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Conflicting
Narratives of Crime
and Punishment

Edited by
Martina Althoff
Bernd Dollinger
Holger Schmidt
Conflicting Narratives of Crime and Punishment
Martina Althoff · Bernd Dollinger ·
Holger Schmidt
Editors

Conflicting
Narratives of Crime
and Punishment
Editors
Martina Althoff Bernd Dollinger
Department of Criminal Law Department of Education & Psychology
& Criminology University of Siegen
University of Groningen Siegen, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany
Groningen, The Netherlands

Holger Schmidt
Department of Social Education,
Adult Education and Early Childhood
Education (ISEP)
TU Dortmund University
Dortmund, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany

ISBN 978-3-030-47235-1 ISBN 978-3-030-47236-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47236-8

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse
of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by
similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt
from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein
or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to
jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover credit: Pinghung Chen/EyeEm

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Contents

1 Fighting for the “Right” Narrative: Introduction

to Conflicting Narratives of Crime and Punishment 1
Martina Althoff, Bernd Dollinger and Holger Schmidt

Section I Foundation

2 Counter-Narratives of Crime and Punishment 23

Michael Bamberg and Zachary Wipff

3 Small Stories Research and Narrative Criminology:

‘Plotting’ an Alliance 43
Alex Georgakopoulou

4 Public Narratives of Crime and Criminal Justice:

Connecting ‘Small’ and ‘Big’ Stories to Make Public
Narratives Visible 63
Martina Y. Feilzer

v
vi      Contents

Section II Popular and Everyday Narrations of Crime

and Punishment

5 Crime and Narration: The Creation of (In)Security

in Everyday Life 87
Katharina Eisch-Angus

6 Popular and Visual Narratives of Punishment

in Museum Settings 113
Hannah Thurston

7 Conflicting Counternarratives of Crime and Justice

in US Superhero Comics 139
Daniel Stein

8 Sympathies and Scandals: (Counter-)Narratives

of Criminality and Policing in Inter-war Britain 161
John Carter Wood

Section III Crime Narratives in Social and Criminal Justice

9 ‘Let’s Put Human Rights Right’: (Counter) Narratives

About Human Rights in the UK Popular Press 183
Lieve Gies

10 Files as Prototypical Master Narratives 201

Mechthild Bereswill, Henrike Buhr
and Patrik Müller-Behme

11 Practical Narratives in the Criminal Law Process:

The Suspect’s Statement 219
Martha Komter
 Contents     vii

Section IV Media Outrages and Narrations of Gender,

Crime and Migration

12 Competing Narratives in the Nexus

of ­Migration-Crime-Gender 239
Maria De Angelis

13 Stories of Gender and Migration, Crime

and Security: Between Outrage and Denial 259
Martina Althoff

Index 279
 Notes on Contributors

Martina Althoff is an Associate Professor of Criminology at

the University of Groningen, Department of Criminal Law and
Criminology. Focus of her research is the political and social reactions
to criminality, societal effects of the criminal justice system, gendered
aspects of crime and Feminist Criminology. She published various arti-
cles, book chapters and academic books in English, Dutch and German.
Michael Bamberg received his M.Phil. from the University of York
(Linguistics) and Ph.D. from UC Berkeley (Psychology). Previous to his
appointment as Professor of Psychology at Clark University (USA), he
held teaching positions in Sociology (FU Berlin), in Linguistics at the
University of York (UK), and Foreign Languages at Tongji University
(Shanghai) and Guangdong University of Foreign Studies (Guangzhou),
as well as Universität Saarbrücken (Germany). For 2020, he is on a
Fulbright Distinguished Chair Scholarship with the Adam Mickiewicz
University in Poznan, Poland. His scholarly interests are in narrative,
identity and qualitative methodology.

ix
x      Notes on Contributors

Mechthild Bereswill is a Professor for Sociology at Kassel University,

Department of Human Sciences, Institute of Social Policy and Social
Welfare. Her fields of research include gender studies, social problems
and social control, qualitative methodologies.
Henrike Buhr is a research assistant at Kassel University, Department
of Human Sciences, Institute of Social Policy and Social Welfare. Fields
of research include Qualitative Research, Biography Studies, Social
Problems and Social Control.
Maria De Angelis is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Leeds Beckett
University, UK. She holds a Ph.D. in her specialist area of human
trafficking, and her research examines intersectionality across crim-
inal, immigration and social policy. She is on the board of CIRN—
the Centre for International Research on Narrative at St. Thomas’
University, Canada—and is an active member of the Women Crime
and Criminal Justice Network (British Society of Criminology). Her
current project is one of impact and involves transforming wom-
en’s narratives published in Social Policy and Society (2019) into an
­audio-photo-art exhibition for display in city-wide public spaces.
Bernd Dollinger is a Professor of Social Pedagogy at the University of
Siegen, Germany, Department of Pedagogy & Psychology. His fields of
research are youth crime, history and theory of social pedagogy, welfare
policy. His recent publication includes Dollinger, B. (2020): Changing
Narratives of Youth Crime: From Social Causes to Threats to the Social.
London: Routledge.
Katharina Eisch-Angus is a Professor at the Institute of Cultural
Anthropology and European Ethnology of the University of Graz,
Austria. Major research interests are in the fields of contemporary
everyday cultures, from the anthropology of borders and difference to
processes of securitization and subjectivation, as expressed in collec-
tive memory or everyday narration. A methodological emphasis is on
multi-perspective ethnographic, semiotic and ethno-psychoanalytic
approaches. Recent publications include Absurde Angst. Narrationen
der Sicherheitsgesellschaft [Absurd Anxiety. Narrations of the Society
of Security], Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2019; Der Alltag der (Un)
 Notes on Contributors     xi

sicherheit. Ethnographisch-kulturwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf die

Sicherheitsgesellschaft [The Everyday of (In)Security. Perspectives of
Ethnography and Cultural].
Martina Y. Feilzer is Professor in Criminology and Criminal Justice
at Bangor University. Her research focuses on public perceptions of
criminal justice at local, national and European levels; the relationship
between the media and public opinion of criminal justice; questions of
legitimacy, trust in justice and penal policy; and comparative and his-
torical criminal justice research. She is Co-Director of WISERD (Wales
Institute of Social and Economic Research and Data) at Bangor and
Co-Director of the Welsh Centre for Crime and Social Justice.
Alex Georgakopoulou is Professor of Discourse Analysis & Socio­
linguistics, King’s College London. She has developed small stories
research, a paradigm for examining the role of everyday life stories in
the (re)formation of social relations and identity politics. She has (co)
authored several books that include Analyzing Narrative (with Anna De
Fina, 2012, Cambridge University Press) & ‘Quantified Storytelling:
A Narrative Analysis of Metrics and Algorithms’ (With Stefan Iversen
and Carsten Stage, Palgrave, forthcoming). Her latest study of small
stories has been carried out within the ERC project ‘Life-writing of the
moment: The sharing and updating self on social media’ (www.ego-
media.org).
Lieve Gies is an Associate Professor in the School of Media,
Communication and Sociology at the University of Leicester. Her
research focuses on human rights in the media and media representa-
tions of the law more generally.
Martha Komter is ‘research fellow’ at The Netherlands Institute for
de Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR). She has published
widely on various aspects of language use in the criminal process, espe-
cially on interaction in the courtroom and in the police interrogating
room. Her research materials include audio and video recordings of
authentic police interrogations and trials. The analyses of the courtroom
materials have been published as: ‘Dilemma’s in the Courtroom. A Study
of Trials of Violent Crime in the Netherlands.’ Hillsdale, N. J.: Lawrence
xii      Notes on Contributors

Erlbaum Associates, 1998. She has supervised and carried out the
research programme ‘Intertextuality in judicial settings’, with a focus on
the interrelations between talk and written documents in police inter-
rogations and criminal trials. This has resulted in the book The Suspect’s
Statement: Talk and Text in the Criminal Process, Cambridge University
Press, 2019.
Patrik Müller-Behme is a research assistant at Kassel University,
Department of Human Sciences, Institute of Social Policy and Social
Welfare. His fields of research are social problems and social control,
qualitative research and discourse analysis.
Holger Schmidt is Assistant Professor at the TU Dortmund
University. His research interests are deviance and (youth-)crime, pris-
ons, processes of social differentiation and inequalities, biographical
and—small surprise—narrative research.
Daniel Stein is Professor of North American Literary and Cultural
Studies at the University of Siegen, Germany. He is the author of
Music Is My Life: Louis Armstrong, Autobiography, and American Jazz
(University of Michigan Press, 2012) and, most recently, co-editor
of Nineteenth-Century Serial Narrative in Transnational Perspective,
1830s–1860s (Palgrave, 2019).
Hannah Thurston is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the
University of Brighton. Her research interests include punishment in
the USA and the American cultural identity; qualitative and interpre-
tative methodologies with a focus on narrative analysis; and the use of
museums as research sites. More specifically though, her recent research
has focused on the ‘Lone Star State’ and its reputation for harsh pun-
ishment. To this end, she has analysed the myths and memories which
underpin the Texan self-identity and considered these in relation to the
narratives at work in Texan punishment museums. She continues to
explore how cultural memories of crime and justice draw on—and feed
back into—wider scripts and stories of collective identity.
Zachary Wipff received his B.A. in psychology from Clark University
with highest honours. In his senior thesis, Activity & Passivity, he for-
mulated a narrative theory of psychological agency. He is currently
 Notes on Contributors     xiii

working in his local community and is seeking to continue his educa-

tion through pursuing a graduate degree in psychology. His academic
interests include narrative, identity, consciousness and philosophical
metaphysics.
John Carter Wood is a researcher at the Leibniz Institute of European
History in Mainz, Germany. His research has addressed the topics of
crime, violence, policing, media, gender, intellectual history and reli-
gion. His most recent book is This Is Your Hour: Christian Intellectuals
in Britain and the Crisis of Europe 1937–1949 (Manchester University
Press, 2019).
 List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Column “should we be afraid of being attacked

by strangers?” (Source: The Oxford Times, 8 October 2004) 73
Fig. 5.1 “UK and US given case file on ‘nerve agent made
in Russian Lab’” (Source: The Guardian, April 6, 2018) 92
Fig. 5.2 Front page imagery “Honey trap girl sends message
to setup murder. Sentenced to death by text”
(Source: Metro, July 9, 2009) 106
Fig. 5.3 Cover “Draussen wird geschossen! München, 22. Juli
2016. Wie eine Stadt in Panik verfällt” (Source: Der Spiegel,
September 17, 2016) 108
Fig. 6.1 The Electric Chair: Texas Prison Museum 117
Fig. 6.2 Poster “Riding the thunderbolt”: Texas Prison Museum 118
Fig. 6.3 Poster “Anatomy of an Execution”: Texas Prison Museum 120
Fig. 6.4 Photographic exhibit: Texas Prison Museum 125
Fig. 6.5 Photographic exhibit: Texas Prison Museum 126
Fig. 6.6 Cabinets filled with inmate arts and crafts: Texas Prison
Museum 129

xv
xvi      List of Figures

Fig. 6.7 Cabinets filled with inmate arts and crafts: Texas Prison
Museum 129
Fig. 6.8 Cabinets filled with inmate arts and crafts: Texas Prison
Museum 130
Fig. 6.9 Cabinets filled with inmate arts and crafts: Texas Prison
Museum 130
 1
Fighting for the “Right” Narrative:
Introduction to Conflicting Narratives
of Crime and Punishment
Martina Althoff, Bernd Dollinger
and Holger Schmidt

Introduction
Narratives are a constitutive part of the talk of crime. Whenever an
event is interpreted as “crime” and reactions to it are determined, sto-
ries are established. Events are described, responsibilities ascribed,

M. Althoff (*)
Department of Criminal Law & Criminology,
University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands
e-mail: m.althoff@rug.nl
B. Dollinger
Department of Education & Psychology,
University of Siegen, Siegen, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany
e-mail: bernd.dollinger@uni-siegen.de
H. Schmidt
Department of Social Education, Adult Education
and Early Childhood Education (ISEP), TU Dortmund University,
Dortmund, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany
e-mail: holger3.schmidt@tu-dortmund.de
© The Author(s) 2020 1
M. Althoff et al. (eds.), Conflicting Narratives of Crime and Punishment,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47236-8_1
2    
M. Althoff et al.

justifications sought, alternative interpretations evaluated, etc. In

other words, crime is contested by devising and rejecting narratives.
Narratives are linguistic and cultural patterns of the construction of
crime that organise the production of crime. By “patterns” we mean
that narratives do not simply exist. They are established and negotiated
in social and institutional processes. Some narratives can be established
in these processes in the longer term, others will be forgotten or wither.
This is a conflictual process. But what exactly it means to link narratives
and conflicts in the context of criminality and punishment has hardly
been examined in detail so far, and this is what this volume seeks to
illuminate.

Narratives
Our starting point is the observation that for a narrative understand-
ing of crime it is necessary to consider conflicts or questions of hegem-
ony and subversion to a greater extent than has hitherto been the case.
In order to explain this more closely in the following, we first describe
our view on narratives, then we go into more detail on conflicts or
rather the question of what can or should be regarded as hegemonic or
subversive.
So what do we understand by narratives? First, it should be noted
that there is little consensus on this term (Ryan 2008a). Narratives are
understood very differently. Nevertheless, key points that are often asso-
ciated with narratives can be stated, such as that they are a special form
of linguistic (or textual) communication. To place narratives (or stories,
as used synonymously here) at the centre of analysis follows a linguistic
turn that does not merely see communication as a representation of a
non-verbal reality, but ascribes a particular intrinsic value to narratives
(Nash 1990). The currently growing interest of criminologists in stories
and storytelling goes back to the assumption that narratives create a spe-
cific form of crime reality: they are to be taken seriously because they
constitute crime as such or at least make it communicable without sim-
ply depicting it (Presser 2009). Accordingly, crime is not spoken about,
but crime is spoken. There may be “objective” events, e.g. physical actions
 1 Fighting for the “Right” Narrative …    
3

that lead to the injury of one person by another. However, such events
only become “violence” or “crime” if they are related in a special way.
This relation concerns form and content:
In formal terms, certain conditions must be met for crime to be nar-
rated. Events must be given a certain form so that they can be narra-
tively understood and represented as crime. With reference to narrative
theories (e.g. Bruner 1991; De Fina and Georgakopoulou 2012; Ewick
and Silbey 1995; Polletta et al. 2011) we emphasise three formal
aspects: relationally connected participants, activities, and characteris-
tics; a relatively high communicative value, and a temporal sequence.
Firstly, narratives of crime provide relationally connected partici-
pants including peculiarities attributed to them such as responsibility,
motives, and actions (Dollinger 2020): perpetrators harm others, vic-
tims suffer, policemen investigate. Offenders bear responsibility, victims
do not. Offenders have a motive, victims usually do not. Without such
actors, activities and characteristics, one can hardly speak of “crime”
(Watson 1976). Secondly, narratives mark an event with these partici-
pants and attributes as something special, because the event is worth tell-
ing. Narratives assign events a value of “tellability” (Ryan 2008b): minor
events are not told, but dealt with as routine or they are—at most—
reported, but not related to as a story; if there is a story for an event, it
has to be of interest to a more or less large circle of people. Something
has happened that is worth becoming the subject of a story. Criminality
often has a particularly high tellability; in media and politics, crime is a
recurring theme (e.g. Greer 2005; Simon 2007; Surette 2011). Thirdly,
as a narrative, an event is given the form of a temporal course (Labov
and Waletzky 1967). If no change over time becomes apparent, it would
not make sense to speak of a story; it is the most important formal
characteristic for identifying narratives. Narratives imply movement or
change, whereby in the case of crime the time-bound actions of people
(sometimes of organisations or institutions) are communicated: some-
thing is stolen; someone is murdered, deceived, injured, lied to, aborted,
betrayed, and much more. What these very different forms of action
have in common is the assumption of a temporal sequence. The situ-
ation before the narrated event is different from the situation after the
4    
M. Althoff et al.

event, because, in the meantime, according to the narrative, an offence

has occurred.
In addition to formal features, crime narratives can be identified by
their content. The formal roles, activities and characteristics of the par-
ticipants mentioned can vary in their content depending on the respec-
tive story. Sometimes it is assumed that there is a given set of narratives
with specific roles. According to this view, the limited cultural spec-
trum of possibilities to tell stories can only be varied by individual nar-
ratives, while the core stories themselves are fixed. In relation to crime
and especially to perpetrators, Youngs and Canter (2012) mention four
possible narrative roles of a perpetrator: as a powerful revenger who
fights against external resistance; as a tragic hero struggling with fate;
as an actor driven by external circumstances and alienated from other
persons; as a powerful and professional actor. Other scholars reject
the idea of a limited, culturally predetermined set of narratives. They
instead derive from the assumption that narratives are situation- and
context-dependent constructions which therefore need to be recon-
­
structed from the respective interactions of a narrative process (c.f. De
Fina and Georgakopoulou 2012; Sacks 1995). The focus here is on how
people are indicating to each other that they are telling a story, which,
furthermore, has a specific meaning for them. Depending on the con-
text of a narration, different contents are negotiated, whereby in the
case of “crime” the violation of criminal law norms always becomes a
topic. For this reason, the relevant stories usually contain (at least) per-
petrators and victims as well as a related, temporally aligned actions of
these two role holders. The evaluation of this action—or non-action, if
applicable—is usually unambiguous: crime is something forbidden, i.e.
the narrated actions are evaluated negatively. The pejorative meaning
can be modified in individual cases, for example if crime is understood
as a kind of resistance, as fun or emotional stimulation (e.g. Ferrell
et al. 2015; Katz 1988). Nevertheless, this ascription only varies the
underlying narrative scheme, according to which crime itself is to be
assessed negatively. Crime narratives therefore do not have any arbitrary
content—and yet crime can be told in very different ways (Dollinger
2020). What is meant by “crime” varies greatly according to historical
 1 Fighting for the “Right” Narrative …    
5

and cultural conditions. Moreover, there are often different versions of

an event at a certain place at a certain time.
In view of these differences and (possible) conflicts, the credibility
of stories must be justified and negotiated (Nünning 2015). Whoever
speaks of crime is confronted with the task of convincing others of a
certain course of action, of assigning roles (of perpetrators, victims,
witnesses, etc.), of attributing responsibilities, etc. This can take place
in “small” informal publics, such as in an everyday conversation, or in
highly formalised contexts such as a court hearing. In any case, what
“really” happened must be told credibly and plausibly. Alternative ways
of telling an event must be delegitimised so that a particular story can
be credible. Stories of crime have a special characteristic compared to
many other stories: although crime is often the subject of controversy
and there are numerous narratives of crime and punishment, there are
still instances—despite all the contradictions and contingencies of relat-
ing crime—that make ultimate decisions about which narratives are
“right” (Barrera 2019). Criminal justice has the authority to determine
which actions can be identified as crime and should be sanctioned.
Judges act as decision-makers on the truth of narratives, even if they are
controversial and although it is clear that people in court present their
story with special interests because they want to influence a trial in their
favour (Komter 1998).
The cultural embedding of crime stories deserves special mention in
this context. Narratives of crime never stand alone; there are no purely
individual stories, just as little as there is a “private language” that can
only be understood by one person (Wittgenstein 1953/2010). Crime is
a social construction and a cultural event, and even a judge can only
speak law within a certain culture and legal system. In democracies, the
jurisdiction—albeit within the framework of a separation of powers—
must be linked to a publicly monitored and legitimised rule of law and
to criminal policy guidelines. In this sense, a judgement only makes
sense because it is embedded in institutional and cultural contexts. The
dependence on contexts also applies to narratives of individual “per-
petrators” or “victims”. These narratives refer to cultural backgrounds
which make the narratives understandable, be it by friends, a judge, a
social pedagogue or someone else. Narrators employ categories and
6    
M. Althoff et al.

semantics that are accessible to others and that can be used by them to
explore and evaluate the meaning of a crime story. And besides institu-
tional and individual narratives, the dependence on context is also true
in the case of public or collective narratives, i.e. crime stories that are,
for example, told by the media who cannot (arbitrarily) reinvent new
stories. Instead, media agents compile the material available to them
(Althoff 2018). The very different contexts of storytelling make it pos-
sible to assume conflicts or at least a high potential for disagreement,
as there are manifold situations and institutional or everyday contexts
in which crime is discussed. Whoever tells a crime story has to direct it
towards the respective contexts and the relevant audiences so that it is,
and can be, perceived as a “convincing story”. It is precisely because nar-
ratives aim to persuade and to negate alternative ways of telling an event
that conflicts are of central importance for a narrative analysis of crime.

Counter-Narratives and Hegemony

In the realm of conflicting narratives, we are—in the words of narra-
tive theory and research—dealing with dominant or master narratives
as well as counter-narratives. Power relations turn out to be analytically
valuable when it comes to differentiate among these concepts: accord-
ing to Ewick and Silbey (1995), narratives are socially organised phe-
nomena that can only be communicated meaningfully within the
framework of historically specific cultural contexts. Narratives are irrev-
ocably linked to the production of meanings and the power relations
expressed in this specific production. Stories are therefore not told by
chance, their contents are determined by social norms and conventions,
and this also applies to how and why stories are told. Similarly, Andrews
(2004) and Bamberg (2004) stress that the hegemonic character of mas-
ter narratives results from the fact that they structure social reality as
“pre-existent sociocultural forms of interpretation” (Bamberg 2004, p.
360). They establish actions and events as routine, thus giving them the
appearance of normality and naturalness, “with the consequence that
the more we as subjects become engaged in these routines, the more we
become subjected to them” (Bamberg 2004, p. 360). At the same time,
Another random document with
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 Taas voimiini uskon, taas huomenen ruskon kerä kultainen
henkeni taivaalla käy kuin auringon hymy, jumal-aatosten
jymy — punahehkunta, jolle ei loppua näy.

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— taru rakkauden, jonka nyt rauniot näin.

1916

Niin kaukaa ja sentään läheltä niin —

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sua lapsuuden ystäväsi.

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vainoo: hän nyt on ylin ystäväin, mut muinen armas ainoo.

1916.

Talvipäivän painuessa.
 Te talvisen taivaanrannan puut, mitä tiedätte meistä, elon
hallavan hankihin eksyneistä? Punakeltaiset saaret ja salmein
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salmein suut ne lohtua tarjoo kuin kukkaa, mi vaivaisen
kumpua varjoo:

"Miks murehdit, onneton, mieletön mies?

Sua lempivi hän
kuin haavetta valkean yön hämärän.
Olet hälle kuin hiljaa hiiltyvä lies;
sait rakkaudelta,
min päivältä saa nyt yön punakelta."

Yö tummuvi yhä ja pakkanen kiihtyy. Hän ei konsana tule,

en konsana häntä ma syliini sule. mun mieleni murhe niin
oudoksi viihtyy … ah, aurinko meni, mene pois, mene pois,
polo rakkauteni!
1916.

Ritarit.

Ne lempi ne ritarit uljahat, ne huokasi aamuin ja illoin, he

samaa impeä rakastivat, tuo virkkoi vanhempi silloin:

"Mun palaa rinta ja palaa pää,

minä matkaan suurihin sotiin,
siell' aika on säiläni välkähtää,
sinun lie paras jäädä kotiin!"

Veli vanhempi matkasi maailmaan,

teki töitä hän miesten ja miekkain,
veli nuorempi jäi kotinurkkahan vaan,
mut hän oli veljistä viekkain.

Kun tähdet syttyy ja saapuu yö,

hän impensä ikkunan alla
niin hiljaa luuttunsa kieliä lyö
sydänhaaveella hartahalla.

Veritöistä hän veljensä laulut luo,

oman lempensä noihin liittää,
pian ikkunaan käy impi tuo,
sen aukaisee sekä kiittää.

— "Runo laulaos töistä Rodrigon taas,

sa ruhtinas lauluniekkain!"
— "Hän kunnia kaiken on kansas ja maas,
tarun kerron ma keskeltä miekkain."

— "Ah, luuletko, uljas mun unhottaa

vois kalpojen karkeloissa?
— "Jäis ennen mult' unhoon taivas ja maa,
jos itse ma oisin noissa,"

— "Sun hehkuiko mielesi milloinkaan

myös haaveista sankaritöiden?"
— "Isabella, ma lemmestä hehkun vaan,
käyn aaveena kuutamo-öiden."

— "Minä miekkojen leikkiä ihailen."

— "Minä vain olen lempeni orja!"
— "Minä lemmin laulua vapaiden."
— "Käy sydämessäin sota sorja!"

Hän jälleen luuttunsa kieliä lyö

niin kummalla kaipauksella
ja tähdet viittoo ja tuoksuu yö,
ei torjua voi Isabella.

He muistavat veljeä taistelevaa,

he huokaavat hehkuvin rinnoin,
he suutelevat sata suudelmaa
he syleilevät sydän-innoin …

1916
Kalypson saari.

Hän saaren rantoja yhäti käy, Odysseus, sankari Hellaan,

hänen mielensä oudoksi synkistäy, ei venhoa vapauttavaa
vain näy, Kalypso, neitonen saaren, hänet kahlehti
kauneudellaan.

Hän aistivi, kuinka myrskyssä merimiehet aavalla laulaa,

miten haahdet heittyvät hyrskyssä, veen päällä vellamot
tyrskyssä, ja kuinka kuohuista rannan ne nostavat kättä ja
kaulaa.

Niin raskaasti rintansa huoahtaa: "Ahot Ithakan, ah, te

armaat, teit' enkö siis enää nähdä saa, kotiliettä en koskea
korkeaa, mua tervehdi eivät koskaan siis äidin, ei puolison
parmaat?

Tuo tuhkahan sortui Ilion, mut Ithaka mennyt on myötä,

olen tullut ma suureen turmiohon; kuka voitettu nyt, kuka
voittaja on, en tiedä, mut tiedän, että elo maineeton on manan
yötä!

Akilleus, ah, olet miekkoinen mies,

joka tuonen lehdoissa lepäät,
Agamemnon, hän tiensä varmaan ties,
Menelaoksen lauha on taas kotilies,
mult' yksin miks kodin armon
Poseidon ankara epäät?

Puna häpeän peittävi poskiain, mun rintani kaihosta riutuu,

en viestiä saa sotaveikoistain, en poiastain, jään tänne ain
 kuin kurja mies, kuin Paris, mi lemmen huolihin hiutuu!"

Hän huokaa, hän rantoja raisuja käy, Odysseus, sankari

Hellaan, hänen katseensa kyynelin kylmentäy, ei silmäänsä
sirkeä neiti näy, mi lähestyy, noin virkkaa hänet valliten
vienoudellaan:

"Sun käärin ma kutrein ja kultavöin —

mitä on isänmaa, mitä maine?
Sun huokaan ma huulias päivin ja öin,
Odysseus, ah sua ain ikävöin,
meri ääretön on, yli äärten
lyö lempeni kultainen laine!"

Ja päivät ja viikot ne vierivät pois kuut kulkevat niinkuin

aaveet, on joskus kuin kuoroa ilmassa ois, kuin laineilta
sankarilauluja sois, taas pilvinä päivän tieltä ne haihtuvat kuin
kotihaaveet.

1917.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LEMMEN
LAULUJA ***

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