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Title Pages

African Voices from the Inquisition, Vol. 1: The

Trial of Crispina Peres of Cacheu, Guinea-Bissau
(1646-1668)
Print publication date: 2021
Print ISBN-13: 9780197266762
Published to British Academy Scholarship Online: January 2022
DOI: 10.5871/bacad/9780197266762.001.0001

Title Pages
Toby Green, Philip Havik, F. Ribeiro Da Silva

(p.i) African Voices from the Inquisition, Vol. 1

Fontes Historiae Africanae Sources of African History 18

(p.iii) African Voices From the Inquisition, Vol. 1

Fontes Historiae Africanae/Sources of African History is an international editing and

publication project initiated in 1962 to organise a series of critical editions of the sources for the
history of sub- Saharan Africa (i.e. Africa south of the Mediterranean lands), under the general
auspices of the Union Académique Internationale. In 1973 the British Academy established a
British committee to publish volumes in the series. Since 1997, the volumes issued by the British
Academy’s Committee have been published in the New Series. (p.ii)

Published for THE BRITISH ACADEMY

by OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

(p.iv) Oxford University Press, Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP

© The British Academy 2021

Database right The British Academy (maker)

First edition published 2021

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of the British Academy, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organisation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of
the above should be sent to the Publishing Department, The British Academy,
10–11 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH

You must not circulate this book in any other form

Page 1 of 2
Title Pages

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Data available

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Data available

Typeset by in the offices of the British Academy

by Portia Taylor
Printed in Great Britain by
TJ Books Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall

ISBN 978–0–19–726676–2

Access brought to you by:

Page 2 of 2
Maps

African Voices from the Inquisition, Vol. 1: The

Trial of Crispina Peres of Cacheu, Guinea-Bissau
(1646-1668)
Print publication date: 2021
Print ISBN-13: 9780197266762
Published to British Academy Scholarship Online: January 2022
DOI: 10.5871/bacad/9780197266762.001.0001

Maps
Toby Green, Philip Havik, F. Ribeiro Da Silva

(p.vi)

(p.vii)

General map of the Greater Senegambia

region. Map designed by Sílvia Catarino.

Page 1 of 2
Maps

Detailed map of Cacheu and settlements

mentioned in the text. Map designed by
Sílvia Catarino. (p.viii)

Access brought to you by:

Page 2 of 2
Glossary

African Voices from the Inquisition, Vol. 1: The

Trial of Crispina Peres of Cacheu, Guinea-Bissau
(1646-1668)
Print publication date: 2021
Print ISBN-13: 9780197266762
Published to British Academy Scholarship Online: January 2022
DOI: 10.5871/bacad/9780197266762.001.0001

(p.ix) Glossary
Toby Green, Philip Havik, F. Ribeiro Da Silva

Abjuração de Levi:
oath of adjuration of a defendant in an inquisitorial trial, where there was deemed to
be a ‘slight’ suspicion of heresy, thus recanting and promising not to relapse. Other
canonic categories were used in accordance with different levels of defendants’
suspected heretic conduct, such as formali or vehementi, indicating suspicion of
more serious heretic behaviour.
Administrador das Obras de Sua Magestade:
Administrator of the His Majesty’s Estates, an official usually charged with
implementing and overseeing works, here responsible for the building of
fortifications.
Ad daaquem:
Ad quem refers to a judge at a superior level. This could mean that the copy was sent
to a superior ‘judge’ of the Inquisition. ‘Daaquem’ could derive from the Portuguese
‘da quem’ as in ‘d’aquem e da álem mar’, i.e. far flung places overseas.
Ajacaria:
in all likelihood derived from the Portuguese verb Jactar(-se), i.e. to brag.
Alcaide:
Local mayor; derived from the Arabic, ‘al qãdi’ or judge; the same term is found in
Mandé and is still widely used in Senegambian languages today, i.e. alkali, alkalu.
Alferes:
Lieutenant.
Allama:
yam flour.
Andar em mau estado:
literal meaning is to walk around in a bad condition; but in the context it means to
commit a sin with someone (i.e. have extramarital sexual relations).
Arancel:
Instructions.
Auto(s)-da-fé:
Act of faith. Highly ritualised public confession organised by the Inquisition Courts,
where those tried by the tribunals were publicly punished, to set an example for the

Page 1 of 10
Glossary

population at large. The threat of an auto-da-fé was widely used as a means to warn
and frighten people, while projecting the image of Inquisition courts as all powerful
institutions.
Baga-Baga:
[Guinean Creole] Termite mound, which forms a big mound of earth.
(p.x) Bañun (or Bainunk):
are generally thought to have been the “firstcomers” to the region of Casamance and
Guinea-Bissau before waves of migrants came from the region of the Mali empire
from the thirteenth century onwards.
Bens espirituais:
Spiritual goods.
Bens materiais:
Material goods; or goods of this world.
Bichos:
Creepy-crawlies.
Bolon:
Creek; the region between the Cacheu and Casamance Rivers is full of creeks which
connect the two rivers, and were often the quickest form of transport.
Bomba do navio:
helm of a ship.
Buchos dos braços:
Bucho is a noun commonly used to refer to the belly or the stomach of certain
animals; in this context it refers to the biceps of the arms.
Buzes:
‘Witchdoctors’ or shamans.
Cabido:
Chapter of a Cathedral, the Bishopric or Archbishopric.
Cantareira:
Fixed bench made of wood, stone or any other material. Usually it is placed against a
fence, or an external or internal wall of a house. It was commonly used to place
pitchers, in particular in the kitchen.
Capitão:
Captain.
Capitão-mor:
Captain major; appointed by the Portuguese Crown to command local (city/town or
district) garrisons in colonial settings.
Capítulos do édicto da Visita (ao Bispado):
Articles of the Edict to the Visit to the Bishopric.
Caranguejo:
here: gangrene (literally Port: crab).
Carpindo:
from the Portuguese verb carpir, i.e. to lament or to cry.
Carta de Comissão:
Official document issued by the Inquisition Courts granting a third party, usually a
clergyman, permission to carry out inquiries and/or interrogate witnesses on behalf
of the Holy Office.
Casta:
Caste.
China(s):

Page 2 of 10
Glossary

Fetishes. Derived from the Bañun term hatichira, a shrine associated with
purification rites in the form of a forked stick. It is first referred in the early 1500s in
chronicles on the Upper Guinea coast (Fernandes, 1506).
Christian:
see Kriston.
Cirurgião-mor:
Surgeon major.
Coadjuctor (da Igreja):
Co-adjudicator of the church.
Chocarreiro:
person who makes funny and bold remarks.
Choro(s):
funeral or toka chur in Guinean Creole; derives from the verb chorar, to cry.
Comissário da Inquisição:
Commissioner of the Inquisition.
Compadre(s):
terms used to define the relationship between the Godparents of a child and the
parents of the same child.
Conbutte (combete):
warehouse.
(p.xi) Contraditas:
Contradicted (arguments).
Corda(s) or Cordão(ões):
String(s).
Cordão de pião:
String of whipping-top.
Crismada:
Name given to the person who has received the Catholic Confirmation (i.e. Crisma in
Portuguese).
Cristão [da terra]:
Lit. ‘Christians of the land’, also called Cristão por ceremónia. or ceremonial
Christians. These terms were used for locally born Christianised Africans, who were
called Kriston in Kriol (Guinean Creole). See Kriston.
Cristão Novo:
New Christian (or converso in Spain). The forced conversion of persons of Jewish
origin from Portugal by D. Manuel I in 1497 - following a similar decision to expel
Jews taken in Spain by Isabel I of Castile and Fernando II of Aragon in 1492 - obliged
them to covert to Chritianity, hence becoming ‘New Christians’.
Cristão Velho:
An ‘Old Christian’ or Cristão Velho was someone without Jewish or Muslim ancestry
who could prove they had “a pure bloodline”, or limpeza de sangue. Limpeza was an
important qualification for certain official roles and positions within the Inquisition,
in the Church, in general, and in state functions more generally; though in practice -
especially in colonial settings - it was often glossed over.
Cruzado(s):
currency in use in Portugal and its Empire from the mid-1400s to 1835. Cruzados
circulated in the form of gold and silver coins.
Cordões:

Page 3 of 10
Glossary

cotton strings which were – and still are - widely used by Mandinga priests and
healers to cure patients of ailments and protect them against illness, bad luck or evil
spirits (djinnó). The strings were and are also commonly used to tie amulets, in the
form of leather pouches, which contain suras or verses from the Coran, called guarda
di kurpu (body protectors) in Kriol, also widely known in the region as grisgris.
Strings and amulets were and are still worn by Muslim and non-Islamised
populations in the region, including members of Kriston communities in trade
settlements.
Costume, perguntado sobre o:
literal translation: “asked about the custom”. This was a standard short form used in
the Inquisition trials as well as in other Portuguese judicial proceedings, to ask
witnesses in a court-case to declare if they have any blood relationship to, or any
hatred or enmity with, the person accused in the same trial.
Defumar:
cleansing the affected part of a person’s body by fumigation in order to cure them of
an ailment. The technique is commonly practiced by healers in the region, mostly by
fumigation with the smoke from burning leaves pertaining to certain plants with
medicinal properties.
Diminuições:
term commonly used in the Inquisition documents to refer to prisoners’ failure to
make a full confession.
(p.xii) Diminuta:
term commonly used in the Inquisition trials and other documents to refer to those
under trial or already tried that have failed fully to confess their faults.
Drogas:
literal meaning is “drugs”, but in this context it refers to spices.
Edicto (da Visita ao Bispado):
Edict of the Visit (to the Bishopric).
Erronia(s):
wrongdoing(s) or sins; derives from the noun erro, which means error or mistake;
rôna in Guinean Creole.
Erva Arruda:
Rue grass, Ruta graveolens pertaining to the Rutaceae family.
Escrivão da Almotaçaria:
Scribe of the Municipal Office of Weights and Measures.
Escrivão da Chancelaria Real:
Scribe of the Royal Chancellery.
Escrivão do Eclesiástico:
Ecclesiastical scribe.
Escrivão do Judicial:
Judicial scribe.
Escrivão da Praça:
Scribe of the stronghold/fortress.
Escrivão do Público, Eclesiástico e Notas:
Scribe of legal and ecclesiastic affairs. Escrivao do Público e Judicial: Scribe of legal
and judicial affairs.
Escrivão da Visita (ao Bispado):
Scribe of the Visit (to the Bishopric).
Ex Causa:

Page 4 of 10
Glossary

for that purpose.

Extra Confessionem:
outside of confession.
Fazer-se de novas:
Popular expression used whenever someone pretends not to know about something.
Familiar:
agents of the Inquisition responsible for the imprisonment of the accused. Usually
lay persons with a professional background, they had to be Cristãos Velhos, i.e. ‘Old
Christians’, genealogically of ‘pure blood’, i.e. distinguishing them from the Cristãos
Novos or ‘New Christians’. They were held to denounce heretical behaviour as well
as those who falsely claimed to be invested with inquisitorial authority. Familiares
owed allegiance to Inquisitorial Commissioners to whom they reported. The ‘carta de
familiar’, which formalised their relationship with the Inquisition, provided them
with a certain social status and with the right to detain suspected heretics.
Feiticeiros:
‘Witchdoctors’; derives from the Portuguese “feitiço”, or (magic) spell. The
accusation of witchcraft was widely used by the Inquisition in Portugal at the time to
persecute healers of Portuguese and African extraction. Besides by missionairies, the
term feitiços was also coined by Portuguese traders visiting the Sierra Leone region
in the late fifteenth century with regard to local rituals and shrines pertaining to
coastal communities (e.g. Temne, Bullom).
Feiticeira:
female form of feiticeiro.
Feitiços:
Spells or curses that are generally interpreted by the Inquisition as diabolic magic or
witchcraft.
(p.xiii) Fidalgo:
nobleman.
Filha/o natural:
illegitimate daughter or son.
Filho/a da Terra:
person born out of mixed marriage in Guinea (currently Guinea-Bissau). Filha da
terra literally translates as ‘daughter of the land’. Filhos da terra (masculine plural
form) were individuals (including both men and women) born out of local
arrangements, i.e. ‘marriages à la mode du pays’ between Atlantic traders and
women from different coastal ethnic groups or of Kriston origin.
Gergelim:
Sesame, i.e. Sesamum indicum L, pertaining to the Pedaliacea family. It is commonly
found in West Africa and the Guinea Bissau, as well as on the Cabo Verde Islands.
The plant is known for its medicinal properties, by processing the roots, leaves and
above all the seeds; sesame oil has long been used for treating wounds, as well as
having analgesic, anti-bacterial, anti-inflammatory, anti-viral and anti-oxidant
properties, and containing important vitamins (A, B and E complex).
Gota or Gota Arterica:
Arthritis.
Gral:
Calyx.
Grumetes:

Page 5 of 10
Glossary

Africans employed in riverine or coastal shipping; derived from the term ‘cabin boy’
used in the Portuguese navy. It was used from the sixteenth century for designating
a social stratum living in trade riverine settlements such as Cacheu. Grumetes
belonged to the Christianised communities or Kriston which formed the mainstay of
the free African population in these settlements.
Iran (also spelled as Hirã or Irã):
Bewitched snake. Possibly derived from the Bijagó eramde meaning spirit or curse,
or from the Temne an-iran, meaning spirit. Reference to the ‘cobra iran’ or ‘iran
segu’, an ancestral spirit appearing in snake-like form, is frequent in witness
statements. Here, their perceived role is to warn off threats and guard valuable
possessions in a highly competitive trading environment. Currently, in Guinean
Creole the term iran is used in the broader meaning of spirit, which serves to punish
those who commit infractions against established social norms. Iran can also refer to
the object, e.g. a collective shrine, for example associated with a certain community
or lineage. Several such shrines are still found in Guinea Bissau today, such as the
Mama Jombo in the Manjaco tchon or territory. It should be noted in this respect,
that according to regional oral traditions, the most important shrine of the Kaabú
federation was dedicated to the snake Tamba Dibi.
Ídolo:
Idol, shrine.
Idolatrias:
Idolatries.
Ilustrissímos Senhores:
Most Honourable Gentlemen.
Inquisidores:
Inquisitors.
(p.xiv) Ir com um galo or Ter um grande galo:
Popular expression used whenever someone is unlucky with something.
Iran (also spelled as Irã or Hirã):
see Hirã.
Jabacousse(s) (also spelled as Gebacouçes or Gebacouças):
healers pertaining to ‘animist’ coastal ethnic groups; djambakós in Guinean Creole.
The Inquisition gave a pejorative connotation of the term, associating the activities
of these healers with witchcraft.
Jabacoussarias or Jabacousserias:
Witchcraft.
Juderias:
Jewish practices; pejoratively used.
Juízo Secular:
Civil Court.
Juramento:
Prior to their testimony before the Inquisition, all witnesses were asked to swear an
oath of secrecy that they would never divulge anything that took place during the
inquisitorial process. This was a source of the Inquisition’s power, since it meant that
it was impossible for the accused to know anything about the trial process and
prevented the exchange of information between witnesses. However, in settings such
as Cacheu, where the powers of imperial lay and religious institutions were much
more limited than in Portugal, adherence to these rules was impossible to enforce or
verify.

Page 6 of 10
Glossary

Kriston:
Kriol for Cristão or Christian. The term originates from their characterisation as
Cristão da terra or Cristão por ceremónia by missionaries. They formed a social
stratum rather than an ‘ethnic’ group, working in the riverine relay trade and
constituting the core of the African population of coastal and riverine trade
settlements in the Guinea Bissau region.
Lacacam:
is a term in Guinean Creole for the species Ipomoea repens, pertaining to the
Convolvulaceae family (which include Ipomoea batatas or sweet potatoes), commonly
known under the generic name of morning glories. It has anti-microbial, anti-
anflammatory and anti-epileptic properties.
Ladino (escravo):
a skilled slave, who spoke Guinean Creole and/or Portuguese.
Lam or Lãa:
Lolium Multiflorum Lam, Italian ryegrass.
Lançado(s):
private Portuguese traders or interlopers operating on and along the Upper Guinea
coast and its rivers, who settled in and intermarried with African communities.
Libello or Libelo:
Libel.
Licenciado:
Licenciate; someone who has received a degree in canon law from a seat of learning.
Manceba:
Mistress; lover.
Mascavado:
in this context it means falsified or adulterated.
Mato:
rather generic term used in Portuguese source materials from the early modern
period usually referring to African inland territories.
Mau olhado:
Cast by the evil eye.
(p.xv) Mesa (da Inquisição):
Office [of the Inquisition] located in Lisbon, which had jurisdiction over Portugal’s
Atlantic imperial possessions, where Inquisitors heard the testimonies of witnesses
and the statements of prisoners and despatched the cases before the tribunal.
Meirinho:
Bailiff or sheriff.
Mezinhas:
Home-made treatments.
Morador:
Resident; can also mean citizen of a town or a city.
Mordomo (da Igreja):
Majordomo.
Mouro(s):
terms commonly used in Portuguese sources from the early modern period to refer
to Muslims.
Nação:
Nation. In this context this term refers to a group of individuals that either share the
same cultural and religious background, i.e. Jews, often referred in Portuguese

Page 7 of 10
Glossary

sources as homen(s) da nação, in other words ‘men pertaining to the nation’; or a

group of individuals that share the same geographical origin, when living abroad and
forming a community, e.g. merchants.
Não poder com (alguém):
unable to stand someone.
Negro/a(s):
Terms used in Portuguese sources to refer to black men and women; we have
decided to use only the term ‘black (person)’ in the translated text.
Negro da terra:
a black person native to a particular territory.
Notário da Inquisição:
Notary of the Inquisition.
Notário do Santo Ofício:
Notary of the Holy Office, i.e. the Inquisition.
Ouvidor (da Coroa):
Royal Judge; Judge of the Portuguese Crown.
Ouvidor do Eclesiástico:
Ecclesiastical judge.
Ouvidor da Vara (Eclesiástica):
Ecclesiastical judge.
Padre Comissário da Inquisição:
Priest Commissioner of the Inquisition.
Panela(s):
Earthenware pots made by women among different ethnic groups in the region.
Panos:
So called cotton ‘panos’ or ‘bandas’ which were produced in the Cabo Verde islands –
but also in Guinea – and served as the principal currency in the slave trade along the
Upper Guinea Coast.
Pão de Leite:
is a Guinean Creole term used for two plant species, i.e. Antiaris africana (Moraceae)
commonly known as black mulberry and for its anti-oxidative, anti-bacterial, anti-
rheumatoid and purgative qualities; and Anthosema senegalensis, which is mainly
used for its purgative properties.
Parda(s) or Pardo(s):
Woman or man of mixed descent, who often held influential positions in the
Portuguese colonial world. It is an imprecise and problematic term that connotes
colour, referring to people of different shades from dark to light brown.
Peitas:
Briberies.
Plenitude Potentatis:
Full powers.
(p.xvi) Povoação:
Settlement.
Praça:
Stronghold.
Prece(s):
Prayers.
Promotor da Inquisição:

Page 8 of 10
Glossary

Prosecutor of the Inquisition, a position usually filled by members of the clergy; also
called the Fiscal.
Provincial:
Provincial, superior of the Capuchin order responsible for a certain geographical
area.
Puto:
male prostitute, curently only used in Brazilian Portuguese.
Quirintim:
a straw mat used throughout Guinea for a variety of purposes, from protective
fencing round the moransa (residential compound) to roof cover and floor mat.
Ratificante(s):
Ratifying Gentlemen; people who swear on oath as to the truth of an account of an
interrogation session conducted by inquisitorial officials.
Réis:
plural of Real, the currency in use in Portugal and its Empire from the mid-1400s to
1911.
Rez or Rezes:
Cattle (cows).
Ruim:
Disgraceful.
Sambenito:
Penitential garment used by the Iberian and Italian Inquisition Courts. These were
worn by the individuals tried by these courts. Usually, these garments were used at
the auto-da-fé, but they could also be used afterwards for a specific period of time,
as a penance.
Sargento-mor:
Sergeant major.
Senhores Inquisidores:
Lord Inquisitors.
Senhores Ratificantes:
Ratifying Gentlemen.
Sertão:
Bush; interior; inland. Similar to mato (see above).
Somitigo:
Sodomite; in different contexts Somitigo or Somitico can also be used when one is
referring to someone who is highly attached to money and material goods.
Tabelião de notas de propriedade:
Notary.
Tabelião do público, judicial e notas:
Public Notary.
Tangoma:
Guinean Creole (also tungumá) for a free woman born and raised in riverine
settlements such as Cacheu, in charge of her own household and engaging in the
riverine relay slave and commodity trade, generally of mixed heritage with strong
connections to Portuguese, Cabo Verdean, Kriston and ethnic networks. The term
remained common usage in Guinea until the early 1900s.
Tchon:
Land or homeland; word from Guinean Creole.
Tesoureiro-mor do Cabido:

Page 9 of 10
Glossary

Treasurer major/chief treasurer of the Chapter of Cabo Verde.

Tesoureiro:
Treasurer.
Tesoureiro proprietário:
Treasurer; in this context proprietário refers to the person (p.xvii) that owns this
post, or in other words had bought the post from the Church.
Testo(s):
pan(s); lids of earthenware pots or pans.
Vigário proprietário:
vicar; in this context proprietário refers to the person that owns this post, or in other
words had bought the post from the Church.
Vila Quente:
the so called ‘Hot Town’, a neighbourhood in Cacheu inhabited by those working in
the slave and the riverine relay trade, including grumetes, and other boat crew and
artisans, mainly pertaining to ethnic groups in the vicinity (such as Pepel/Manjack,
Brame or Mancanha, Felupe or Djola, Bañun, Baiote and Casasanga, as well as
Mandinga further upstream). The trading lineages or gan of Cacheu - such as
Crispina Peres and her husband - kept warehouses and funku or slave houses there.
Visita (ao Bispado):
Visit (of/to the Bishopric).
Visita geral (ao Bispado):
General Inspection (of/to the Bishopric) by the Apostolic Visitor.
Visitador (do/ao Bispado):
Visitor (of/to the Bishopric).
Visitador geral (do/ao Bispado):
(Apostolic) Visitor (of/to the Bishopric).
Vizinho:
Citizen of a town or city; and in different contexts can also mean neighbor of
someone or member of the same household. The term evoked the idea of being a
member of a community of citizens that enjoyed political rights. In demographic
terms, it could also mean a cluster of residential units.
Vossa(s) Mercê(s):
Your Grace(s).
Vosso Padre:
Your Honour.
Vossa(s) Senhoria(s):
Your Lordship(s). (p.xviii)

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Page 10 of 10
Introduction

African Voices from the Inquisition, Vol. 1: The

Trial of Crispina Peres of Cacheu, Guinea-Bissau
(1646-1668)
Print publication date: 2021
Print ISBN-13: 9780197266762
Published to British Academy Scholarship Online: January 2022
DOI: 10.5871/bacad/9780197266762.001.0001

(p.xix) Introduction
Toby Green, Philip Havik, F. Ribeiro Da Silva

The Inquisition trial which is reproduced in this volume is certainly one of the most important
documents that exists for understanding the Upper Guinea Coast and the “Rivers of Guinea” -
which included the area within the current day borders of Guinea-Bissau - in the seventeenth
century. Comprising almost four hundred folios of densely annotated script, the trial contains
information on an enormous variety of material, referring to events which took place between
1646 and 1668. The nature of African Atlantic trading communities in the era of the trans-
Atlantic slave trade is revealed in these pages in a manner more detailed than that which can be
found in almost any comparable document of the era.

It is hard to compile a summary list of the types of material to be encountered in the trial, since
the themes covered are so varied. A relatively abbreviated list would include at least the
following: the hybrid nature of religious life in the African Atlantic trading communities; the
practice and understanding of healing in West Africa, and the use of African intellectual systems
in this field; the question of political power in African Atlantic trade, and the political power over
Atlantic traders held by West African rulers; the nature of slavery in the pre-colonial Guinea-
Bissau region, and its relationship to the Atlantic system; the geopolitical connections between
the Portuguese colonial settlement on the Cabo Verde islands and their trading positions in West
Africa, as also between traders based in West Africa and those in the Americas; and the
evolution of discourse related to power, trade, and slavery, through the framework of the
conceptual linkages between, for instance, cannibalism and witchcraft, or between power and
the consumption of human lives.

With such a vast range of themes covered in this document, its significance goes beyond the
records of an Inquisitorial trial, assuming a wider import on account of its multiple social,
cultural, economic, and political dimensions. Yet there are many aspects that will need
clarification before an informed consultation of the trial can begin, and it is the purpose of this
Introduction to fill in some of these gaps. The societies of the Upper Guinea Coast and (p.xx)
the Guinea Bissau region out of which this trial emerged, were themselves extremely complex
and had already gone through many changes in the two centuries since the arrival of Portuguese
traders in the region in the 1450s, as they had prior to the Portuguese arrival since the
expansion of the Mali empire from the early fourteenth century – changes which will require

Page 1 of 42
Introduction

elucidation. Moreover, many readers may be surprised that, at this time, the Portuguese
Inquisition had any role to play in West Africa at all. Hence, this element also requires
clarification – as does the reason why the historical role of the Inquisition in West Africa is so
much less well-known than the role of its counterparts in Iberia and the Americas.

Another question which some readers will seek to understand, is how far this Inquisition trial
can offer an African perspective on this history. This is after all a document produced by a
European institution (the Inquisition), compiled in Portuguese on a case involving an African
woman from an outpost of empire. The scribes, who annotated the folios reproduced here, did so
to fulfil the orders of their superiors in the Cabo Verde Islands and Lisbon. Given that the trial
records are not verbatim, they filtered the answers of their interlocutors, and so the question of
how far what follows can represent African or Afro-Atlantic history is an important one.

Any answer to this question needs to be carefully contextualised. As Mudimbe pointed out three
decades ago, the very idea of Africa was an invention of the eighteenth century, emerging from
the interconnected histories of trade, slavery and the construction of European Enlightenment
“knowledge” about Africa; hence the question of how “African” the witnesses are is to a certain
extent an anachronism.1 Certainly, almost every witness whose evidence is annotated in this trial
was born in Africa, and was intimately familiar with the daily lives and practices both of the
residents of the trading port of Cacheu (where most of the “action” in this trial took place) and
of the African peoples who were their ‘neighbours’. They were also multilingual, like most
people in this part of Africa. Witnesses in this trial such as Ambrósio Gomes and Gaspar Vogado,
who were government officials and prominent traders, would give their evidence in Portuguese,
but were also conversant with one or more African or Creole languages. Many other witnesses
probably gave their evidence in Kriol (Guinean Creole) which was then “translated” by the
scribe. Indeed, the accused, Crispina Peres, made her statements to the Court in Lisbon in
Guinean Creole, aided by an interpreter. Kriol was already a lingua franca for trading residents
in settlements such as Cacheu by the seventeenth century2; another variant, Kriolu (p.xxi) or
Cabo Verdean Creole, was also spoken by traders and officials on the coast who originated from
the archipelago. The remaining witnesses who were generally born in Portugal were also
multilingual, usually speaking Creole vernacular as well as ethnic languages. Although we have
to take into account the process of ideological filtering carried out by the scribes, the
testimonies recounted here are unique renderings as close to the points of view of people –
freemen and slaves - born on the Upper Guinea Coast between the 1620s to the 1650s as one is
likely to find in archival collections. At the same time, they are interspersed with statements by
witnesses originating from the Iberian Peninsula, who lived and worked in the region while
travelling on Atlantic shipping routes of the triangular trade.

We are left, therefore, with a document of incomparable significance when it comes to trying to
reconstruct the nature of daily life in an African Atlantic trading settlement in the middle of the
seventeenth century. What follows in the Introduction is an attempt to contextualise first the
African and then the Inquisitorial context in which this trial took place. The Introduction is
divided into three parts: in the first, the history and historiography of the Inquisition is
discussed, as it relates to the creation of this trial and the way it has been received by
historians; in the second, the context of the cultural, political, and social formation of Cacheu is
set out; finally, an outline of the trial itself, its significance and outcome is presented.

Of course, this Introduction is not an exhaustive work of contextualisation. Our interpretations

(like any historical interpretations) are fundamentally provisional, albeit the result of prolonged

Page 2 of 42
Introduction

engagement with Inquisitorial and Bissau-Guinean history. The editors are well aware of just
how many interpretations and ideas related to the case discussed below will surely emerge with
time, far beyond those which we suggest here.

The process of reading and translating a seventeenth century document tends to generate issues
and problems that require careful cross-cultural examination, in order to move from ‘thin’ to
‘thick’ translation, from a mere description of a record to its contextualised interpretation
embedded in the social and cultural relations and meanings it emerged out of.3

(p.xxii) The key question which needs to be addressed from the outset is how it was that a
West African woman such as Crispina Peres might be deported from West Africa to stand trial in
Lisbon in the 1660s. Such an outcome may come as a surprise to many people, and is testament
to the complex realities of daily life in the Upper Guinea Coast at the time: the competition,
enmities, (internecine) rivalries and power struggles, and interaction and blending of ideas and
worldviews which went into the formation of the modern world, both in the aforesaid region and
the wider Afro-Atlantic space.

I: The Inquisition in Context: History and Historiography

Structure and Operation of the Portuguese Inquisition in the bishopric of Cabo Verde and the
“Rivers of Guinea”
Before considering the trial itself, it is important to gain a greater grasp of the Inquisition itself
as an institution, and the way in which its institutional structure and culture shaped its presence
in the Atlantic port of Cacheu – as well as a better understanding of the place of its
historiography in the ongoing discussions on the institution today.

The extension of the jurisdiction of the Portuguese Inquisition to its global empire from the
sixteenth century onwards was a gradual process. It took place in the decades following the
issuing of the Bull Cum ad nihil, in 1536, by Pope Paul III, which authorised the establishment of
the Inquisition in the Kingdom of Portugal and the territories under its control (Senhorios de
Portugal).4 To operate in the Kingdom, several district courts were established in the following
years. Those in Lisbon, Coimbra, and Évora were the three most important and the ones that
remained active throughout the whole period of existence of this institution between 1536 and
1821.

The plan to extend the jurisdiction of the Inquisition overseas only began to materialise roughly
a decade later when, in 1548, the Inquisitor-general granted the district court of Lisbon
permission (comissão) to collect denunciations of deviant religious behaviour, examine suspects
and put on trial those found guilty in the whole of the kingdom (except in the Archbishopric of
Évora) and in the Atlantic islands.5 The wording of the permission was rather general, in all
(p.xxiii) likelihood with the aim of extending this authority not only to Madeira and the Azores,
but also to the archipelagos of Cabo Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe. In fact, the first
denunciations referring to people living in these two territories date from the same decade.
Nevertheless, it was only after 1565, five years after the establishment of the Tribunal of Goa in
India, that the bishoprics of Cabo Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe were officially brought
under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, and this included the region of the “Rivers of Guinea”,
which was part of the former’s bishopric, and under whose jurisdiction the initial phase of the
trial of Crispina Peres took place.6

Page 3 of 42
Introduction

From then on, the Court of Lisbon had oficial authority to receive and collect accusations against
baptised people living, either on a permanent or temporary basis, in the aforementioned
territories, who were suspected of committing any crimes that fell under the jurisdiction of the
Inquisition.7 Among these crimes were not only the practice of Judaism, but also the adoption of
religious beliefs deemed heretical by the Inquisitors, such as Lutheranism and Calvinism.8 In
addition, it also persecuted those accused of using of charms and spells, sorcery, and witchcraft,
as well as African rites, of which Crispina Peres was eventually accused.9

(p.xxiv) It must be noted, however, that the district court of Lisbon was not the only entity with
power to receive denunciations from these territories. The regimento of the General Council of
the Holy Office, dating from 1570, also provided for the appointment of one Inquisitor in the
General Council to receive and proceed upon denunciations made before this body regardless of
the district court the suspect accused belonged to. The inquiries and the court-cases would
thereafter be sent to the respective district court.10 Therefore, this body (the General Council)
could also receive denunciations from the Atlantic islands, the African territories, Brazil, as well
as from the Portuguese Estado da Índia.

These denunciations could be made in person before the district court and/or the General
Council, both located in Lisbon. In many cases, however, especially in the overseas territories,
these accusations arrived in Lisbon in written form, often entrusted to a ship’s captain or other
passenger on board, with several copies being sent with different vessels to reduce the risk of
loss due to the perils of the sea. These written denunciations could take the form of a simple
letter denouncing the deviant behaviour of a given person or persons, or the form of an inquiry
carried out by authorities representing the Portuguese Crown and/or the Catholic Church locally.
These could be royal oficials, clergymen and/or officials of the Inquisition, such as Comissários
or commissioners, and familiares or lay agents of the Inquisition.11 The first accusations against
Crispina Peres based upon local denunciations arrived in Lisbon in a similar fashion.

In some cases, however, copies of part of an inquiry carried out for other purposes, such as for
example visitations to bishoprics, could also be sent to the court of the Inquisition in Lisbon
because in these inquiries denunciations of crimes that fell under the jurisdiction of the
Inquisition were filed. The (p.xxv) majority of the known visits to the bishopric of Cabo Verde
were carried out mainly during the seventeenth century. The main geographical areas targeted
by these visits were the Island of Fogo and the “Rivers of Guinea”.12 The arrival and assessment
of copies of these denunciations gathered during visits to the bishoprics led in several cases to
Inquisition court cases. This happened, for example, in the case of the Dias family, resident in
Cabo Verde in the 1550s and 1560s, and accused of practising Judaism.13 A similar situation led
to the trial of Dinis de França, morador in the island of Príncipe (adjacent to São Tomé), in the
1580s, accused of disrespecting religious images and of blasphemies.14 It was the visits carried
out by Gaspar Vogado in the “Rivers of Guinea” on behalf of the Bishop of Cabo Verde in the
1660s, which would also be the point of departure for the Inquisitors to start building a case
against Crispina Peres and which would eventually lead to her trial. Extracts of these visits are,
in fact, reproduced in the trial of Crispina Peres.15

The practice adopted by the Inquisition to receive denunciations illustrates the dependency of
the institution on individual informants and on the local representatives of the Portuguese
Crown and the Catholic Church. The Crown and Church would act as unofficial agents of this
court throughout the early modern period in most of the Atlantic territories – here the “Rivers of
Guinea” were no exception, as the constant reference to these historical actors in the trial of

Page 4 of 42
Introduction

Crispina Peres makes clear.16 This practice certainly widened the range of people who could
inform the Inquisition. But it would also affect the content of those denunciations, as personal
interests might inform the accounts and testimonies they would give before the Inquisition
courts or their lawful representatives locally. Personal interests also influenced the ways in
which (p.xxvi) civilian and religious authorities conducted inquiries locally, as the trial of
Crispina Peres clearly demonstrates.

Upon arrival in Lisbon, the written accusations were filed in the books of the Inquisition’s
Attorney (Cadernos do Promotor da Inquisição) and if the accusations were deemed trustworthy,
serious and to fall within the court’s jurisdiction, the Attorney would request the Inquisitors of
the district to authorise further inquiries to be carried out locally following the judicial
procedure of the Inquisition. These procedures are also in evidence in the trial against Crispina
Peres.

Whenever the Inquisition had official agents in the location in question or within the respective
bishopric, these requests would be directed to one of these agents, usually a Comissário.17 In the
case of Cabo Verde, the first Comissário – the Canon of the See António Furtado de Afonseca -
was appointed only in 1691.18 In the “Rivers of Guinea” the single known official agent of the
Inquisition appointed during the entire early modern period was the familiar Paulo Barradas da
Silva, during his term as Captain of the fort of Cacheu in the early 1640s.19 By the time that
Crispina Peres’ case came to trial, he had already passed away. Therefore, to handle her case,
the Inquisitors resorted to an alternative solution.

For locations where no official agents of the Inquisition were to be found or travelling to such
places would be too dificult, time-consuming and risky – as was the case in the “Rivers of
Guinea” – a temporary comissário would be appointed to carry out this type of enquiry. These
temporary appointments often took the form of Cartas de Comissão – letters granting
inquisitorial authority to a given person or persons to carry out an inquiry for a specific purpose
as well as to appoint a clerk to assist on this matter. These letters indicate the reason for the
inquiry, the name of the suspect, accusations made against him/her, together with a list of
questions to be put to the witnesses. In some cases, a list of names of people to be interrogated
was also provided. Additionally, these (p.xxvii) letters specified the form that the text of the
inquiry should take and how the witnesses should be called before these representatives of the
court, how they should swear on the Holy Gospel to state only the truth, and how the reliability
of their declarations should be assessed by two other religious persons who should be present
throughout their hearings.

These types of commissions were usually assigned to the best qualified person in the vicinity. In
the case of Cabo Verde and the “Rivers of Guinea”, at the time these agents were recruited
mainly from among the Capuchins. In the case of Crispina Peres, such Cartas were sent to the
Capuchin Friar Paulo de Lordello, who was thereupon requested to carry out an inquiry on the
“Rivers of Guinea” to obtain further information on the accusations against Crispina Peres.
Entire versions of these Cartas are reproduced in her trial.

In fact, members of religious orders formed the third largest group of unofficial agents
collaborating with the Inquisition in Atlantic Africa, as becomes clear in the trial against
Crispina Peres. In other African territories unofficial agents were also recruited to serve the
Inquisition for a specific period of time from among the Italian Franciscans, the Order of
Discalced Augustinians, and the Jesuits.20

Page 5 of 42
Introduction

In brief, the reliance of the Inquisition on unofficial agents was a constant throughout the whole
period of activity of the court in the African territories, although it was in the late sixteenth and
the seventeenth centuries that this dependence was most evident. These agents were recruited
mainly among members of the ordinary clergy, religious orders, and civilians serving the
Portuguese Crown. These individuals usually occupied the highest posts in the local
administration of the Crown and the Catholic Church. This increased dependence on unofficial
agents in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is due to three key factors.

Firstly, there was a clear effort on the part of the local authorities to resort to the Inquisition
court to denounce types of behaviour in these colonial societies that were deemed by them as
not conforming to Catholic standards. The key examples that stand out were the practice of
Judaism by New Christians, and the adoption of local African beliefs by people of Portuguese
descent and baptised Christians, as was the case with Crispina Peres and her husband Jorge
Gonçalves Francês. Secondly, for most of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, the Inquisition
could not count on the presence of official agents in these territories, as the appointment of
Inquisition officials was only authorised by the regimento of 1613, and moreover lack of funds
meant that the (p.xxviii) appointment of officials was always irregular in the further reaches of
the empire. Thirdly, it should also be noted here that despite having jurisdiction to visit the
Atlantic islands, the African territories and Brazil to collect denunciations and confessions of
deviant religious behaviour that fell under its jurisdiction from as early as the 1550s21, the plans
to visit these territories were rather limited.22 In the case of Cabo Verde and the “district” of
Guinea, the court of Lisbon had entertained the idea of carrying out visits to this bishopric on
three different occasions, in 1581, 1586 and 1591; however, no evidence can be found of the
outcome of these inquisitorial visits, thus emphasising the dependence of the Inquisition
authorities on their unofficial and oficial agents.23 In our view, the limited number of official
agents of the court in the region, in combination with the consecutive plans to visit the African
territories which never materialised, clearly illustrates the low priority given by this institution
to the monitoring of religious behaviour in Afro-Portuguese societies in Atlantic Africa.

If the inquiries carried out under the authority of the aforementioned cartas de comissão
gathered further evidence of the suspect’s involvement in a specific practice deemed as deviant
and punishable– as was the case of Crispina Peres – the same Attorney would request the
Inquisitors of the district court to issue an arrest warrant.24 This would be sent to an oficial of
(p.xxix) the Inquisition on the spot or in his absence to the highest religious authority in a
bishopric. Additionally, all other civilian and religious authorities were requested to assist in the
arrest of the suspect and in no way to obstruct this task. This usually involved the governor of a
territory and/or the commander or capitão-mor (see Glossary) of a fort as well as the highest
representative of the royal judicial system – usually an ouvidor-mor, an ouvidor (judge; see
Glossary) or a bailiff (meirinho; see Glossary), depending on the importance of the location
within the administrative and judicial apparatus of the Portuguese Crown in the region in
question. In the case of Crispina Peres, her arrest was carried out by the capitão-mor of Cacheu
at the time and the judicial official on the spot, as clearly illustrated in the trial. Thus, civilians
holding posts in the local administration of the Portuguese Crown also served the Inquisition as
unofficial agents, although not as often as did their religious counterparts.

Prisoners of the Inquisition were, in principle, ‘responsible for looking after their own needs’ and
covering any expenses they would incur during transport to the district court as well as during
their incarceration in the Inquisition’s dungeons – which could last several years, as in the case
of Crispina Peres. For this purpose, upon arrest they would be required to carry clothes, linen

Page 6 of 42
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Plate 5.

Plan of Repton Church. (F. C. H.)

Plan of Repton Priory. (W. H. H. ST. JOHN HOPE, Mens et Del.) (Page 25.)
 CHAPTER V.
REPTON CHURCH REGISTERS.

There are three ancient register books of births, baptisms, marriages

and burials, and one register book of the Churchwardens’ and
Constables’ Accounts of the Parish of Repton. They extend from
1580 to 1670.
The oldest Volume extends from 1580 to 1629: the second from
1629 to 1655: the third from 1655-1670. The Churchwardens’ and
Constables’ Accounts from 1582 to 1635.
The oldest Volume is a small folio of parchment (13 in. by 6 in.) of
45 leaves, bound very badly, time-stained and worn, in parts very
badly kept, some of the leaves are loose, and some are quite
illegible. It is divided into two parts, the first part (of thirty pages)
begins with the year 1590 and extends to 1629: the second part
begins with “Here followeth the register book for Ingleby, formemarke
and Bretbye,” from 1580 to 1624.
The Second Volume consists of eighteen leaves of parchment (13
in. by 6 in.), unbound, the entries are very faded, only parts of them
are legible, they extend from 1629 to 1655.
The Third Volume has twenty-six leaves (11½ in. by 5½ in.). The
entries are very legible, and extend from 1655 to 1670.
On the first page is written:

December yᵉ 31, 1655.

Geo: Roades yᵉ day & yeare above written approved &
sworne Register for yᵉ parrish of Repton in yᵉ County of Derby
By me James Abney.
 THE FOLLOWING ENTRIES OCCUR.

1595 Milton. Wᵐ Alt who was drowned buried yᵉ 26 of

ffebruarie.
1604 William a poor child wh died in the Church Porch
buried yᵉ 4th of June.
1610 Mʳᵉˢ Jane Thacker daughter of Mʳ Gilbert Thacker
Esquyer buryed the Xᵗʰ of January Aᵒ Dmi 1610.
“Vixit Jana deo, vivet pia Jana supernis,
Esto Panōphæo gratia grata Iovi.”
1612 Mʳ Gilbert Thacker Esquyer buryed the X of July.
1613 John Wayte churchⁿ entered the XXVI of Aprill.
1638 Philip yᵉ sonne of Mʳ Haughton & Lady Sarah his
wife was bapᵗ at Bratby. March 30.
1638 The lady Jane Burdit wife of Sⁱʳ Thomas Burdit
buryed the 24ᵗʰ of March.
1640 Robert the sonne of Mʳ Francis Burdet of Formark
Esquiour was borne the 11ᵗʰ day of January and
baptized the 4ᵗʰ day of February 1640.
1647 William the son of Will Bull bap about Candlemas.
1648 John Wilkinson of Englebye was bur Nov 4. Recᵈ
6ˢ/8ᵈ for the grave.
1650 Godfrey Thacker sen burᵈ March 26ᵗʰ.
1652 Old Ashe of Milton bur Oct 12.
1657 Samuel yᵉ son of Thomas Shaw yᵉ younger bap 28
June.
(He became the eminent Nonconformist Divine &c.)
1657 A tabler at Tho Bramly bur Aug:
(Tabler, a pupil of Repton School who lodged or
tabled in the village).
1658 Yᵉ foole at Anchorchurch bur Aprill 19.
1658 James a poore man dyed at Bretby Manner was bur
May 20.
1660 A ladd of Nuball’s of Engleby bur yᵉ same day Jan: 2.
1664 Mʳ Thomas Whitehead was bur Oct 17.
 (1ˢᵗ Ussher of Repton School.)
1666 Thoˢ Rathban (Rathbone) the Under School-master
was bur Nov 30.
1667 Mʳ William Ullock the Head Schoolmaster of Repton
School died May the 13ᵒ and was buried in the
Chancel May the 15ᵒ.
Collected at Repton (for reliefe of yᵉ inhabitants of
Soulbay in yᵉ County of Suffolk yᵗ suffered by
fire) October yᵉ 30 1659 the sume of Tenn
shillings and eight pence.
Geo: Roades, Pastor.
Several similar collections, “for the fire att Wytham
Church, Sussex, the sume of 3s. 6d.”
Sepᵗ 4 1664 “Towards the repairs of the church at Basing in the
county of Southampton 4s. 3d.”
Feb. 19 1664 “For the inhabitants of Cromer at Shipden yᵉ sume of
four shillings five pence.”
“For two widdows that came with a letter of request
viz: Mʳˢ Elizabeth Benningfield and Mʳˢ Mary
Berry the sum of 3s. 4d.”
Ditto for Mʳˢ Calligane 3s. 2d.
Sepʳ 23 1660 “For a fire att Willinghal Staffordshire yᵉ sum of 13/s.”
Geo: Roades, Minister.
John Stone, Churchwardens.
his ✠ mark.

Across the last page of the register is written this sage piece of
advice:

“Beware toe whome you doe commit the secrites of your

mind for fules in fury will tell all moveing in there minds.”
Richard Rogerson, 1684.

NAMES OF REPTON FAMILIES IN REGISTERS.

Pickeringe, Pyckering.
Meykyn, Meakin, Meakyn, Meakine, Meykyn.
Orchard.
Byshopp, Bushopp.
Cautrill or ell.
Measam, Measom, Meysom, Mesam, Mesom, Messam,
Measome, Meysum, Measham, Meysham.
Gamble, Gambell.
Ratcliffe, Ratleif.
Waite, Weat, Wayte, Weyte, Weite, Weayt.
Marbury, Marburie, Marberrow.
Keelinge.
Wayne.
Gilbert.
Nubould, Nuball.
Chedle, Chetle, Chetill.
Bancrafte, Banchroft.
Thacker or Thackquer.
Guddall.
Myminge, Meming, Mimings.
Gudwine, Goodwine.
Bull.
Eyton, Eaton, Eton.
Drowborrow.
Dowglast.
Bladonne, Blaidon, (carrier.)
Dakin, Dakyn.
Wainewrigh, Waynewright.
Rivett, Ryvett, Rivet.
Kynton.
Heawood.
Budworth.
Mariyott.
Pratt.
Smith als Hatmaker.
Bykar.
Ward.
Nicholas, Birchar.
Bolesse.
Shaw.
Heardwere.
Stanlye.
Chaplin, Charpline, Chaplayne.
Myrchell.
Bowlayes.
Fairebright.
Hygate.
Denyse, Deonys.
Heiginbotham, Higgingbottom.
Shortose, Shorthasse.
Howlebutt.
Wixon, Wigson.
Waudall or ell.
Morleigh.
Hastings Crowborough, or Croboro, Crobery, Crobarrow.
Damnes. (2nd usher of school.)
Boakes, Boaks.
Proudman.
Bakster.
Chauntry, Chautry.
Ebbs.
Wallace.
Sault.
Bastwicke.
Hooton.
Truelove.
Gressley, Greasley.
Pegg.
Jurdan.
Ilsly.
Robards.
Steeviston of Milton.
Rathbone, Rathban. (under schoolmaster.)
Poisar.
Nuton.
Dixcson.
Doxy.
 The Register book of the Churchwardens’ and Constable’s
Accounts extends from 1582 to 1635, and includes Repton, and the
Chapelries of Formark, Ingleby, and Bretby.
It is a narrow folio volume of coarse paper, (16 in. by 6 in., by 2 in.
thick), and is bound with a parchment which formed part of a Latin
Breviary or Office Book, with music and words. The initial letters are
illuminated, the colours, inside, are still bright and distinct.
At the beginning of each year the accounts are headed “Compotus
gardianorum Pochialis Eccle de Reppindon,” then follow:
(1) The names of the Churchwardens and Constable for the year.
(2) The money (taxes, &c.,) paid by the Chapelries above
mentioned.
(3) The names and amounts paid by Tenants of Parish land.
(4) Money paid by the Parish to the Constable.
(5) Money “gathered for a communion,” 1st mentioned in the year
1596. At first it was gathered only once in July, but afterwards in
January, June, September, October, and November.
The amounts vary from jd to vjd.
(6) The various “items” expended by the Churchwardens and
Constable.
Dr. J. Charles Cox examined the contents of the Parish Chest, and
published an account of the Registers &c., and accounts, in Vol. I. of
the Journal of the Derbyshire Archæological Society, 1879. Of the
Accounts he writes, “it is the earliest record of parish accounts, with
the exception of All Saints’, Derby, in the county,” and “the volume is
worthy of a closer analysis than that for which space can now be
found.” Acting on that hint, during the winter months of 1893-4, I
made most copious extracts from the Accounts, and also a “verbatim
et literatim” transcript of the three registers, which I hope will be
published some day.
Dr. Cox’s article is most helpful in explaining many obsolete words,
curious expressions, customs, and references to events long ago
forgotten, a few of the thousands of entries are given below:
The first five leaves are torn, the entries are very faded and
illegible.

1582 It for kepyng the clocke ixs

1583 It to the glacyier for accᵗ whole year vjs viijd
It to the Constable for his wages iiijs
(Several references to the bells which will
be found in the chapter on the bells.)
It to the ryngers the xviiᵗʰ day of November xijd
(Accession to Queen Elizabeth.)
It to John Colman for kylling two foxes xijd
(A similar entry occurs very frequently.)
1584 It for a boke of Artycles vjd
(Issued by order of Archbishop Whitgift,
called the “Three Articles.”)
It for washying the surplis viijd
1585 It Layed for the at the Visitatun at Duffeyld ijs vjd
It for wyne the Saturday before Candlemas
day for the Communion vs
(Candlemas day, or Purification of the B.
Virgin Mary, when candles used to be
carried in procession.)
It for bread vjd
It at the Vysitation at Repton ijs viijd
1586 It at my lord byshopps vysitation at Darby
spent by the Churwardens and
sidemen vs
It of our ladies even, given to the ringers for
the preservation (of) our Queene xijd
(Our ladies even, eve of the Annunciation of
the B. Virgin Mary. Preservation of our
Queene, from the Babington
conspiracy.)
1587 It to Gylbarte Hynton for pavynge the iijli iijs jd
 Church floore
1590 A note of the armoure of Repton given into
the hands of Richard Weatte, beyinge
Constable Anno Di 1590 Inprimis ij
corsletts wᵗ all that belongeth unto
them.
It ij platt cotts (coats of plate armour.)
It ij two sweordes, iij dagers, ij gyrgells
(girdles).
It ij calivers wᵗh flaxes and tuchboxe.
(calivers, flaxes, muskets, flasks for
powder, touch boxes to hold the
priming powder.)
It ij pycks and ij halberds.
It for the Treband Souldear a cote and
bowe and a scheffe of arrows, and a
quiver and a bowe.
(Treband Souldear = our volunteer. Train-
band soldiers were formed in 1588, to
oppose the Spanish Armada.)
It to Mr. Heawoode for the Comen praer
boke ixs
It geven to Mr. Heawoode for takynge
payne in gatheryng tythyne xvjd
1592 It geven to Rycharde Prince for Recevyinge
the bull and lokinge to hym jd
1594 It spent at Darby when I payde the money
for the lame soldiars (returned from
France.) iiijd
1595 It spente at Darby when we weare called by
sytatyon xxiii daye of January vjs viijd
It geven to Thomas Belsher for bryngying a
sertyfycatte for us beying
excommunycatt viijd
(Excommunication issued by the
Archdeacon owing to the neglect of the
 Church windows.)
It spent att Darby—where we weare called
by Sytation for glazing the Church—in
the court xxd
It at Darby when we sartyfyed that our
Church was glazed—to the Regester viijd
1596 In this year the amᵗ “gathered for a
communion,” is first mentioned. The
amounts varied from jd to vjd.
Also an account of “a dowble tythyne levied
and gathered for yᵉ Church by Gilbart
Hide, at ijd per head, on all beasts &c.
in Repton and Milton.”
1598 It payᵈ to Will Orchard for yᵉ meaned
souldyers for yᵉ whole yeare iiijs iiijd
(By an act passed, 35 Eliz. cap. 4. the relief
of maimed soldiers, and sailors was
placed on the parochial assessments.)
It payᵈ to Willᵐ Massye for killinge of towe
baggers (badgers) and one foxe iijs
1600 It payᵈ to the parritor (apparitor, an officer of
the Archdeacon’s court.) vd
1601 “The Constables charges this p’sent yeare
1601.”
Spent at yᵉ muster at Stapenhill yᵉ xxi day
of Decʳ xvd
It payᵈ to yᵉ gealle (jail) for yᵉ halfe yeare vjs viijd
It spent yᵉ v daye of Aprill at yᵉ leat (court) viijd
It for mending yᵉ pinfould (in Pinfold Lane) iiijd
It for mendinge yᵉ stockes and for wood for
them xjd
(The stocks used to stand in front of the
village cross.)
It payᵈ to Mr. Coxe for a p’cept for
Watchinge & Wardinge iiijd
(“Watchinge & Wardinge.” A term used to
 imply the duties of Parish Constables.
The number of men who were bound to
keep watch and ward, &c., is specified
in the statute of Winchester (13 ed. I.).)
It given to yᵉ prest sowldiers xijd
It was in the year 1601 that the conspiracy
of Essex, in which the Earl of Rutland
was implicated, was discovered.
Special arrangements were made to
meet it. A general muster of (pressed)
soldiers was made in Derbyshire.
It payᵈ for one sworde iiijs
It ” 3 girdles iijs
It ” dressing yᵉ pikes vjd
It ” one le(a)thering for yᵉ flaxe vjd
It ” dagger sheathe, & a sworde
scaber xijd
It payᵈ for one horse to carry yᵉ armor and
for bringing it home xiijd
It payᵈ for a payre of Mouldes (for making
bullets) viijd
It spent ledinge yᵉ armore to Darbey xijd
(According to the Statute of Winchester the
armour had to be taken by the
constables to be viewed.)
It spent wᵗʰ yᵉ saltpeter men ijd
(“Saltpeter men” engaged during the reign
of James I. and Charles I. in collecting
animal fluids, which were converted in
saltpetre, and used in the manufacture
of gunpowder.)
It spent wᵗʰ a prisoner being w’h him all
night and going with him to Darbye iiijs ijd
It payᵈ to Thomas Pearson for mending the
crosse xjs iiijd
(The Village Cross.)
1602 It given to gipsies yᵉ XXX of Januarye to xxd
avoid yᵉ towne
(“This is by far the earliest mention of
gypsies in the Midland Counties.” They
arrived in England about 1500, in 1530
they were forbidden to wander about,
and were ordered to leave the country.)
It payᵈ in the offishalles Courte takinge our
othes viijd
(The oaths in taking office as
Churchwardens.)
It payᵈ to yᵉ Clarke of yᵉ Markett for a
proclamatione vjd
It payᵈ to Thoˢ Chamberlain for killinge of vii
hedgehoges vjd
It recᵈ by these Churchwardens Henry Pratt
sʳ, John Cartter, Henry Cautrall, Thoˢ
Hill the daye and yeare above sayᵈ
(xviii Dec 1603) One boxe wᵗʰ xviii
pieces of evidences.
(Evidences = deeds referring to plots of
land, &c., in, or near the Parish. There
are 17 of these deeds in the church
chest.)
The Chalice.
One olde boxe with a cheane thereto fixed,
towe pieces of leade and four Keayes.
1603 It spent in makinge a search the night the
robbery was done in Caulke iijd
1604 It payᵈ for wine for a Communione yᵉ xiij
daye of January for 3 gallands iiijs
It for bread ijd
Firste spent at yᵉ metinge about Geneva iiijd
It spent goinge to Darbye to paye yᵉ money
for Geneva vjd
(A collection for the support of refugees
 there.)
It payᵈ for one booke of yᵉ constitution of oʳ
Kinge xxd
(Issued by order of King James after the
Hampton Court Conference.)
1605 It payᵈ for one booke of thanksgivinge for
our Kinge vjd
(After the Gunpowder Plot.)
1609 It given to the parritor from the bishop (sic)
of Canterbury xijd
It payde for poyntinge the steeple vli 0 0
1610 It Receaved of the Churchwardens of
Bretbye for there part towards byinge
the booke of Jewells workes iijs
1611 It spent the Ambulatione weeke ijs
(Perambulating the parish, or “beating the
bounds” in Rogation week.)
For ledinge corne to the tithe barne (which
amounted to) vli iiijs xjd
For gatheringe of tithe for Mʳ Burdane
19 days & half jli ixs iijd
5 ” without his mare vjs vd
jli xvs viijd
1614 It given uppon Candellmas daye to one that
made a sermone ijs
The Church Bookes.
First one Bible.
2 bookes of Common Prayer.
One booke of Paraphase of Erasmus
uppon the Gospells.
The Contraversye betwyxte Whittegifte and
Carttrighte, Jowell and Harrddinge.
The booke of Jewells workes.
3 prayer bookes.
The booke of the queens Injunctions.
 One booke of Sermons.
One booke of Articles had at the Bishopes
visitatione.
The said bookes be in the Keepinge of Mr.
Wattssone (Headmaster of Repton
School, 1594-1621), except the Bible
and one booke of Common Prayer.
1615 A long list of 77 subscribers for “a newe
beell.” Probably the VIth bell (the
tenor). Sum gathered xijli viijs viijd
1616 Receaved by Christopher Ward, Constable,
from John Cantrell, the Townes
Armore.
2 Corsletts with 2 pickes.
2 Culivers—(guns).
One flaske and tuchboxe.
V head peeces; towe of them ould ones.
2 howllboardes.
One payre of Banddebrowes. (Small
wooden or tin cases, covered with
leather, each holding one charge for
musket or culiver, fastened to a broad
band of leather, called a bandoleer,
worn over the shoulder).
2 oulde girdles.
3 newe girdles: twoe of them with the
sowldiers.
3 payre of hanggers in the sowldiers
keepinge.
3 sowrdes, with two daggers.
Allsoe the swordes in sowldiers keepinge.
Allsoe 2 platte Coottes yᵗ Clocksmith not
delivered.
It paid for an Admonitione here and there to
enter into matrimonie agreeable to the
lawe vjd
1617 It given in ernest for a newe byble xijd
Receaved for the ould Byble vs
1618 It paide for a Newe Byble xliijs
(This Bible is still in the Parish chest, in a
very good state of preservation.
“Imprinted at London by Robert Barker,
Printer to the Kings most Excellent
Majestie. Anno 1617.”)
It paid for a the Common Prayer booke viijs
1619 It paid to Rich. Meashame for Killing of vii
hedghoges vjd
1621 A list of the church books, as above,
“delivered unto the saide
churchwardens Willᵐ Meakine, Tho
Gill, Edward Farmour.”
1622 Bookes sent to Mʳ Willᵐ Bladone to be
emploied for the use of the Parrish,
and to be disposed of at the discretione
of Mʳ Thomas Whiteheade
(Headmaster of Repton School, 1621-
1639). Recᵈ by Mʳ Robert Kellett,
Godfry Cautrell, Roger Bishope, and
Robert Orchard, Churchwardens 1622,
the XXVᵗʰ of December, the said
bookes, videlicet:—
First a faire Bible well bound and hinged.
2. Bᵖ Babingtone his worckes.
3. Mʳ Elton on the Collosians.
4. Mʳ Perkins on the Creede.
5. Mʳ Dod and Cleaver on yᵉ
Commandments.
6. Bellinging (Bellynny) (Belamy) his
Catechesmie.
7. Mʳ Yonge his Househould Govermente.
8. The first and second partte of the true
watche.
9. The second partte of the said true
watche by Mʳ Brinsley.
10. The plaine mane’s pathewaye, and
sermon of Repenttance written by Mʳ
Dentte.
11. Bradshawe’s p’paracon (preparation) to
yᵉ Receavinge of yᵉ Bodie and bloude.
12. Hieron his Helpe to Devotione.
13 and 14. Allsoe towe bookes of Martters
(Fox’s).
15. Dowenams workes.
The conditions to be observed concerning
the usinge and lendinge of the forsaid
bookes.
First that the said minister nowe p’sent and
Churchwardens and all theire
successors shall yearely at the
accountt daye for the parrish deliver up
the bookes to be viewed by Mʳ
Whiteheade wᵗʰ the parrishioners.
Allsoe that the said minister and
churchwardens or any one of them
shall have authoritie to lend any of the
said bookes to any of the parrish of
Reptonne for the space of one, 2 or 3
months, as they in there discretione
shall see fittinge, one this condicione,
that the parties borrowinge anye of the
bookes aforenamed eyther fowly
bruisinge tearinge defaceinge or
embezellinge the said bookes
borrowed, shall make good the said
bookes thus defaced, towrne, bruised,
or embezelled unto the parrish.
Allsoe that the said bookes, kept by the
minister and Churchwarddens in some
 convenient place shall not be lent more
than one at a time to anye of the
parish.
Allsoe that anye p’son borrowinge any of
the said bookes shall subscribe his
name on borrowinge of the same
booke.
(Allsoe the name) of every booke by anyᵉ
borrowed shall (be entered) by the said
minister and churchwarddens.
(This is a list, and rules of the first “lending
library” mentioned in Derbyshire. The
books have been “embezelled” years
ago.)
1623 It given to the Ringers at the time of Prince
Charlles his comminge forth of Spaine.
(When he and Buckingham went to Madrid,
to arrange a marriage with the Infanta
of Spain.)
1625 It paide for towe bookes appoyntted for
prayer and fastinge xxd
1626 Paid for a linnen bagge to keepe the
Chalice with the cover ijd
It paid for a booke of Thanksgiving xiijd
1627 It spent in takinge down the Clocke xijd
It paid for makinge the Clocke iijli
It paid for carryinge the Clocke to Ashby
and fetchinge yᵗ againe iijs
1628 It given unto a preacher the Sabboth daye
beinge the 30ᵗʰ of December iiijs
It paide for a littell prayer book iijd
1629 It given yᵉ 24ᵗʰ of May to a preacher iijs ivd
1630 It paide for towe excommunicacions xvjd
It paide the IXᵗʰ of November for the
Retanene of excommunicacions ijs
1632 It spent the VIᵗʰ daye of May going the ijs ivd
 Ambulacione
Delivered to Gilbᵗ Weatt, John Pratt,
Churchwardens, the 30ᵗʰ daye of
December 1632.
Wᵗʰ the Church bookes.
first the chalice with the cover.
A pewtyer flaggine.
A cerples and table clothe.
A carpitte.
A cushine for yᵉ pulpitte and a coveringe
Clothe.
One table wᵗʰ a forme and a Buffett stoole.
vj coweffers (coffers) and vij keys twoe
cowffers filled with leade.
vj formes and moulde fraeme for castinge
of leade:
A moulde frame.
5 Tressells of wood.
xviij deeds in a boxe xij of yem sealed and
vj w’hout seales.
Church books (as before, with the addittion
of),
One book of Homilies.
A praire booke of thankesgivinge after yᵉ
conspiracie.
A boke of Cannons (Canons).
Register boke.
Dod and Cleaver.
Codgers househould Government.
Third part of newe watch.
1633 It given unto a Irishman and womane they
having a pass to Northumberland iijd
It paide for X yards of Holland to make a
newe serples and for makinge of yᵗ xxvjs vjd
It given to a companie of Irishe foulkes they iiijd
 havinge a pass allowed by Sʳ Rich
Harpur
1634 It given to one having greatt losses and
taken prisoner by Turrkes xiijd
It paid to John Cooke for the Communion
table and the frame and the wealing of
it about iijli
1635 It given to a woman that had two chilren ijd