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OMEGA — Journal of Death and Dying

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DOI: 10.1177/00302228231166538

Society: The Case of Ngwere journals.sagepub.com/home/ome

Ishi Enwoo Among Nsukka

People: A
Historico-Philosophical
Analysis

Christian Chukwuma Opata1 ,

Anthony Uzochukwu Ufearoh2, and Hillary Oguejiofor Eze3

Abstract
Traditional medical practice among the Igbo is not limited to therapeutic or curative
role of healing the sick. It extends to exploration and manipulation of powers inherent
in nature and material entities to achieve some ends. This is popularly known as ime
ogwu (igwo ogwo) in Igbo parlance. One of such manipulative function is the phe-
_ _
nomenon _of_ postponement
_ or transfer of death from a patient to another individual
without any direct or physical contact. The process raises serious philosophical
concerns about causation as well as the ethical justification of the act. Employing
simultaneously the empirical method, the philosophical methods of phenomenological
analysis and hermeneutics, the present paper sets out to investigate the possibility of
relating the cause with the effect in the phenomenon of postponement and porting of
death from an individual to another. The paper explores the Igbo-African ontological
understanding of realities as forces and mutual interaction of forces.

1
Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria
2
Department of Philosophy, University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria
3
Department of Philosophy and Religion, Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu- Alike, Ikwo, Nigeria

Corresponding Author:
Christian Chukwuma Opata, Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigeria,
Room 201, Nsukka 40001, Nigeria.
Email: christian.opata@unn.edu.ng
2 OMEGA — Journal of Death and Dying 0(0)

Keywords
traditional, medicine, Igbo, death, Ngwere Ishi Enwoo, and ontology

Introduction
There is dire need for researches into some praxis and knowledge systems of traditional
Igbo-African societies. One of such areas that beckon for investigation is the traditional
medicine and its associated practices wherein one finds certain operations that seem to
be paranormal or inclined towards supernaturalism. How do we explain that humans
can move faster than aircrafts in what the Igbo regard as Ị kwu Ị kili which is a subject for
discourse in another paper? With the current trend in the rise_ of illicit money-making as
epitomised by the rituals embarked upon by the occult Yahoo Boys who patronize some
of these traditional medicine men as their spiritual consultants and master, it is im-
perative that scholars engage the knowledge systems that promote and propagate these
acts. Meanwhile, the conceptualization of the traditional medicine and the medical
practitioners among the Igbo is fast changing for worse.
The Dibia or medicine-man is seen as a killer, a fraudulent person, and a weakling
whose antics and operations fail before the supposed or assumed superior powers of the
imperial Christian religion and their clergy who in most cases are out for business rather
than spiritual mentoring. This erroneous image of the Dibia has been aggressively
promoted by the Nollywood Industry. Attacks on the orthodox medical practitioners
tend to aggravate this ugly state of affairs. On the contrary, the proper Igbo native doctor
or medicine-man occupies a very crucial place in the life of the people. Well versed in
the culture and tradition of his people, he serves as a healer, diviner cum mind reader,
priest and custodian of custom and morality. This is because of not only his deep
knowledge of roots and herbs but also his ability to transcend the human or physical
environment and ascent to the mystical realm. He is thus able to manipulate both
material and spiritual forces to achieve certain determined ends. The popular phe-
nomenon of ogwu in Igboland encapsulates the major function of the medicine man.
Hence most of_ them
_ are tagged Dibia ngborogwu or Omeruoha. Some are referred to as
ite ogwu (the medicine pot). Their process mostly involves_ the combination of roots,
_ animals/parts
herbs, _ of animals in a proper measure and energizing same with words or
incantations. This process seems esoteric and has equally earned practitioners the name
magicians, given that most of their actions cannot easily be analysed by means of the
categories of western science. However, no matter what label they are tagged or are
given, one is inclined to borrow from Obika and Eke (2019) who scripts that:

For the Igbo people of those days to be surviving at all and for them to reach old age, they
were feeding on natural foods and treating themselves with their folk medicine. Judging
from today’s knowledge and training on orthodox medicine, what they were using in
treating themselves were nothing to write home about. To us, they were treating them-
selves with poison. But then, they survived to produce the present generation of orthodox
Opata et al. 3

or Western medicine users. Therefore, in view of the usefulness and resilience of folk
medicine and in view of newly discovered influences that it has on modern medicine, it is
necessary to know more about it and if possible, revive and integrate it with modern
knowledge.

The genre of medicine under discussion in this paper presents a peculiar case of
human effort to prolong or extend human life by way of porting sickness and death from
one person to another in a non-empirical process. This phenomenon is popularly called
Ngwere Isi Enwoo in the Nsukka axis of Igboland. One would be inclined to say that
there is no observable direct contact or causal network between the victim of Ngwere
ishi enwoo and the medicine man or the medicine itself; in other words, between the
cause and the effect. Can this at best be interpreted as action at distance, remote
controlling or magnetism?
As in many instances of traditional African science and medical practices inclusive,
this phenomenon seems to defy the basic metaphysical law of cause and effect which
states that every effect has a cause. How possible is it to postpone or transfer death at a
distance? How could a combination of herbs, a reptile (lizard), kola nut and other
objects, with a few words of prayer or incantation, exert an effect at a distance leading to
the death of the victim? What is the necessary connection between the death of the
victim and the above pharmacopeia? What principle(s) undergirds such seemingly
paranormal phenomenon or supernaturalism? These are the major concerns of the
present paper.
For the Nsukka people in particular and Igbo people in general, death is not only a
biological activity but also a spiritual cum cultural phenomenon. To enhance this
understanding, a bird’s eye view of Igbo thanatology (study/understanding of death) is
presented here. Similar to the cultural understanding of death, the pharmacopeia and
skills involved in preparation of Ngwere Ishi Enwoo, when interpreted from an-
thropological point of view becomes a cultural phenomenon. This partially account for
the historical dimension of the work given that Ngwere isi enwoo is a cultural phe-
nomenon of a given set of people located within a delineated space and time. Of course,
the knowledge and skills involved are morally neutral and can be applied positively or
negatively. To determine the morality or ethical status of Ngwere Isi Enwo calls for
further ethical investigation which is beyond the limit or scope of the present research.
As already stated, the cultural aspect of the theme under investigation situates the
historical dimension of the work and compels the researchers to employ not only
empirical methods but also the tool of hermeneutics to aid in the interpretation of the
cultural symbols. Information elicited from oral testimonies from relations of victims
and traditional medical experts provide the researchers the fodder for the phenome-
nology of postponement and transfer of death. The work explores the Igbo-African
ontology (and worldview) which serves as a prism through which the Igbo interprets
reality in general. It is from this perspective that the paper explores the possibility of
postponement and transfer of death.
4 OMEGA — Journal of Death and Dying 0(0)

In this work therefore, in line with Igbo understanding of reality as forces and
sensuous and non-sensuous interaction of forces, the researchers argue that, the
phenomenon of Ngwere Isi Enwo, (postponement and transfer of death) is a possibility.
The pharmacopeia however calls for further investigation by way of exploring the
possibility of establishing a more scientific approach to the process and the phar-
macopeia. The first section of the work x-rays the concept of death or thanatology
among the people of Nsukka and the possibility of negotiating life. The second section
presents a phenomenological account of Ngwere Isi Enwo, the pharmacopeia involved
and the logic that undergirds the practice. The third section is a brief discourse on the
Igbo-African quantum ontology which, to a great extent conditions the perception and
relationship amongst existing realities in African context. This section further adopts
the Igbo-African ontology as basis for understanding the phenomenon of Ngwere isi
enwoo. The fourth section is the evaluation and conclusion.

The Concept of Death Among Nsukka People and the

Possibility of Negotiating Life
Nsukka as used in this study refers to over seventy three autonomous communities that
formed the old Nsukka Senatorial district before the creation of Ebonyi State from the
old Enugu State in 1996 during the reign of General Sani Abacha. Currently, the
inhabitants are largely agrarian and are located in Enugu State of South Eastern Nigeria.
It shares common boundaries with the Idoma, the Igalla in the north and Ngwo in the
South and at the same time serves as the entrance and exit point to the Northern axis of
the country Nigeria. This in a way makes Nsukka cosmopolitan and misleads some to
believe that it is a town. However, there is a particular town known as Nsukka which
since colonial times had served as the administrative headquarters of the other
communities and hence the name was erroneously used to represent the rest. The town
is highly endowed with natural greenery. The rich flora and fauna equally serve as a
point of attraction to numerous tourists who frequent the city. The peaceful town houses
one of the oldest universities in Nigeria, the University of Nsukka (UNN). Despite the
overwhelming influence of colonialism, Christian religion and education, the indig-
enous or traditional beliefs and practices remain resilient as evidenced in most of the
cultural practices such as traditional marriage ceremonies, rites of birth and death, rites
of passage, religious festivals and masked spirit or incarnate beings cults. It is said that
the culture of the people is seen in its nakedness in the way they treat the dead. This is
true of Nsukka, a core Igbo society where the traditional beliefs, as well as rituals
attendant to burial and funeral ceremonies, encapsulate and portray Igbo understanding
of death.
The 20th-century German existentialist philosopher Martin Heidegger had opined
that man is a being-towards-death (Sein zum Tode). This assertion aptly captures the
disposition of the Igbo-African towards death, Nsukka people inclusive. Death is seen
as a necessary debt that will be paid by all. In his Magnus Opus entitled Being and Time,
Heidegger could be said to have anticipated the present topic under discussion by
Opata et al. 5

putting up the theme for consideration: “The possibility of experiencing the death of
other.” (Heidegger, 1962). Heidegger however parts way with the Igbo-African un-
derstanding of death by considering death as finality, nay a painful, tragic and final
transition to No-longer-Dasein (Nichtmehr Dasein). On the contrary, the Igbo (the
Nsukka people inclusive) conceive death not as finality but as a transition that involves
shading off of the physical body and ascension into the world of the spirit, the world of
the ancestors. Reunion with one’s ancestors at the end of one’s earthly sojourn is the
desire of every well informed Nsukka person. The conception of death here is in tandem
with that of St. John Chrysostom who saw death as a journey for a season: a sleep longer
than usual (Castle et al, 1998: 106). Death is a stage every human must pass. Hence
among the Nsukka people, names like Ike- ana- ekerual-we all toil to go back to mother
earth, Ugwo eji al-“Debt we owe the earth” all allude to death. For them, what counts
most about death is not death itself, but how one died (Opata, 1998:175–189). Hence,
death is classified as good or bad among the Nsukka Igbo based on how one died and at
what point. For those who died in their prime, their death is classified as bad while those
who attained a ripe old age are classified as having died well and must be given
elaborate and joyful funeral celebration provided he did not have bad influence on his
society and humanity at large. It is in the context of trying to attain a good death through
growing older than “normal” that the role of traditional medical practitioners who use
Ngwere ishi enwoo comes into play.
A proper understanding of Igbo concept of death calls for a clear distinction between
life (ndu) and breath (ume). According to Anizoba (2000: 275 – 289) the Divine spark
manifests its presence also in Ume, (breath) which in Igbo theosophy is an animating
principle in man which is in itself an essential element that establishes the presence of
Ndu, (life) that is assumed to be extracted mystically by the Divine spark from the
ingressive puff of air that gets to the body through the respiratory organs. Its absence is
believed to force life out of the physical body leading to death, by weakening the vital
force of the victim. This is why the Igbo believe that evil people could manipulate the
life of their adversaries through charms, diabolic medicine or occult means. As we shall
see, in the light of the Igbo-African ontology such manipulations are considered to be
possible even from a distance.
Furthermore, the belief in the animating principle is evident in the response that
comes after one sneezes. Iti uzee (sneezing) is forcing breath out of someone’s nostril.
Since breath reinforces life, the forceful release of breath is considered a big threat to
life and a possible prelude to death. After such a sudden and spontaneous sneeze, the
victim shouts Ndu Moo! (which means “I will live!”); while those around him/her
quickly and prayerfully interject by saying Ndu gi! (You will live!). Europeans, for
example, the Germans, have similar beliefs as they also interject in such situations some
prayerful expressions like: Gesundheit! (Your Health!)This serves as a spiritual counter
force repealing the negative and anti-life attempt on the victim. The above anti-life and
pro-life dialectics point to the fact that life could be negotiated- either through
postponement and transfer to another being.
6 OMEGA — Journal of Death and Dying 0(0)

It would be germane at this point to harp on the several ways of bargaining for life
among the Igbo. This ranges from making vows and covenants with deities or spiritual
beings. This is used often when one’s life is threatened by a spiritual force that could be
appeased. In such cases, the sick makes some propitiatory sacrifices and as well
promises the spirit force to do some specific things for it if his or her life is extended.
Among the Nsukka people, this is termed Ikwe Oburu or Iwuru mma Iwu. This finds an
echo in the Christian Bible (2 Kings 20:1–7) wherein the life of the miserably sick King
Hezekiah was extended by additional fifteen years when he appealed to God. Secondly,
there are the medical approaches. The sick could be administered with a medication that
would ensure that breath does not exit from him/her even when his or her body
undergoes decay or is rotten. This brand of medication is known as Akwu ndu. This
genre of medication is mostly applied when the person it was administered on was
about to die during sacred weeks or days or when the chief mourners in the event of his
or her death are not close by. Thirdly and on a different approach, two broad categories
harp on transferring or porting sickness and death from one person to another.
First is the Ichu eja ndu that entails using an animal (goat, ram, cow, etc.) to postpone
the life of a patient whose life is threatened by death. According to Ezema (2018) the
animal used in this medication could be buried alive or the carcass thrown away after
the head must have been severed from the rest of the body. Finally, there is the Ishi
kwaru ishi otherwise called Ngwere ishi enwoo, which is the brand under
discussion here.

The Phenomenon of Ngwere Ishi Enwoo

The concept and phenomenon of Ngwere Ishi Enwoo refer to the postponement and
transfer or porting of death from one person (a sick person) to another person via action
from a distance. This life-extension approach is effectively applied when it is obvious
that the sickness is human-induced especially through traditional poisoning which most
times can neither be diagnosed nor be treated via orthodox medication. In such cases,
the results of the orthodox diagnosis mostly read negative yet the ailment persists. The
word Ngwere means lizard in Igbo. The process explores Igbo symbols and their
concomitant mystic or spiritual values. As it concerns death and dying, the lizard - Oke
Ikpo, Oke araka (male agama lizard) is used in this medication as a porting agent and at
the _same time, to symbolically represent the sick.
As already stated, the use of this medicine or ogwuu is very pronounced and most
_
effective when one’s life is threatened by human-induced sicknesses that defy
orthodox/western type of medicine. When such a situation arises, the Igbo medical
practitioner would first and foremost embark on a comprehensive diagnosis which
encompasses both corporeal and spiritual. He consults the ancestors and their guardian
angels (Igbo regard their deities and departed ancestors as territorial angels), through
divination. The divination could be done using cowries, kola nut, strings made from
native mango ( ugiri), water and other objects. (Ezema, 2018) Once it is ascertained that
the sickness which the patient is suffering from is neither natural nor divinely induced,
Opata et al. 7

the next step would be to see if the victim is innocent or not. In the event of his being
proved to be innocent, the medicine man can now apply his medication to salvage the
victim. On the other hand, if the victim is suffering from a nature- induced sickness, the
local doctor could postpone his death through a medicine called Akwu ndu (Ezema,
2018). The later account is corroborated by (Nwankwo, 2014) who _states that the
understanding that certain diseases are sequel to [the] anger of the gods or are due to
demonic attacks by enemies and evil forces alike provide further attractions to folk
medicine even in this age. Traditional healers are seen as [being] capable of com-
municating with the spirit world, offer acceptable sacrifices to appease offended spirits
and/or cast out demons.
The items used in preparing the medicine used in Ngwere ishi enwoo are: male
lizard, the head of a chameleon, ekwukwo nju ( a leaf from a plant reputed to make those
who do not know it to wander about if touched by the leaf), fluid from a plant called
onomacha oka –ekara, emii ( a class of wild lizard that is very small and has a very
slippery and transparent body that is grey in colour), tender palm leaf (omu nkwu), a leaf
retrieved from a heavy whirl wind ( ekwukwo agha okochi), the bark of ngwereakueka
tree, shrew ( nkakwu), Ofo stick and _palm_ wine _that _ the container in which _it is
_ _ _
harboured had not touched the ground (Dieke, 2018). The bark of Anunu ebeh tree
which must have been turned into power also form part of the abubo_ (ingredients)
_
_ _
depending on the medicine man’s skill and expertise (Maduakor, 2022). This is in-
teresting for one thing. According to (Nwankwo, 2014) the World Health Organization,
the modern regulators of medical practices recognises the use of folk medicine which it
construed to involve health practices, approaches, knowledge and beliefs incorporating
plant, animal and mineral based medicine, spiritual therapies, manual techniques and
exercise applied singularly or in combination to treat, diagnose and prevent illness or
maintain wellbeing
The actual preparation of the “medication” involves, in the first place, posi-
tioning the patient in the right cosmic direction by making the patient seat in the
open facing east (the direction of the rising sun). This is also the preferable position
where sun worshippers (Onu Enyanwu) offer their prayers to the Sun god for those
_ _
who are traditional religionists. The choice of the eastern direction, therefore, has
both religious and cosmic implications. Logically, the east is the direction from
where the sun rises daily. Therefore, ordering the patient to face the east was a subtle
way of wishing that he be made younger and by extension living longer. This logic
is aptly captured by one of the sayings among the Nsukka Igbo that Enyanwu lagide
n’ ike agwu uboshi (when the sun sets, the day is gone) Enyanwu che ihu n’uwal _ chi
_ _
agba ochichiru (if the sun goes west, the day turns dark) and many other of such
statements. By implication, the east as a source of light and power was exploited by
the medical practitioners during such exercise. The tender palm leaf is tied to the
male lizard after which the leaf of ekwukwo nju is squeezed and the water therein
sprinkled on the lizard. The fluid from On _ umacha
_ oka –ekara was made to enter the
_ _
eye of the lizard. Next, the head of a chameleon and shrew (nkakwu) which had been
turned into powered form after burning it to charcoal were wrapped _ with the leaf
8 OMEGA — Journal of Death and Dying 0(0)

that was retrieved from a heavy whirl wind (Ekwukwo agha Okochi), and tied to the
body of the lizard. The bark of the ngwereakueka_ tree _ was placed
_ _ on the ground at
this point and the lizard and all attached to it were raised and made to rest on the bark
of the ngwereakueka tree. Next, the medicine man would pick up the emii (a class of
wild lizards that is very small and has a very slippery and transparent body), and the
male lizard along with all that has been attached to it. The emii was placed on top of
the male lizard’s head and a circular movement was made with the “medication”
four times over the head of the sick (Dieke,). Maduakor (2022) adds that the
powered bark of Anunu ebeh tree was sprinkled on the floor of the road junction
where the medication_ is_ placed. According to him, the essence was to make sure no
other force could neutralise the device.
After the circular movement was made, the medicine man would use the palm wine
to seal the work. At this point, he brings his poetic acumen to bear on the medication as
he made his prayer, invocations and incantations. The essence is to energize the
combinations and animate it with requisite vital force. This imbues the medicine with
extraordinary power for impossible exploits. What is clear at this point is that the
concept of impossibility was used to a large extent in traditional medicine. Statements
like:

Ukwuatazu eka ekeghi ngwugwu

The back of the hand cannot wrap an object

Ọ si ebelebe eme ufiara, si ọnwụ egbukwaele
Whoever says that the Ebelebe tree should not make noise, let him stop death

Are clear examples of statements bordering on impossibility used by Nsukka

medicine men.
The medicine man holds his ofo (sacred symbol of power and authority) in his left
hand as he makes the above prayerful declarations. What is instructive here is the use of
the left hand in holding the ofo stick. Ordinarily, ofo is held using the right hand but in
terms of its use in the type of medication under discourse, it is held using the left hand.
Among the Nsukka people of Lejja, the left hand is called ekaibute. They have this
belief that the left hand is very potent in neutralizing negative forces. Hence they have a
saying that ekaibute b’ubu n’aru agha (the left hand is the misfortune that destroys
_
wars). Implicit in the latter statement is the notion that the medicine man construes his
actions over the sick as going to war with nature. When he is done with the prayer, the
palm wine was poured directly on the wrapped material contained in the leaf retrieved
from a heavy wind and all would be taken and placed at the intersection of three roads
and at very late hours of the night by the medicine man. (Dieke, 2018). The anticipated
death of the patient is immediately ported from the patient to whoever will be the first
person to sight the ogwu or medicine (charm) where it is placed.
_ _
Opata et al. 9

Rationalizing the medicine and the actions associated with it, Dieke posits that it is
equivalent to the Christian prayer of back to the sender. However, given that in some
cases, the victim of the medicine (the first to sight the medicine) may not be responsible
for the ill- health or sickness of the patient who is being salvaged by the medicine,
Onyishi Ebonyi (2011) argues that the medicine goes beyond back to the sender. This
raises a serious ethical problem that is beyond the scope of the present work.
Giving insight into the logic of the pharmacopoeia, Dieke observed that the ofo is
there on the one hand, as a symbol of truth and evidence that the medicine man was
innocent and on the other hand, as a symbol of power and authority. It also connects the
medicine man to the spiritual world (the world of the ancestors) from where his power
and charisma derives. Dieke further argues that the timing of the preparation of the
medicine which is midnight coincides with the time when all the ancestors, tutelary
deities and territorial angels that serve the community are active and at work. The male
agama lizard here plays significant role. Dieke interprets this to mean that since the
lizard is a symbolic representation of the sick, and is used to circle the patient’s head
four times, this spiritually implies that the burden of sickness and death is now ported
from the patient to the lizard which now acts as a vehicle through which same is
transmitted to another person. Chameleon and shrew he enthused are good “ingre-
dients” abubuo used in neutralizing poison while Onumacha oka –ekara was used to
ensure that_ the_ lizard’s eye remained open perpetually
_ _ until the
_ medication had non-
physical contact with the would-be victim. This precautionary measure is taken because
once the lizard closes its eyes, the efficacy of the charm becomes neutralized. He
enthused that any moment the lizard’s eye closes, the power and efficacy of the
medication ceases. The mortal weapon here lies in the victim’s eye’s contact with the
lizard.
Testimonies from natives (Donatus, 2013; Ezugwu, 2017) are in the affirmative that
the medication works. Ozor narrated how in his village, the umu Ugwuiyi family were
known to have used this medication and how some people in the village fell victim of
their antics. This however remains at the level of claim. There is therefore need for
scientific verification of the efficacy of the medication and the claim. This can be
complex given that the process is esoteric and defies empirical analysis.

Igbo Ontology as a Prism for Proper Understanding of the

Phenomenon of Ngwere Isi Enwoo
Given the metaphysical principle that there is no effect without a cause, it becomes
logical to infer that the resultant death of the victim must necessarily have a cause. The
problem here lies in the fact that one cannot easily and empirically establish the link
between the effect and the cause. To most Africans however, there is no doubt that the
occurrence has link with the activity of the medicine-man and the charm or medicine.
But if they are asked to explain further they may at best proffer an answer similar to the
one given by the Great African philosopher Augustine of Hippo on the issue of time:
What then is time? Provided that no one asks me, I know. If I want to explain it to an
10 OMEGA — Journal of Death and Dying 0(0)

inquirer, I do not know” (Augustine Book xi, Chap.xiv). The present paper prefers to
label such causes non-sensuous or non-perceptible causes. This is simply to say that the
cause is not perceptible to the senses. This position seems better than arrogant and utter
denial of such causes. The African worldview and ontology account for the reason why
such paranormal phenomena do not seem strange or extra-ordinary to the African.
The term ontology is derived from two Greek words ontos (which means being or
being real) and logia meaning discourse or studies. Ontology literally means study of
being or reality. According to Ndubisi, “Igbo ontology lies in the Igbo ideas of the
innermost nature of beings” (2017). A people’s fundamental views or assumptions
about reality and existence shape their relationship with same. Ijiomah affirms the
above truth in these strong terms: “the view of a people on the nature of realities affects
whatever relationships the people may perceive as existing between realities” (2018).
Meanwhile, there is no ascetic and absolute serve-all perception of reality. This is
because reality is often given cultural or anthropological colouration. The African
conceives being as force, dynamic, penetrating and interpenetrating. Placid Tempels,
the father of African philosophy and theology, in his seminal work Bantu Philosophy,
clearly articulate the African concept of being as captured in this catchy expression:
“force is being and being is force” (Tempels, 1959, 51). For the African, reality is both
physical and spiritual, having an underlying vital force. The vital force serves as the
animating element. This has been variously interpreted as implying animism (Taylor
1871; Parrinder, 1974; etc.). It is a world of cosmic oneness and integrative worldview
with naturalistic disposition undergirding the relationship amongst the different forces,
animate and inanimate, human and non-human alike. The African worldview, the
invisible spiritual world shades into the visible material realm.
Remarkably, the African ontology perceives realities as relating or interacting with
each other. This is dynamic ontology. Ijiomah suggests that this relationship or in-
teraction is made possible because every existent being has spirit or force inhabiting it
(Ijiomah 2018). The interactions among the beings account for causality. For Madu,
causality is not a mere conceptual reality. It is an existential fact that what is, and
whatever force we see, is intricately involved in other forces, in origin, action, per-
fection and end” (1995). To underscore the ambivalence in the relationship amongst
realities in African worldview, Ijiomah notes that each reality, whether spiritual or
physical appears and disappears into and takes the nature of opposite reality and can
easily dovetail into one another (2018). This ambivalence and “internal relational law
and dynamics” yields harmonious relation (Iroegbu, 1994). This accounts for the
reason why certain super naturalistic phenomena or relations such as half-human-half-
spirit (okala-madu-okala muo, oje-na-madu-oje-na-muo) are possibilities that obtain in
the Igbo-African world. On this note, Chimakonam remarks that, “It might be in-
structive to note that African ontology is that ontology which holds that reality could be
viewed or interpreted from three perspectives namely; the physical, the non-physical
and the combination of the two.” (Chimakonam, & Ezumezu, 2019, p.94) This does not
however negate the fundamental naturalistic principles that undergird relations among
existing beings.
Opata et al. 11

All forces (except God) can be strengthened or weakened. This is to say, all beings
can become stronger or weaker (Tempels, 1959). Even the vital of the human person
can either be weakened or reinforced to become stronger via the intermediary of inferior
forces such as animals, vegetables or minerals. Sickness can be used as a tool for
weakening the vital force. This can be natural or human-induced sickness. Human-
induced sickness can be reversed via the mechanism of porting/transfer or other means
enunciated above.
Given the above worldview and ontologico-existential configurations, the fact of a
combination of lower forces impacting on rational force can be understood. Action
from a distance can also be addressed. Experiences in the African world must be
interpreted in the light of the above worldview and ontology for them to be mean-
ingfully intelligible. The case of Ngwere isi enwoo could therefore be read as the
application of the mechanism which strengthens and fortifies the vital force of the sick
person by porting the already existing ailment from the patient to another person via
non-sensuous technique, thus weakening the vital force of the victim to the point of
death.

Conclusion
The use of indigenous knowledge (call it local science?) among the Igbo to achieve
what appears to be paranormal seems to be prevalent among the Igbo medicine-men.
This is more pronounced in matters concerning the cure of sickness, protection against
witches and wizards, bullet-proof charms, death and dying. The present paper is an
investigation into one of such seemingly paranormal medications which involves
porting of ailment and postponement/transfer of death from a patient to another person.
The phenomenon raises serious metaphysical concerns. One of which is the apparent
gap in the causal link. There is no empirically verifiable link between the death of the
victim and the purported cause which is the medication. This cannot just be dismissed
with a wave of the hand as some people are wont to do. It rather calls for intellectual
humility to investigate what seems to be an abnormality. Similar medications such as
that of traditional bullet-proof (Odieshi) have been observed to be highly effective yet
the process defies empirical and scientific verification. The paper references the Igbo-
Africa ontology and worldview as a prism for a meaningful understanding of the
phenomenon. Porting of death from a terminally sick patient to an innocent and healthy
person raises serious ethical problems too. It sounds inhuman. The entire process
however seems spooky and unscientific. Be that as it may, if there are no existing gaps
in orthodox medicine, there will be no need to seek alternatives which is provided by
the traditional medical experts.
There is therefore a dire need to subject the process and pharmacopoeia to further
scientific analysis (where possible and if arrogance of presumption would permit,
especially where they are clothed with alien beliefs and professional prejudices) so as to
discover the potentials and maximize the same. Equally imperative is the need for the
government of the day to regulate the practice of traditional medicine in Nigeria,
12 OMEGA — Journal of Death and Dying 0(0)

especially among the Igbo with a view to separating ‘Paul’ from ‘Barnabas’; the
genuine practitioners from the quacks and the fake.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.

ORCID iD
Christian Chukwuma Opata  https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9514-0222

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Author Biographies
Christian Chukwuma Opata is a lecturer in the Department of History and Inter-
national Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
Anthony Uzochukwu Ufearoh is a lecturer in the Department of Philosophy , Nnamdi
Azikiwe University Awka.
Hillary Oguejiofor Eze is a lecturer in the Department of Philosophy and Religion,
Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu- Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria.