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The Paramedic at Work
The Paramedic at Work
A Sociology of a New Profession
Leo McCann
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
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Preface
There had been warnings about this for decades. Risk assessments and
preparedness audits buried deep in forgotten filestores. Principles, proce-
dures, and colour-coded flowcharts describing the likely trajectories of a
deadly new disease pandemic. A government simulation in October 2016,
known as Exercise Cygnus, roleplayed the response of healthcare, local
government, police, fire and rescue, and military organizations to a flu-like
disease outbreak. It found major shortages and deficiencies in the pan-
demic response, with the health service overwhelmed. It predicted 400,000
deaths. The findings of Cygnus were deemed ‘too terrifying’ for public
consumption and the report was initially supressed.1
Just over three years later a dangerous new virus broke out for real. The
SARS-CoV-2 virus hit the UK extremely hard, across three giant waves of
infection in the spring of 2020, the autumn/winter of 2020–2021, and again
in the autumn/winter of 2021-2022. The National Health Service came
close to being overwhelmed in the first two peaks. At the time of writing
there have been more than fifteen million infections and over 15,000 deaths
attributed to the Covid-19 disease.
Working conditions for almost all people were upended by regional
and national lockdowns, travel bans, and social distancing measures; by
bankruptcy and closure of facilities; and by job cuts and staff sickness
absence. Healthcare was one of the most traumatic, exhausting, and risky
work environments imaginable. Frontline healthcare professionals of all
kinds, as well as support, logistical, and administrative staff, had little or
no option of working from home. Instead, they continued working at the
heart of a dreadful and prolonged crisis. News media tended to focus most
of their attention on hospitals and on the doctors, nurses, and other clin-
icians treating critically ill patients in specialist Covid-19 isolation wards.
The hospital became a scene of desperate bleakness. Staff were shattered by
the workload, wary of the extreme risk of contracting the virus themselves,
1 ‘Exercise Cygnus uncovered: the pandemic warnings buried by the government’, The Telegraph, 28
March 2019.
vi Preface
‘the old days’; 12-hour shifts featuring only around four or five callouts, but
each to a patient facing a genuinely dangerous health emergency.2
The first lockdown was eventually successful in suppressing infection
rates, hospitalizations, and deaths, and UK society started to reopen in July
2020. But, predictably enough, the rates of Covid infection slowly crept
back up throughout late summer and accelerated in autumn. With win-
ter on the horizon, the healthcare economy was building towards disaster.
By January 2021, the country was back into a lockdown almost as severe
as the first one in March 2020. Covid-19 infection rates exploded, peak-
ing at around 60,000 known infections per day. Hospitals were once again
overwhelmed with coronavirus patients. Over a thousand Covid patients
were dying every day. Calls to ambulance services now hit record lev-
els, such as 8,500 calls per day to London Ambulance Service, instead of
the usual 5,000–6,000.3 All around the country, ambulances were stuck
in long queues outside hospitals, unable to offload Covid patients for
hours because of a lack of available beds inside. Hospitals had tried to
keep routine and elective appointments going, only dropping this work-
load to accommodate the second wave when they had no other choice. The
‘normal’ calls to the ambulance service didn’t drop off. The more recent
lockdown was less strictly adhered to than the first. The population was also
stressed, isolated, and exhausted by nine months of life in a pandemic, so
the mental health calls came back. Virus outbreaks occurred within ambu-
lance control centres and HQs, leading to prolonged illness, staff shortages,
and work overload. This time around, none of the paramedics out on the
streets were making allusions to ‘the good old days’. Instead, they were, in
the words of paramedic and author Jake Jones, ‘frustrated, drained, [and]
powerless to help’.⁴
Concerns started to circulate about the probable inadequacy of the
personal protective equipment (PPE) issued to ambulance crews. It con-
sisted of Level 2 PPE to be worn to all calls (surgical facemask, disposable
gloves, and apron), and Level 3 PPE (FFP3 mask or respirator hood, fluid
repellent overalls) to be used when crews carry out ‘aerosol generating pro-
cedures’ such as chest compressions. One paramedic described Level 2 to
2 An official overview of the pandemic from the perspective of ambulance service employers is
AACE (2021). For a personal blog from a paramedic, see ‘On the front line’, UK Climbing, 14 April
2020, available at: https://www.ukclimbing.com/articles/features/on_the_front_line-12718
3 ‘London Ambulance Service: ‘We take thousands of calls a day – it’s tough’, BBC News, 18 January
2021.
⁴ ‘Even as the Covid crisis accelerates, paramedics like me see people taking risks’, The Guardian 6
January 2021.
viii Preface
me as little more than ‘a plastic pinny you’d use for making sandwiches’.
Paramedics were seated with Covid-infected patients in the confined space
of an ambulance interior, waiting for hours at a time as hospitals struggled
to find space to admit new patients. Staff were warned not to break proto-
col and upgrade themselves to Level 3 in such situations. Doing so in any
case would often seem inappropriate and would offend a paramedic’s un-
derstanding of appropriate patient treatment—respirators or hoods make
interaction extremely difficult, with one paramedic commenting on Twit-
ter that the Level 3 gear in use in his Trust makes the wearer look like
Darth Vader.⁵ Many broke the rules and donned the gear. Some resorted
to buying their own FFP3 masks from Screwfix.
By October 2020, around 1 in 12 paramedics had tested positive for
Covid-19 and by January 2021, at least 18 frontline ambulance workers in
the UK had died of the disease.⁶ Mercifully, ambulance staff were finally
inoculated by the end of January 2021, with vaccines providing a way out
of the nightmare that they, and other NHS staff, had suffered for so long.
The vaccines did not fully prevent new infections, but were very effective
in breaking the link between infection and serious illness. A further, pro-
longed wave of infection in the autumn and winter of 2021 was less severe
than the previous two. The virus became endemic, and a largely vaccinated
society learnt to adapt to live with it without lockdowns and social dis-
tancing measures. Still, the NHS as a whole faced a terrible backlog of
postponed patient care, and found itself facing drastic operational diffi-
culties throughout the year even before it headed into its always-difficult
winter months.⁷
I wrote about half of this book during the years 2020–21. I had planned
to finish it long before 2020, and the research data upon which it is
based predate the Covid-19 pandemic by several years. But I had to
reflect on these contemporary events somewhere in the text. Even without
the pandemic, a central theme of the book was of professionals fac-
ing stress and burnout, and of trying to serve the public in extremely
trying circumstances and with limited support. Already struggling with
York, it has been a privilege working among colleagues in the Work, Man-
agement and Organization group, who have been supportive colleagues
during a desperately tough time for universities, academics, and students.
Special thanks must go to Bill Cooke, Chris Corker, Jon Fanning, Phil Gar-
nett, Lindsay Hamilton, Shane Hamilton, Carolyn Hunter, Ian Kirkpatrick,
Simon Mollan, Daniel Muzio, Jane Suter, Simon Sweeney, Kevin Tennent,
and Des Williamson. For two years I served alongside Jane Suter as the
joint head of this group which, over time, developed a ‘span of control’ so
broad it would have given Lyndall Urwick and V. A. Graicunas real cause
for concern. Without Jane’s collegiality, support, and incredible attention
to detail, I would have drowned under the demands of that management
role, and I thank her sincerely.
Jenny King at Oxford University Press has been a very helpful and patient
editor, and I would like to thank her and OUP for the support I’ve had over
the years it has taken for me to finish this project.
Finally, I would like to thank my wife Kate Reed for her love and kind-
ness. Not only is she a wonderful soulmate and companion, she is a truly
outstanding sociologist of health and illness, and her influence is present
on every page of this text. Thank you, Kate, for everything.
Contents
1. A New Profession 1
2. Conceptualizing Emergency Professions 30
3. Out on the Road: The Organization of Emergency
Ambulance Work 58
4. The Operator Culture 92
5. Coping with Unbearable Strain 131
6. Street-Level Professionals 168
7. Professionalism as a Quest for Dignity 212
References 232
Index 247
1
A New Profession
1 The BBC TV programme was entitled Building Sights and was originally transmitted
on 23 November 1988, https://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/p01rqpwx/building-sights-series-1-5-
alexander-fleming-house
Service) staff were negotiated by the Whitley Councils of ‘staff side’ and
‘management side’ collective bargaining. For one particular group of NHS
workers, in the autumn and winter of 1989–90, this machinery had bro-
ken down. Ambulance workers were in dispute with their employers over
the 1989 pay offer. The 1989–90 ambulance dispute was about to esca-
late into ‘the most important industrial conflict since the 1984–5 miners’
strike’ (Kerr and Sachdev, 1992: 127). Starved of funding and recognition
for decades and with morale desperately low, ambulance staff represented
by five trade unions across the UK took industrial action to defend their
pay and conditions from continual erosion, aiming at parity with police
and firefighters.
Industrial action took several forms, including overtime bans, working-
to-rule, and boycotts of paperwork and non-emergency patient trans-
ports. Management responded with lockouts and suspensions. Ambulance
workers taking part in the dispute technically were not on strike; rather
they were taking part in ‘action short of strike’ (Clement, 2010: 12–13).
Ambulance workers ran their own unofficial 999 response system, continu-
ing to respond to emergency calls while going unpaid, despite Conservative
politicians routinely criticizing the unions for endangering the public (Kerr
and Sachdev, 1992: 130). The government resorted to calling out the armed
forces in some cities, deploying soldiers to emergency calls in olive-green
military fire appliances and ambulances. Police officers, firefighters, and St
John’s Ambulance volunteers were also drafted in to perform emergency
medical response (Fellows and Harris, 2019: 34).
Ambulance staff collected donations from the public by shaking buck-
ets outside ambulance stations and in town centres (Conaghan, 2010: 42).
Decades before the internet and social media, a petition calling for the
government to provide a new pay deal for ambulance staff gained over
five million signatures. The dispute was finally ended at meetings brokered
by ACAS, including an all-night negotiation session at Elephant and Cas-
tle (Clement, 2010: 18–19). In a signifier of the industrial, working-class
roots of ambulance work, the staff side sent out for fish and chips during
the marathon 20-hour talks. According to one of the unionists ‘that was a
good sign, as getting to the fish and chip stage reveals progress’ (Conaghan,
2010: 84).
On 23 February the lead union negotiator Roger Poole emerged to an-
nounce a deal that would end the dispute. He used a phrase that many in
the British union movement will recognize: ‘Today we have driven a coach
A New Profession 3
2 ‘When ambulance workers drove a coach and horses through government pay policy’, work-
ers.org.uk, October 2010; see also: ‘Roger Poole obituary’, The Guardian, 15 July 2015; ‘Roger Poole:
Trade union official whose impeccable public persona helped ambulance workers defeat the Tory
government’, Independent, 28 July 2015.
3 Hansard, HC Deb, 7 December 1989. Vol. 159, cc852-5, http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/
commons/1989/nov/07/ambulance-service-pay-dispute
4 The Paramedic at Work
inadequate the ambulance service had become. Crucially, this ‘skills’ part
of the settlement opened up the possibility of developing more clinically
advanced roles for ambulance crews as part of a broader augmentation of
the ambulance service’s clinical ability. This settlement—now almost lost in
the mists of time—turned out to be an important stage for the development
of the paramedic role in the UK; it marked the first time that ambulance
staff would be paid for having ‘paramedic skills’ (Fellows and Harris, 2019:
36–7). There had been some pioneering developments in upskilling am-
bulance responders in various parts of Britain since the late 1960s (Bell,
2009: 254; Fellows, 2020), but the endgame to the 1989–’90 dispute pro-
vided a possibility to broaden and embed these, and other, changes as a
matter of national policy. Ambulance services and ambulance work could
now begin to move from a blue-collar occupation rooted in manual work,
first aid, and transportation, to a clinically advanced profession, staffed by
highly trained and increasingly autonomous experts.
This book is about the work of paramedics. It is a sociology of a new
profession. It explains, describes, and accounts for the work, behaviour,
and culture of a group of expert workers who engage in a particular
kind of healthcare work. This form of work—much like other uniformed,
emergency work such as policing and firefighting—holds an enduring
fascination among the public. There is a mystique, even a romance to
the work: speeding vehicles, expert technicians functioning under some-
times extreme pressure, caring professionals providing a compassionate
service to the public, the exhilaration of rescue, and the tragedy of loss.
‘Reality’ TV shows and blog-based books about paramedics and ambu-
lance services have been popular hits (book examples include Brent, 2010;
Farnworth, 2020; Gray, 2007; Jones, 2020; Pringle, 2009; Reynolds, 2009,
2010; Walder, 2020; Wharton, 2017). While the memoirs tend to be self-
deprecating, the TV shows play to well-established public perceptions
of ambulance services and paramedics, focussing strongly on the drama
associated with life-threatening emergencies; blue-light vehicles tearing
through the streets, heroic first responders stoically enduring non-stop
trauma, and skilfully intervening to save lives in hostile environments.
Heroic and action-packed portrayals of this kind do not convey a de-
tailed, balanced, and accurate picture of an occupation or profession.
Beyond a relatively small sociological literature (Boyle and Healey 2003;
Corman, 2017a, 2017b; Granter et al., 2019; Mannon, 1992; McCann et al.,
2013; Metz 1981; Nelson and Barley, 1997; Nurok and Henckes, 2009;
Seim, 2020; Tangherlini, 1998, 2000; Wankhede, 2012) little is known about
A New Profession 5
⁴ ‘Fewer ambulance 999 calls to be classed as ‘life-threatening’, BBC News, 13 July 2017.
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