANSWER: c

2. The majority of your writing on the job will involve


a. negative messages.
b. routine, positive messages.
c. persuasive messages.
d. entertaining messages.
ANSWER: b

3. Of the following questions, what one should you ask yourself first as you begin to prepare a message?
a. What channel should I use?
b. How can I impress my reader?
c. Do I really need to write this e-mail, memo, or letter?
d. How can I save my reader's time?
ANSWER: c

4. William has decided to write a letter to a local law firm to ask about summer internship opportunities. What should he
do first?
a. Prepare the rough draft.
b. Look up the company's address.
c. Decide how he will encourage feedback.
d. Analyze the purpose of the letter and the reader.
ANSWER: d

5. A phone call or face-to-face visit is a better channel choice than e-mail when you need to
a. convey enthusiasm, warmth, or another emotion.
b. smooth over disagreements.
c. supply a context.
d. All of these choices.
ANSWER: d

6. A business letter is a better channel choice than e-mail


a. when the matter requires confidentiality.
b. when you want to be informal.
c. when time is of the essence.
d. never. Business letters are obsolete.
ANSWER: a

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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


7. For which of the following situations would a business letter be more appropriate than an e-mail message?
a. Requesting information about a product
b. Replying to a customer's e-mail asking about available shipping methods
c. Thanking your boss for a birthday gift she gave you
d. Telling all employees how to purchase parking permits
ANSWER: c

8. Allison is in Phase 1 of the writing process and is trying to decide how she can save her reader’s time by making her
message easier to comprehend at a glance. What can she do?
a. Use bullets, asterisks, and lists.
b. Use white space.
c. Use headings.
d. Allison can do all of these to save her reader’s time.
ANSWER: d

9. What is the least accurate statement about business letters in today’s digital age?
a. In certain situations letters are still the preferred channel of communication for delivering messages inside an
organization.
b. Businesses continue to give letters to customers a high priority because these messages encourage product
feedback, project a favorable image of the organization, and promote future business.
c. Business letters are less likely than electronic media to be intercepted, misdirected, forwarded, retrieved, or
otherwise inspected by unintended recipients.
d. Business letters presented on company stationery carry a sense of formality and importance not possible with
e-mail.
ANSWER: a

10. Vanessa is about to begin the second phase of the 3-x-3 writing process as she works on a letter to her clients. What
will she do first in this phase?
a. Analyze the purpose of her letter.
b. Collect any necessary information.
c. Proofread her first draft.
d. Compose the first draft of the letter.
ANSWER: b

11. Stephen is working on a business letter and is in the third phase of the 3-x-3 writing process. He has already edited his
letter for clarity and has proofread the letter for correctness. What work remains for Stephen in this phase?
a. Decide on the letter's organization.
b. Prepare an outline to help him organize his letter.
c. Evaluate the effectiveness of the letter from the reader's standpoint.
d. Check for typos.
ANSWER: c

12. Caroline needs information from a coworker in another office about an upcoming sales promotion. What is the best
communication channel for Caroline to use to request this information?
a. E-mail, text, or IM
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


b. Fax
c. Bound report
d. Letter
ANSWER: a

13. James received a letter from a customer asking about his company’s accounting services. How should James reply to
the customer?
a. E-mail or IM
b. Text message
c. Bound report
d. Letter
ANSWER: d

14. Diana is in charge of telling employees about a new procedure for submitting expense claims. Many of her employees
do not have access to company e-mail. What communication channel should she use?
a. Text message
b. Memo
c. Bound report
d. Letter
ANSWER: b

15. Routine request and response messages should be written using


a. the indirect strategy.
b. persuasive techniques.
c. the direct strategy.
d. pretty, scented stationery.
ANSWER: c

16. The most emphatic positions in a message are the


a. opening and body.
b. body and closing.
c. body and attachments.
d. opening and closing.
ANSWER: d

17. Kevin is writing a routine e-mail request. The main idea or purpose of his message should be placed in
a. the body.
b. the opening.
c. an attachment.
d. the closing.
ANSWER: b

18. The first sentence of an information request is usually a(n) __________ or a polite command.
a. question
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


b. explanation
c. justification
d. friendly greeting
ANSWER: a

19. Which of the following is the best example of placing the most important information first in a routine information
request message?
a. I am writing this e-mail message to ask for information about some of your products.
b. Our manager recently gave his staff approval to purchase new office printers.
c. Hi, my name is Charlie Shi, and I have been asked to write to you directly.
d. Please answer the following questions about your office printers.
ANSWER: d

20. The best business writers do what in the opening paragraph of a routine request message?
a. Identify themselves by name and title.
b. State immediately why they are writing.
c. Tell a story about the background of the situation.
d. Greet the reader warmly by asking how he or she is doing.
ANSWER: b

21. Which of the following is a command disguised as a polite request?


a. I need your sales data by tomorrow.
b. Will you please send my order by USPS Priority Mail.
c. Can you meet this month's deadline?
d. Did you bring a copy of the report to today's meeting?
ANSWER: b

22. Gianna is writing an e-mail message to a company to ask about its software for removing malware (malicious
software) from her company's network. Which is the best opening statement for her message?
a. I read about your new malware removal program on TechnologyReview.com.
b. Our company has recently become the victim of malware, and I have been assigned to do something about it.
c. Please answer the following questions about your new malware removal program.
d. I am hoping you will be able to provide more information about one of your new products.
ANSWER: c

23. The body of a routine message that requests information or action should
a. present details that explain your request.
b. request action from the reader.
c. give any deadline dates.
d. reveal for the first time why you are writing.
ANSWER: a

24. What is the best advice for writing the body of a routine request message?
a. Avoid using graphic devices such as lists or headings because they might confuse the reader.
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


b. Remember that the quality of the information obtained from the request depends on the clarity of your inquiry.
c. Make sure that the body is no longer than one paragraph.
d. Use the reader's name several times in the body to personalize your message.
ANSWER: b

25. You must ask a series of questions in a routine request e-mail message. What is the best way to present these
questions?
a. In a paragraph in the body of your message
b. In a separate attached document
c. In a bulleted or numbered list in the body of your message
d. In the closing paragraph of your message so that they're not overlooked
ANSWER: c

26. Where should deadlines and action information be placed in a routine request message?
a. In the introduction
b. In the body
c. In the closing
d. In a P.S. to the message
ANSWER: c

27. Which of the following is the best closing sentence for a message requesting information?
a. Thank you in advance for your cooperation.
b. Your answers to these questions by April 30 will help us decide which product to purchase.
c. Thank you.
d. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to call me.
ANSWER: b

28. Daniel is writing an e-mail message asking for information and wants to show appreciation to his reader in the closing.
Which of the following statements best shows his appreciation?
a. Thank you for your cooperation.
b. I appreciate this information because it will allow me to make an effective decision about which plan to
choose.
c. Thank you in advance for all you have done for me.
d. Thank you.
ANSWER: b

29. Where should you place the main idea in a business letter?
a. An attachment
b. The signature lines
c. The first sentence
d. The body
ANSWER: c

30. Which of the following is the most effective subject line for a routine response message?
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


a. This is a reply to your April 16 e-mail message.
b. Reply to Your E-Mail Message
c. Your June 5 Inquiry About Barcelona Travel Packages
d. URGENT!!
ANSWER: c

31. Which of the following is the best opening sentence for a direct response message?
a. Here are the answers to the questions you asked about our banquet facilities.
b. Thank you for your e-mail message of March 25.
c. We look forward to helping you with all of your banquet needs.
d. Your e-mail of March 25 was forwarded to me.
ANSWER: a

32. What is the least accurate statement about routine response messages?
a. A reply message written on company stationery or sent using a company e-mail address is a legally binding
contract.
b. In addition to supplying answers, a response message should promote your organization and its products.
c. Routine response messages generally use the indirect organizational pattern.
d. Use the subject line of a routine response message to refer to an earlier correspondence so that you can omit
this reference in the opening of your letter.
ANSWER: c

33. Which of the following is the best closing sentence for direct response message?
a. If I may be of further assistance, please don’t hesitate to contact me.
b. Thanks!
c. Once you’ve read these answers to your questions, please contact us for an on-site consultation.
d. We hope that we may be of service to you.
ANSWER: c

34. A disgruntled client has begun leaving negative comments about your firm on its Facebook page. What should you do
first?
a. Ignore the comments.
b. Determine whether the comments violate your established social media comment policy.
c. Delete the comments immediately.
d. File a lawsuit against the client.
ANSWER: a

35. Your firm’s policy is to respond to some of the comments your customers make on Facebook and Twitter. What
should you do when responding to these comments?
a. Use a friendly, upbeat, professional tone.
b. Try to place the blame on others, such as your competitors.
c. Never admit mistakes because doing so could make your company look incompetent.
d. You should do all of these when responding.
ANSWER: a
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages

36. Instruction messages are used to


a. establish rules of conduct to be followed within an organization.
b. explain clearly how to complete a task.
c. entertain customers by being witty and clever.
d. All these choices.
ANSWER: b

37. Instruction messages should be written


a. using a straightforward, direct approach.
b. using an indirect approach.
c. persuasively.
d. with a focus on humor and entertainment.
ANSWER: a

38. Messages explaining instructions will be most readable if you


a. divide the instructions into steps and list the steps in the order in which they are to be performed.
b. arrange the steps vertically using numbers.
c. begin each step with an action verb using the imperative (command) mood rather than the indicative mood.
d. All these choices
ANSWER: d

39. Which of the following instructions is in the imperative (command) mood?


a. Your report should be submitted by Friday.
b. The fourth step involves rebooting your computer.
c. Sign and date the agreement.
d. All of these choices are in the imperative mood.
ANSWER: c

40. What should you do in the closing of an instruction message?


a. Beg the reader to follow the instructions carefully.
b. Try to tie following the instructions to benefits to the organization or individual.
c. Warn the reader about what the punishment will be for not following the instructions.
d. You should do all of these in the closing of an instruction message.
ANSWER: b

41. What is the most accurate statement about direct claim and complaint messages?
a. Straightforward claims are those in which persuasion will be necessary to convince the reader that your claim
is valid.
b. If you have a complaint, you’ll get the best results if you vent your complaint online using social media such
as Facebook and Twitter.
c. Letters establish a record of what happened more convincingly than other communication channels.
d. All of the above statements are accurate.
ANSWER: c
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages

42. Which of the following statements about direct claims is most accurate?
a. Written claims are taken more seriously than claims made by phone or e-mail.
b. Straightforward claims use the indirect approach.
c. When you have a straightforward claim, your first step should always be to write a claim letter.
d. Companies of all sizes today employ social media specialists who monitor and respond to online comments
and complaints.
ANSWER: a

43. Yolanda booked a hotel through an online booking site. Her accommodations were not as the website described.
Although she stayed in the hotel, she was dissatisfied and believes that the booking site is at fault. The best way for
Yolanda to communicate her unhappiness with the accommodations would be to
a. write a memo to someone in charge at the website where she booked her hotel.
b. send an e-mail message to someone in charge at the website where she booked her hotel.
c. place negative comments about the booking site on as many social media sites as possible.
d. write a letter to someone in charge at the website where she booked her hotel.
ANSWER: d

44. Which of the following is the best example of a situation justifying a straightforward claim?
a. The transmission in your car gave out within the warranty period.
b. A shipment arrived two weeks after it was promised.
c. Your credit card was billed twice for a purchase you made.
d. All of these choices are examples of direct claims.
ANSWER: d

45. The opening of a direct claim letter should


a. explain the problem in detail and justify your request.
b. use an angry tone to show the reader that you are serious.
c. open with a clear statement of the problem or with the action you want the receiver to take.
d. remain vague to allow the reader to decide on a remedy for the problem.
ANSWER: c

46. Which of the following is the best opening for a straightforward claim letter?
a. I have been a loyal customer of Bennigan’s for many years.
b. Please credit my Visa account for $36, the amount I was overcharged on November 8.
c. I was extremely disappointed to be overcharged on my dinner bill.
d. All of these choices are effective openings for a routine claim letter.
ANSWER: b

47. What should you do in the body of a direct claim letter?


a. Mention that you have enclosed copies of all pertinent documents.
b. Show that you are angry about the situation so that you will be taken seriously.
c. Mention the name of the person who is to blame for the problem.
d. All of these choices should be included in the body of a straightforward claim letter.

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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


ANSWER: a

48. Which of the following is the best closing for a straightforward claim letter?
a. Thank you in advance for your consideration in this matter.
b. Please credit $36 to my account by December 31, when my next billing cycle begins.
c. If I don't get a refund by December 31, I will contact my attorney.
d. I look forward to having this adjustment made as soon as possible.
ANSWER: b

49. What is the least accurate statement about posting complaints online?
a. If you want a company to pay attention to your complaint, post it online.
b. Social media posts can make complainers seem irrational.
c. Anonymous complaints made online can be tracked to the writer.
d. You can be sued for negative comments you make online.
ANSWER: a

50. A colleague has decided to write a negative online review of a restaurant she recently visited and has asked for your
advice. What is the best advice you can give her?
a. Make the review as long as possible so that you can include many details about the restaurant.
b. To be safe and to protect your privacy, leave the comment anonymously.
c. Include positives as well as negatives in the review.
d. Even if the restaurant contacts you to correct the problem, leave the original message posted as is.
ANSWER: c

51. Which of the following is not a goal in writing adjustment messages?


a. To rectify a wrong, if one exists
b. To regain the confidence of the customer
c. To avoid future correspondence with the customer
d. To promote future business
ANSWER: c

52. Which of the following is the best opening for an adjustment message?
a. We appreciate your message of November 17 wherein you let us know what happened while dining with us last
month.
b. We have credited your account for $36 to refund your dining bill.
c. We are so sorry that you had a bad experience while dining with us last month.
d. Although we generally don't offer refunds, we're willing to make an exception in this case.
ANSWER: b

53. What should you do in the body of an adjustment letter?


a. Explain who specifically is to blame for the problem.
b. Explain how you are complying with the claim.
c. Promise the customer that the problem will never happen again.
d. Apologize profusely.
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


ANSWER: b

54. What is the most accurate statement about apologizing in an adjustment message?
a. If you apologize, use a standard phrase such as We apologize for any inconvenience we may have caused.
b. Apologies should be avoided because they are counterproductive.
c. People like to hear apologies. It raises their self-esteem, shows the humility of the writer, and acts as a form of
“psychological compensation.”
d. Never apologize in an adjustment message because doing so will set you up for a lawsuit.
ANSWER: c

55. Which of the following is the best closing for an adjustment message?
a. We apologize for any inconvenience this has caused.
b. We are deeply sorry for this unfortunate event.
c. We hope that this refund check proves our commitment to providing excellent customer service.
d. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to call.
ANSWER: c

56. What is the most accurate statement about goodwill messages?


a. Goodwill messages are obsolete in today's fast-paced society.
b. You'll make a better impression by giving a ready-made card or calling the person than by writing your own
message.
c. Written goodwill messages give more importance to our well-wishing and provide a record that can be reread,
savored, and treasured.
d. Most communicators find it easier to write goodwill messages than other types of business documents.
ANSWER: c

57. The best goodwill messages concentrate on the five Ss. Which of the following is not one of the five Ss?
a. Specific
b. Savvy
c. Spontaneous
d. Short
ANSWER: b

58. Which of the following is the best statement to include in a goodwill message?
a. You must be so excited. I remember how I felt when I finally earned my master's degree.
b. Thank you for the wonderful birthday gift.
c. Good luck in the future.
d. We are so sorry, Marti, to learn of the loss of your husband Rich.
ANSWER: d

59. When should you send a thank-you note?


a. When someone gives you a gift
b. When someone does a favor for you
c. When you have been someone's guest

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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


d. You should write a thank-you note for all these situations.
ANSWER: d

60. What is the most accurate statement about sending goodwill messages e via e-mail?
a. In today’s digital age, all goodwill messages should be sent via e-mail..
b. If you frequently communicate with the receiver by e-mail and if you are sure your note will not get lost, then
sending an e-mail goodwill message is acceptable.
c. Although other goodwill messages can be sent via e-mail, sympathy messages should never be sent this way.
d. You should never send goodwill messages via e-mail.
ANSWER: b

61. In the workplace, most messages are positive or neutral and, therefore, direct.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

62. As you prepare to write a business message, you should first ask, "What communication channel should I use?"
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

63. Business letters are preferred over e-mail when a permanent record is required, when a message is confidential, and
when formality is necessary.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

64. In today’s digital age, business letters have become obsolete.


a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

65. Most routine request and response messages should be organized using the indirect strategy.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

66. Our company will be holding an employee retreat early next year is an example of putting the most important
information in the beginning of a message to a hotel requesting information about accommodations.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

67. Action information, including deadline dates, should be placed in the body of a routine request message.
a. True
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


b. False
ANSWER: False

68. Thank you in advance for your cooperation is an effective and professional way to show appreciation in a request
letter.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

69. An effective opener for a message replying to a customer's request might be Yes, our retreat facilities, which can
accommodate 126 people, are available on March 9-12, 2015.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

70. If you have any further questions, please do not hesitate to call is an effective and professional way to end a routine
response message.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

71. Companies should respond to every comment left by customers on social media sites.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

72. Pull the red lever is an example of an instruction in the imperative mood.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

73. Instructions will be most readable if the steps are presented in a numbered vertical list.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

74. Straightforward, direct claims are those to which you expect the receiver to agree readily.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

75. Phone calls and e-mail messages are usually taken more seriously than a written claim letter.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages

76. Showing that you are angry is an effective technique for getting a claim granted because it shows the intensity of your
emotions.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

77. Delay in writing a claim letter makes the claim appear less important to the receiver.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

78. If you have a complaint against a company, you should begin by posting your comments online on various social
media sites.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

79. When writing a positive review of a company or product, it’s best to include suggestions for improvement.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

80. An adjustment message granting a claim should be arranged using the direct pattern.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

81. Very few businesses make adjustments promptly.


a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

82. A statement such as Even though we normally don't repair printers that have been mishandled by their owners, we
have decided to repair your printer this one time only is an effective way to grant a customer's claim because it shows
generosity.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

83. We apologize for any inconvenience this may have caused is a professional, sincere way to apologize in an adjustment
message.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


84. Avoid using words such as regret, inconvenience, and misunderstanding in adjustment message messages.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

85. Goodwill messages⎯such as thank-you notes and condolence messages⎯are often more difficult to write than other
types of routine business documents.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

86. Oral messages are usually more expressive and more meaningful to receivers than written goodwill messages.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

87. Goodwill messages should use phrases such as Thank you from the bottom of my heart or It gives me great pleasure to
extend my congratulations.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

88. An effective way to begin a thank-you message is Thanks, Lyndsay, for hosting our class last Friday evening at your
lovely home.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True

89. It’s not necessary to respond when you receive a written congratulatory note.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

90. Because sympathy notes can be difficult to write, you should always purchase a commercial, preprinted sympathy
card to make the best impression.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False

91. ___________, positive messages are those that communicate straightforward requests, replies, and goodwill.
ANSWER: Routine

92. Business ____________________ are important when a permanent record is required, when a message is confidential,
and when formality is necessary.
ANSWER: letters

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93. When you write messages that request information or action and think your request will be received positively, use the
____________________ organizational strategy.
ANSWER: direct

94. The most emphatic positions in a message are the opening and ___________.
ANSWER: closing

95. You should provide necessary details in the _________ of a message that requests information or action.
ANSWER: body

96. Action information and deadlines belong in the ____________________ of a routine request message.
ANSWER: closing

97. The closing of a routine request that requires action may include an end ____________________ so that the reader
knows when an action is required.
ANSWER: date

98. Knowledgeable business communicators use a(n) ____________________ line in a routine response message to refer
to earlier correspondence so that in the first sentence they are free to emphasize the main idea.
ANSWER: subject

99. Social media experts say that not every comment on the Web merits a response. They recommend responding to posts
only when you can add _____________, for example, by correcting false information or providing customer service.
ANSWER: value

100. ____________________ messages describe how to complete a task.


ANSWER: Instruction

101. Remove the protective seal from the toner cartridge has been written in the ____________________, or command,
mood.
ANSWER: imperative

102. ____________________ (or complaint) letters are written by customers to identify or to correct a problem with
products or services they have purchased.
ANSWER: Claim

103. ____________________ (or straightforward) claims are those to which you expect the receiver to agree readily;
these claims are written using the direct organizational pattern.
ANSWER: Direct

104. Even in an age of digital communication, claims written as ___________ are taken more seriously than telephone
calls or e-mails.
ANSWER: letters

105. In the ______________ of a claim message, explain the problem and justify your request. Provide the necessary
details so that the difficulty can be corrected without further correspondence.
ANSWER: body

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106. When a company receives a claim and decides to respond favorably, the response message is called a(n)
____________________.
ANSWER: adjustment

107. Adjustment messages that grant customers' claims should be written using the ____________________
organizational pattern.
ANSWER: direct

108. Deciding whether to ____________________ to a customer in an adjustment message is a debatable issue. Some
attorneys discourage doing so, but many customers appreciate it.
ANSWER: apologize

109. ____________________ messages express thanks, congratulations, recognition, and sympathy.


ANSWER: Goodwill

110. Goodwill messages should be selfless, specific, sincere, spontaneous, and ____________________.
ANSWER: short

111. Although e-mail is incredibly successful for both internal and external communication, many important messages
still call for letters. Business letters are necessary in four situations. List and give a work-related example of each of these
situations.
ANSWER: Student answers will vary:
When a permanent record is needed. For example, when a company enters into an
a. agreement with another company, business letters introduce the agreement and record
decisions and points of understanding.
When information is confidential. For example, when you must send a letter of
b. recommendation that may contain confidential information, a business letter is preferred
over other channels.
When formality is required. For example, when you have to deliver bad news to a client,
c. business letters carry the nonverbal message that the writer considered the message to be
significant.
When a persuasive, well-considered message is needed. For example, direct mail letters
d. remain a powerful tool to promote services and products to customers and potential
customers.

112. You are responsible for writing an instruction e-mail message that will outline the new procedures to log on to the
company network. Develop a numbered list containing at least five steps. Your list should be written clearly using parallel
structure.
ANSWER: Student answers will vary. Each step should begin with an action verb in the imperative mood:

Instructions for Logging on to the Company Network


1) Go to https://www.companynetwork.com.
2) Click on the "Log In" button.
3) Type in your user name (your employee ID number).
4) Type in your password (your six-digit birth date).
5) Click on the "Enter" button.

113. Your company was charged twice last month for its rent. This amount is automatically deducted from your
company's checking account, and you just noticed the double entry for June. You must write a claim letter to your
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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


landlord asking for a refund of $3,000. Write a clear, concise claim letter. Because you expect your landlord to agree
readily, use the direct strategy. Write only the body of the letter, omitting the letter addresses, salutation, complimentary
close, and enclosure line.
ANSWER: Student answers will vary.

Please issue a refund check for $3,000, which is the amount our company was overcharged for our rent in June
2015.

Our rent is automatically deducted from our checking account each month (Account No. xxxxxxxxx). In June
the $3,000 amount was deducted twice. Enclosed is a copy of our June bank statement with the double entry
highlighted.

Please issue the refund check of $3,000 by July 20 so that we can deposit it before our next rent payment is
due.

114. You are a landlord for an office building. You just received a claim letter from a tenant asking for a refund of $3,000
for a duplicate rent payment in June. You check your records and find out that the June rent was deducted twice from the
tenant's bank account. You think this must have been a bank error, but the double amount was transferred to your bank
account. Write an adjustment letter to the tenant, and enclose a refund check. Write only the body of the letter, omitting
the letter addresses, salutation, complimentary close, and enclosure line.
ANSWER: Student answers will vary. The letter should begin with a direct statement of action, include a brief
explanation, and end with a goodwill message. An example follows.

Enclosed is a check for $3,000 as refund for the double rent you paid in June 2015.

Our research shows that the automatic deduction for your rent was accidentally processed twice last month,
and we have communicated with the bank to make sure that this doesn't happen again.

You were most helpful in informing us of this situation and permitting us to correct it.

115. Goodwill messages are used in business to express thanks, recognition, and sympathy. Explain why these messages
are valuable in the workplace and the five Ss that apply when writing them. Then describe three work-related scenarios
where it would be appropriate to send each of these types of messages.
ANSWER: Student answers will vary.

Goodwill messages are important in the workplace because they make the receiver feel good. Goodwill
message show that you care and that you consider an event to be important. The five Ss to remember when
writing goodwill messages include
a. Selfless: Be sure to focus the message solely on the receiver, not on the sender.
Specific: Personalize the message by mentioning specific incidents or characteristics of the
b.
receiver.
Sincere: Let your words show genuine feelings. Use conversational language in your
c.
written message. Avoid pretentious, formal, or flowery language.
Spontaneous: Keep the message fresh and enthusiastic. Avoid canned phrases. Strive for
d.
directness and naturalness, not creative brilliance.
Short: Although goodwill messages can be as long as needed, try to accomplish your
e.
purpose in only a few sentences.
Scenarios in which each type of message would be appropriate include the following:

A thank-you note can be written to thank someone for


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Chapter 08: Positive Messages


a. Giving you a gift.
b. Treating you to lunch or dinner.
c. Hosting a party or other event.
d. Helping you on a project.
e. Doing a great job.
A congratulations note can be written to recognize someone for
a. Getting married.
b. Having a baby.
c. Graduating from college.
d. Retiring.
e. Landing a big account.
f. Getting a promotion.
g. Completing a successful project.
A sympathy note can be written when
a. A coworker's spouse or other loved one dies.
b. A coworker becomes ill or injured.
c. A coworker dies (message sent to family).
d. A coworker has a loved one who is ill or injured.

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Another random document with
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advice, although the Senate sustained him in rejecting Macon’s bill.
On this occasion Giles appeared, and voted with the Administration;
but sixteen senators followed Smith, while only fifteen could be found
to act in concert with the House and the Executive.
After the Senate had thus put an end to Macon’s bill, the House
after much hesitation, March 31, put an end to Smith’s bill. After five
months of discussion Congress found itself, April 1, where it had
been in the previous November.
Rather than resume friendly relations with both belligerents
without even expressing a wish for the recovery of national self-
respect, the House made one more effort. April 7 Macon reported a
new bill, which was naturally nicknamed Macon’s bill No. 2. This
measure also seems to have had the assent of the Cabinet, but
Macon himself neither framed nor favored it. “I am at a loss to guess
what we shall do on the subject of foreign relations,” he wrote to his
friend Judge Nicholson, three days later.[146] “The bill in the
enclosed paper, called Macon’s No. 2, is not really Macon’s, though
he reports it as chairman. It is in truth Taylor’s. This I only mention to
you, because when it comes to be debated I shall not act the part of
a father, but of a step-father.” The Taylor who took this responsibility
was a member from South Carolina, whose career offered no other
great distinction than the measure which produced a war with
England.
Macon’s bill No. 2 was the last of the annual legislative measures
taken by Congress to counteract by commercial interest the
encroachments of France and Great Britain. The first was the Partial
Non-intercourse Act of April, 1806; the second was the Embargo Act
with its supplements, dating from Dec. 22, 1807; the third was the
Total Non-intercourse Act of March 1, 1809; and the fourth was
Macon’s bill No. 2. Each year produced a new experiment; but the
difference could be easily remembered, for after the climax of the
embargo each successive annual enactment showed weakening
faith in the policy, until Macon’s bill No. 2 marked the last stage
toward the admitted failure of commercial restrictions as a substitute
for war. Abandoning the pretence of direct resistance to France and
England, this measure repealed the Non-intercourse Act of March 1,
1809, leaving commercial relations with all the world as free as ever
before, but authorizing the President “in case either Great Britain or
France shall, before the 3d day of March next, so revoke or modify
her edicts as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of
the United States,” to prohibit intercourse with the nation which had
not revoked its edicts.
The objections to the bill were overpowering, for its effect was
equivalent to alliance with England. Had the United States taken
active part in the war against France, they could have done
Napoleon no greater injury than by the passage of this Act, which
invited Great Britain to control American commerce for her military
purposes. On the other hand the bill conferred on the President a
discretion dangerous, unconstitutional, and unnecessary,—a power
once before conferred by the Non-intercourse Act of March 1, 1809,
and then resulting in the mistakes of Erskine’s arrangement, which
seemed warning enough against repeating the same risk.
These objections were well understood and forcibly pointed out,
while the arguments in support of the bill were melancholy in their
admissions. The records of Congress could hardly parallel the
disregard of dignity with which Taylor defended his bill in a tone that
could have been endured only by an assembly lost to the habits of
self-respect. His denunciation of war expressed party doctrine, and
he harmed no one by repeating the time-worn moral drawn from
Greece and Rome, the Persian millions, Philip of Macedon,
Syracuse and Carthage,—as though the fate of warlike nations
proved that they should have submitted to foreign outrage, or as
though the world could show either arts or liberty except such as had
sprung from the cradle of war; but feeling perhaps that classical
authority proved too little or too much, he told the House frankly why
those members who like himself opposed war found themselves
unable to maintain the pledge of resistance they had given in
imposing the embargo:—
“But concerning the breaking down of the embargo! Let the truth
come out! Neither this plea nor the other miserable one of the fear of
insurrections, and what not, will do.... The embargo repealed itself.
The wants created by it to foreigners, and the accidental failure of
crops in England had reduced the thing in one article to plain
calculation. The vote of this House to repeal the law gave from four to
five dollars rise on each barrel of flour. This was the weight that pulled
us down.”
The admission could not inspire enthusiasm or raise the moral
standard of Congress; but the House accepted it, and amended the
bill only by adding fifty per cent to the existing duties on all products
of Great Britain and France. The amendment was also a business
speculation, for it was intended to protect and encourage American
manufactures; but it did not come directly from the manufacturers.
Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky moved the amendment. “Kentucky,
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and the New England Republicans,”
wrote Macon,[147] “are full of manufacturing. To these may be added
some of the Virginia Republicans. This plan is said to be a Cabinet
project; if so, it satisfies me that the Cabinet is hard pushed for a
plan.”
April 19 the bill passed the House by a vote of sixty-one to forty.
The Senate referred it to a select committee with Samuel Smith at its
head,—a committee made for Smith to control. As before, he
reported the measure with its only effective provision—the additional
duty—struck out, and with the addition of a convoy-clause. The
Senate, by nineteen votes to eight, sustained Smith; nor did one
New England senator, Federalist or Republican, vote for the
protection offered by Kentucky and Virginia. The bill went to a third
reading by a vote of twenty-one to seven, and April 28, having
passed the Senate as Smith reported it without a division, was sent
back to the House for concurrence.
Irritated though the House was by the Senate’s hostility to every
measure which had support from the Treasury or was calculated to
give it support, the members were for the most part anxious only to
see the session ended. No one cared greatly for Macon’s bill No. 2 in
any shape. The House refused to accept the Senate’s amendments,
and found itself May 1 within a few hours of adjournment, and within
the same time of seeing the Non-intercourse Act expire, without
having made provision for the commercial relations that were to
follow. Perhaps Congress might have shown wisdom by doing
nothing; but the instinct to do something was strong, and party
feeling mixed with the sense of responsibility. At five o’clock in the
afternoon committees of conference were appointed, and at the
evening session, Samuel Smith having abandoned his convoy-
clause, the House gave up its extra duties and the bill came to its
passage. All the Federalists voted against it with Macon, Randolph,
and Matthew Lyon,—a minority of twenty-seven. Sixty-four
Republicans recorded themselves in its favor, and made the bill a
law.
CHAPTER X.
Randolph, who had been ill at home during the winter of 1809–
1810, appeared in public affairs only after the debates were mostly
ended. March 22 he moved a Resolution that the military and naval
establishments ought to be reduced. He wished to bring Madison’s
administration back to the point where Jefferson’s administration
eight years before had begun; and in truth the country could choose
only between the practices of 1801 and those of 1798. Randolph,
who shunned no assumption of fact which suited his object, asked
the House whether any one “seriously thought of war, or believed it a
relation in which we could be placed”:—
“With respect to war we have—thank God!—in the Atlantic a fosse
wide and deep enough to keep off any immediate danger to our
territory. The belligerents of Europe know as well as we feel that war
is out of the question. No, sir! if our preparation was for battle, the
State physicians have mistaken the state of the patient. We have
been embargoed and non-intercoursed almost into a consumption,
and this is not the time for battle.”
Randolph easily proved the need of retrenchment. His
statements were not to be denied. President Washington, with a
gross income of fifty-eight million dollars in eight years, spent eleven
millions and a quarter on the army and navy. John Adams in four
years spent eighteen millions, and was supposed to have been
driven from office for extravagance. President Jefferson in his first
four years cut down these expenses to eight million, six hundred
thousand dollars; in his second term he raised them again to sixteen
millions, or nearly to the point reached by John Adams at a time of
actual hostilities with France,—although President Jefferson relied
not on armaments, but on peaceable coercion, which cost very large
sums besides. At last the country had reached a point where, after
refusing either to fight its enemies or resent its injuries, it had begun
to run in debt for armaments it would not use. This waste needed to
be stopped.
Three fourths of the Republican party and all the Federalists were
of the same mind with Randolph,—that an army led by Wilkinson
and a navy of gunboats, when the country refused to fight under any
provocation, were not worth maintaining; and when Eppes of
Virginia, April 14, brought forward the budget for the coming year, he
started by assuming that the military and naval expenditure might be
reduced three million dollars, which would still leave a deficiency of
two millions and a half, and would require an increase of customs-
duties. If three millions and a half could be saved, members wanted
to know why the whole military and naval expenditure, which had
required only six millions in 1809, might not be cut off.
Macon, who supported Randolph with the ardor of 1798, urged
nothing less than this sweeping reform.
“If the army were disbanded and the navy sold,” he argued,[148]
“we should not perhaps want half a million,—not a million and a half,
on the outside. That might be obtained by loans payable at short
date.... You must get clear of the navy-yards; if you do not put them
down, unquestionably they will put you down. How is it with the army?
Has it been employed to more advantage? Its situation is too
melancholy to be spoken of; and if anything could disgust the people
of the territory we acquired some years since, it must be the
management of that army, for however much they hear of our good
government, after such a specimen they must have a despicable
opinion of it indeed.... I will not raise a tax of a cent to support the
present plan. I have no hesitation in saying that I shall feel bound to
vote down the additional force of six thousand men whenever the
subject shall come before us. I voted for it; but found that then, as
now, we talk a great deal about war, and do nothing.”
Not a member supported Eppes’s motion for increased taxes.
Democrats and Federalists, one after another, rose to oppose an
increase, and to favor disbanding the additional army.
“I shall certainly vote to reduce the army of the United States,” said
Burwell of Virginia;[149] “and if the House should decide that it will not
employ the navy of the United States in the protection of commerce, I
shall certainly vote also to reduce the naval establishment. I am
perfectly convinced that the circumstances under which I voted for the
increase of the army and navy have passed away; and as our revenue
has diminished, I shall vote for a reduction of our expenses.... So far
from considering the country in a deplorable situation, as my
colleague (Mr. Randolph) has represented it, I think that in many
points of view we have every reason to congratulate ourselves. It is a
singular phenomenon to see any nation enjoying peace at this time.
This exemption from the general lot claims the gratitude of every man
in the country. So far as I am concerned in the affairs of the nation, I
have but a single object in view,—namely, to preserve peace; and my
votes are predicated on that ground.”
The war men voted with the peace men for reasons given by
Troup of Georgia:[150]—
“I am as well convinced of the fact as that I am now addressing
you, that the people will not consent to pay an additional tax for the
support of armies and navies raised to oppose the injurious acts of the
belligerents against our rights, after we have abandoned those rights
and dishonorably withdrawn from the contest.”
After much contradictory talk of this kind, Nelson of Maryland told
the House that they were behaving like schoolboys.
“It is a perfect child’s game,” said he.[151] “At one session we pass
a law for raising an army, and go to expense; in another year, instead
of raising money to pay the expense by the means in our power, we
are to disband the army we have been at so much pains to raise. We
shall well deserve the name of children instead of men if we pursue a
policy of this kind.”

The warning had no perceptible weight with the House, where the
peace party were in a majority and the war party were in a passion,
not with the foreign enemy, but with their neighbors and friends.
Richard M. Johnson almost avowed that he should vote for reducing
army and navy in order to punish the men who had made them
useless:—
“To our humiliation and everlasting degradation we have refused to
use the means in our power to induce foreign nations to do us
justice.... The annals of human nature have not given to the world the
sad example of a nation so powerful, so free, so intelligent, so jealous
of their rights and at the same time so grossly insulted, so materially
injured, under such extraordinary forbearance.... We are afraid to trust
ourselves, and we pretend that we are afraid to trust the people. My
hopes have rested and always will rest upon the people; they
constitute my last hope. We may disgrace ourselves, but the people
will rise in the majesty of their strength, and the world will be
interested in the spectacle.”
With the advocates of war in a temper so unmanageable, and the
advocates of peace in a majority so decisive, the House showed
unanimity by passing in committee, without a dissenting voice, a
Resolution that the military and naval establishments ought to be
reduced. April 16 this vote was reached in committee; and the next
day, by a vote of sixty to thirty-one, the Resolution was formally
adopted by the House. Of the minority, two thirds were Northern men
and all were Republicans.
In obedience to the order, Randolph promptly reported a bill for
reducing the navy.[152] All the gunboats, all but three of the frigates,
and all other armed vessels—three only excepted—were to be sold,
their officers and crews discharged; the navy-yards, except at
Boston, New York, and Norfolk, to be disused, and the marine corps
reduced to two companies. A few days later, April 24, Smilie of
Pennsylvania reported a bill for a similar reduction of the military
establishment to three regiments. These measures seemed to carry
out the express will and orders of the House; but no sooner did the
House go into committee than the members astonished themselves
by striking out each section in succession. Gunboats, frigates, navy-
yards, and marines, each managed in turn to obtain a majority
against reduction.
Then Randolph rose,—not in wrath, for he spoke with unusual
calm, but with a force which warranted the sway he so often
exercised over men whose minds were habitually in doubt. He had
ever believed, he said, that the people of the United States were
destined to become a great naval power, but if anything could
prevent this result it would be the premature attempts of the last two
Administrations to force it. A naval power necessarily grew out of
tonnage and seamen, but both tonnage and seamen had been
systematically discouraged:—
“It has always been understood, according to my view of the
subject, that one of the principal uses of a navy was to protect
commerce; but our political rule for some time past has been that of
inverse proportion, and we have discovered that commerce is the
natural protector of a navy.”
The inconsistency of Jefferson’s principles and practice was a
target which could be hit by the most inexperienced marksman, but
Randolph struck it with something more solid than an epigram when
he discussed its expense.
“Against the administration of Mr. Adams,” he said, “I, in common
with many others, did and do yet entertain a sentiment of hostility, and
have repeatedly cried out against it for extravagance and for profusion
and for waste—wanton waste—of the public resources. I find,
however, upon consideration,—whether from the nature of men, or
from the nature of things, or from whatever other cause,—that that
Administration, grossly extravagant as I did then and still do believe it
to have been, if tried by the criterion of the succeeding one, was a
pattern of retrenchment and economy.”
In order to prove this charge he attacked Robert Smith’s
administration of the navy, asserting that while in 1800 each seaman
cost about four hundred and seventy-two dollars a year, in 1808
each seaman cost nearly nine hundred dollars a year; and that the
same excess existed in regard to officers, marines, clothing, and
provisions:—
“Yes, sir! we have economized until we absolutely have reduced
the annual cost of a seaman from $472—as it was under the very
wasteful expenditure of Mr. Adams’s administration—down to the
moderate sum of $887. We have economized until a paltry fleet
consisting of vessels built to our hand, to say nothing of those that
have been sold, and the warlike stores of which have been retained
and preserved,—which fleet was built, equipped, and every cannon
and implement of war purchased under the old Administration,—has
cost us twelve million dollars, when it cost the preceding
Administration but nine millions.”
Only one member replied on behalf of the Government to these
criticisms. Burwell Bassett of the naval committee ventured
somewhat timidly to defend, not so much Robert Smith as Secretary
Hamilton, who, he said, had reduced expenses at the navy-yard
about one third. Most of the frigates had been so thoroughly repaired
as to be more valuable than when first built. In the navy-yard itself
everything was in good condition and well conducted. Bassett’s
testimony hardly met Randolph’s charges, but the House sustained
him on every point; and Boyd of New Jersey so far forgot the respect
due to a former vote, in which the House had resolved by a majority
of two to one that the army and navy ought to be reduced, as to say
that never since the government was formed had so preposterous a
proposition been offered. The end of the session arrived before the
discussion ceased.
The same inability to act, even where no apparent obstacle
existed, was shown in regard to the United States Bank, whose
charter, granted for twenty years by the First Congress in February,
1791, was to expire March 4, 1811. In the days of Federalist sway
the Republicans had bitterly opposed the Bank and denied the
constitutional power of Congress to grant the charter; but during the
eight years of Jefferson’s rule the Bank had continued without a
question to do the financial work of government, and no other
agency existed or could be readily created capable of taking the
place of this machine, which, unlike any other in the government,
worked excellently well.
If its existence was to be continued, public interest required that
the Act should be passed at this session, since the actual charter
was to expire in ten months. If a new charter was to be refused,
public interest required even more urgently that ample warning of so
radical a change should be given, that the Treasury might not be
suddenly crippled or general bankruptcy be risked without notice.
No complaint of any kind was at that time made against the Bank;
no charge was brought against it of interference in politics, of corrupt
influence, or of mismanagement. Gallatin was known to favor it; the
President was not hostile, nor was any influence in the government
opposed; the Federalists who had created were bound to support it;
and except for the principles of some Southern Republicans who
regarded functions of government as germs of despotism, every
political faction in the country seemed consenting to the charter.
January 29 the subject was referred to a special committee. The
committee reported a Resolution, and in due course John Taylor of
South Carolina brought in a bill, the result of negotiations between
the Treasury and the Bank, granting a new charter on condition that
the Bank should increase its capital two-and-a-half million dollars,
half of which should be paid outright to the government; that, further,
the Bank should bind itself to lend the government at three months’
notice any amount not exceeding in the whole five million dollars at a
rate not exceeding six per cent; that on all government deposits
above the sum of three millions, which should remain for one year,
the Bank should pay interest at the rate of three per cent; and that
the government should have the right at any time to increase the
capital stock, and subscribe and own the new stock to a fixed
amount. These terms were especially valuable at the moment,
because they assisted the Treasury to meet an actual deficit, and
provided, as far as human foresight went, for financial dangers that
might rise from further foreign troubles. No serious opposition
showed itself. April 21 the House, by a majority of seventy-five to
thirty-five, voted to accept the price fixed for the charter; but the
session closed without further action.
When Congress adjourned, May 2, 1810, the result attained
during five months passed in continuous labor amounted to little
more than the constitutional necessities of government,—the
appropriation bills; a loan for five million dollars; an Act for taking a
census of persons; an Act appropriating sixty thousand dollars
toward making the Cumberland Road; an appropriation of five
thousand dollars for experiments on Fulton’s torpedoes; in regard to
foreign affairs, Giles’s Resolution blaming the conduct of the British
minister, and Macon’s or Taylor’s Act, which condoned that conduct.
The old Non-intercourse Act of March 1, 1809, expired by limitation
with the expiring Congress May 1, 1810.
“We adjourned last night,” wrote Randolph to Nicholson the next
day,[153] “a little after twelve, having terminated a session of more
than five months by authorizing a loan of as many millions, and—all is
told. The incapacity of Government has long ceased to be a laughing
matter. The Cabinet is all to pieces, and the two Houses have tumbled
about their own ears.”
With all Randolph’s faults, he had more of the qualities, training,
and insight of a statesman than were to be found elsewhere among
the representatives in the Eleventh Congress; and although himself
largely the cause of the chaos he described, he felt its disgraces and
dangers. Society in general troubled itself little about them. The
commercial class, pleased to be freed from restraints, and the
agricultural class, consoled by the fair prices of their produce,
thought as little as possible about their failure in government; what
was called good society for the most part drew a bitter pleasure from
it. Yet beneath the general physical contentment almost equally
general moral disgust existed and made itself felt. President
Madison, who was in the best position to gauge popular opinion,
began to suspect the hardly perceptible movement of a coming tide.
After the adjournment he wrote to William Pinkney at London:[154]—
“Among the inducements to the experiment of an unrestricted
commerce now made were two which contributed essentially to the
majority of votes in its favor,—first, a general hope, favored by daily
accounts from England, that an adjustment of differences there, and
thence in France, would render the measure safe and proper; second,
a willingness in not a few to teach the advocates for an open trade the
folly as well as degradation of their policy.... It will not be wonderful,
therefore, if the passive spirit which marked the late session of
Congress should at the next meeting be roused to the opposite point,
more especially as the tone of the nation has never been so low as
that of its representatives.”
Madison still held to his favorite doctrine, and meant no more by
his warning than that the Eleventh Congress might be expected to
reimpose measures of commercial restriction:—
“The experiment [of free commerce] about to be made will
probably open too late the eyes of the people to the expediency and
efficacy of the means [the embargo] which they have suffered to be
taken out of the hands of the Government and to be incapacitated for
future use.”[155]
This condolence with Jefferson over the fate of their experiment
showed the direction toward which Madison’s eyes were still turned;
but, though a firm believer in his own theory of peaceable coercion,
he was ready and had always been ready to accept and carry out
any stronger scheme that Congress might prefer. He had no definite
plan of his own; he clung to the idea that England and France could
be brought by patience to respect neutral claims of right; but he felt
that the actual submission made by Congress was apparent rather
than real, and might be followed within a year by renewed
resistance.
Meanwhile nothing could be more dangerous to the Americans
than the loss of self-respect. The habit of denouncing themselves as
cowards and of hearing themselves denounced as a race that cared
only for money tended to produce the qualities imputed. Americans
of 1810 were persuaded that they could not meet Englishmen or
Frenchmen on equal terms, man against man, or stand in battle
against the veterans of Napoleon or Nelson. The sense of national
and personal inferiority sank astonishingly deep. Reasonable
enough as regarded the immense superiority of Europe in
organization, it passed bounds when it condemned everything
American as contemptible, or when the Federalist gentry refused to
admit the Democrats of Pennsylvania or the Republicans of Virginia
or the Government at Washington into the circle of civilized life.
Social self-abasement never went so far as in its efforts to prove to
Francis James Jackson, the British minister, that he was right in
treating the national government with contempt. Englishman as
Jackson was, and ready to assume without question every claim of
superiority that might be made for his country or his class, he was
surprised at the force of American allegiance to himself. As he
travelled northward, after his dismissal from Washington, his private
letters gave a strange idea of the chaos in American society. He
wrote from Philadelphia,—
“The tide has turned completely in our favor. At Washington they
are in a state of the most animated confusion, the Cabinet divided,
and the Democratic party going various ways.... Their foreign politics
embarrass them even more than home ones. One moment they want
another embargo; the next, to take off the restrictions; then, to arm
their merchantmen; and next, to declare war. In short, they do not
know what to be at.... Notwithstanding all that has passed,—which
would fill volumes to relate in full,—and the Government being at open
war with me, ‘the respectability’ has been both here and at Baltimore
so anxious to show that they did not share the sentiments of the
Democrats that we have had throngs of visitors and innumerable
invitations that we could not accept, though we have dined at home
but twice during the month we have been here. To prevent this, the
savages have threatened in one of their papers to tar and feather
every man who should ask me to his house.”[156]
Pleased with his social success at Baltimore and Philadelphia,
Jackson found New York and New England fairly delightful. His
vogue in Baltimore and Philadelphia meant little more than curiosity
to see his wife and her toilettes; but as he approached New England
he became a personage in politics, and received attentions such as
he could hardly have expected even from those European courts
whose civility lingered in his mind. February 25 he wrote from New
York:[157]—
“As we get farther north and east, the said Yankees improve very
much. New York is a fine town, unlike any other in America, and
resembling more the best of our country towns, with the additional
advantage of the finest water that can be imagined. There is as much
life and bustle as at Liverpool or any other of our great commercial
towns; and like them New York has inhabitants who have made and
are making rapid and brilliant fortunes by their enterprise and
industry.... We have met with unbounded civility and good-will, and
may be said to live here in triumph. We are now engaged to dinner
every day but two, till the end of the first week in March.... The
governor of Massachusetts has written to me to invite me to Boston,
where, he says, he and many others will be happy to receive me. That
State, which is one of the most populous and enlightened of the
States of the Union, and, as you know, is the birthplace of American
independence, has done more toward justifying me to the world than it
was possible from the nature of things that I or any other person could
do in the present stage of the business. The legislature, which is not a
mob like many that have passed resolutions, has agreed to a report of
a joint committee, and passed resolutions in conformity with it,
exculpating me altogether, and in the most direct manner censuring
the conduct of the President and of the general government.”
Boston newspapers of Feb. 9, 1810, contained the report and
resolutions in which the Massachusetts legislature, by a vote of two
hundred and fifty-four to one hundred and forty-five, declared that
“they can perceive no just or adequate cause” for breaking relations
with the British minister, F. J. Jackson; and this challenge to their
own Government, backed by Governor Gore’s invitation of Jackson
to Boston, was intended to carry political weight, even to the extent
of forcing Madison to renew political relations, as he had been forced
to resume commercial relations, with England. Had public opinion
taken the intended course, Jackson’s visit to Boston would have
marked a demonstration of popular feeling against the national
government; nor were the Federalists in any way parties consenting
to the defeat of the scheme. The measures adopted by the
Massachusetts legislature in February came before the people at the
State election early in April, only six weeks after the General Court
and Governor Gore had condemned Madison. More than ninety
thousand votes were cast, and the Republican party, by a majority of
about two thousand, not only turned Governor Gore out of office, but
also chose a General Court with a Republican majority of twenty. At
the same time similar changes of public opinion restored New
Hampshire to Republican control, and strengthened the Republicans
in New York and the Middle States. Not a doubt could exist that the
country sustained Madison, and that Jackson was not only an object
of decided unpopularity in America, but was far from being favored in
England. The advantage to be derived from his visit to Boston was
no longer evident, and after Governor Gore ceased to hold office, the
good taste of acting on an invitation thus practically withdrawn
seemed doubtful; but Jackson was not daunted by doubts.
Holding the promise of his Government that his mission should
last at least a year, Jackson beguiled the interval by such
amusements as offered themselves. In May he retired to a country-
house on the North River, about eight miles above New York, where
he caught a glimpse of an American invention which, as he had the
good sense to suspect, was more important than all the diplomatic
quarrels in which he had ever engaged:—
“One of the curiosities that we daily see pass under our windows is
the steamboat,—a passage-vessel with accommodation for near a
hundred persons. It is moved by a steam-engine turning a wheel on
either side of it, which acts like the main wheel of a mill, and propels
the vessel against wind and tide at the rate of four miles an hour. As
soon as it comes in sight there is a general rush of our household to
watch and wonder till it disappears. They don’t at all know what to
make of the unnatural monster that goes steadily careering on, with
the wind directly in its teeth as often as not. I doubt that I should be
obeyed were I to desire any one of them to take a passage in
her.”[158]
After thus entertaining himself on the Hudson, the British minister
made his triumphal trip to Boston early in June, where he found a
gratifying welcome from society if not from the governor and
legislature:—
“At Boston, ‘the headquarters of good principles,’ we were feasted
most famously, and I made there many interesting acquaintances.
After living nine days in clover at about eighteen of the principal
houses,—having never less than two engagements per day,—they
gave me on the 10th a public dinner, at which near three hundred
persons were present, and where we had toasts and cheering and
singing in the best style of Bishopsgate Street or Merchant Taylor’s
Hall. A party of gentlemen met me at the last stage on entering
Boston, and accompanied me to the first on my departure. At another
public dinner I was invited to on the 4th of June (the Ancient and
Honorable Artillery election dinner), and at which the governor, who is
a Democrat, was present, the clergy, the magistrates, the heads of the
University of Cambridge, and the military came to the top of the room
in their respective bodies to be introduced to and to compliment me.
There is at Washington in consequence much ‘wailing and gnashing
of teeth.’”
At the public dinner given to Jackson June 11, after the guest of
the evening had retired, Senator Pickering gave a toast which
became a party cry: “The world’s last hope,—Britain’s fast-anchored
isle!”[159]
From the moment the State officials withdrew from the reception,
little importance attached to the private acts of a society which might
easily look with interest at the rare appearance of a British minister in
Boston; but the political and social feeling was the same as though
Governor Gore were still in power, and created natural disgust
among Republicans, who believed that their Federalist opponents
aimed at a dissolution of the Union and at a retreat within the
protection of Great Britain. If such ideas existed, they showed
themselves to Jackson in no recorded form. His visit to Boston was a
social amusement; and he regarded it, like the conduct of Congress,
as a triumph to himself only because it increased the mortifications
of President Madison, which counterbalanced in some degree his
own want of energetic support from Canning’s successor at the
Foreign Office.
The history of Jackson and his mission did not quite end with his
departure from Boston in June, 1810, under escort of a mounted
procession of Boston Federalists. He thence went to Niagara,—a
difficult journey; and descending to Montreal and Quebec, returned
to Albany, where he had the unusual experience of seeing himself
burned in effigy.
During all these wanderings he was a victim to the constant
annoyance of being able to quarrel neither with President Madison
nor with his new official chief, who showed a wish to quarrel as little
as possible. Jackson was as willing to find fault with one
Government as with the other.
“I look forward with full confidence,” he wrote to his brother,[160]
“for a full approbation of what I have done. Ministers cannot
disapprove of though they may be sorry for it; and if they are sorry, it
must be for the trouble it occasions them, for as I have told them there
is no loss of any adjustment of difficulties, that being impracticable
with this country upon the principles of my instructions. I hope they are
adopting the line that I recommended to them,—that of procrastinating
any decision whatever; but they might as well have told me so for my
own guidance and information, instead of leaving me a prey to all the
lies and misrepresentations which the Democrats have found it
necessary to propagate on the subject for election purposes. It would
be an absolute disgrace to the country, and would produce an
impression never to be got over here,—the ill effects of which in all
future transactions we should not fail to be made sensible of,—if
another minister were to be sent out without some sort of satisfaction
being taken or received for the treatment I have experienced. They
ought to insist on my being reinstated.”
The British government held a different opinion; and accordingly,
at the expiration of his stipulated twelve months, Sept. 16, 1810,
Jackson set sail for Europe, leaving J. P. Morier in charge of the
British legation at Washington.
CHAPTER XI.
If the Non-intercourse Act of March 1, 1809, irritated Napoleon,
Macon’s Act of May 1, 1810, might be expected to work in a manner
still more active.
The story has shown that Napoleon, toward the end of the year
1809, felt many difficulties in giving new shape to his American
policy after it had been ruined by the Non-intercourse Act. His fixed
idea required the seizure of every American ship in Europe beyond
the borders of France, as he had for years seized American ships in
his own ports. In part this wish sprang from the Continental system,
and was excused to some extent by the plea that American
commerce could be carried on only under British protection; in part
the seizure of American ships was a punishment for defying the
Emperor’s orders; and in part it was due to his necessities of finance.
December 19, 1809, Napoleon wrote a brief order to Berthier,
ordering the seizure of all American vessels in the Spanish ports
within his control;[161] vessels and cargoes, he said, were to be
considered good prize. Having taken this measure, he called a
council of ministers for the next day, and ordered Maret to bring
there “everything relating to the judgments of the prize-court; to the
merchandise sequestered in the ports, which is spoiling. If you have
not all the information, ask the Minister of Finance.”[162]
The meaning of this preparation was to be sought in the Cabinet
itself, and in the Emperor’s surroundings. Peace with Austria left
many vexations in Napoleon’s path. Perhaps the unhappy situation
of his brother Joseph at Madrid troubled him less than the difficulty of
reconciling the Empress Josephine to a divorce, or the mortifications
of negotiating for a wife among Russian, German, and Austrian
princesses; but annoyances like these, though serious for ordinary
men, could not be compared with the constant trouble created by the
Continental system of commercial restrictions and the want of money
it caused. Threatened with financial difficulties, and obliged to study
economies as well as to press contributions of war, the Emperor

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