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1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Contents
Acknowledgments ix
Notes on Translations xiii
Introduction 1
vi Contents
Contents vii
viii Contents
References 327
Index 365
ix
Acknowledgments
I have been working on this book in one form or another for over a
decade. Other projects or commitments have often pulled me away, but have
also allowed me to return to the topic with new insights or methods. One
consequence of the long gestation of this work is a hazy memory of its de-
velopment and trajectory. I began speaking about this topic as far back as
2008. Although I made some effort to take notes along the way, writing these
acknowledgements in 2018 I am certain to omit or overlook contributions,
and for this I apologize in advance.
Over the years, I have benefited greatly from audience feedback at the
venues where I have presented aspects of this work, including Ca’Foscari
in Venice (2009), Collège de France (2010), Princeton University (2010),
University of Texas Austin (2011), Sun Yat-Sen University, Guangzhou (2011),
Aarhus University (2012), University of Chicago (2017), the Central European
University in Budapest (2017), Sungkyunkwan University and Chonnam
National University in South Korea (2017), Arizona State University (2017),
the annual meetings of the American Academy of Religion (2011), Association
for Asian Studies (2011 and 2013), American Philosophical Association
Annual Meeting (Pacific Division) (2010), International Association for the
Cognitive Science of Religion (2011), and Society for Personality and Social
Psychology (2011), the International Association for the History of Religion
20th Quinquennial World Congress (2010), the Conference on Theology
and Cognition, Religion and Theology Project (Oxford 2010), and the Jacob
Marschak Interdisciplinary Colloquium on Mathematics in the Behavioral
Sciences, University of California-Los Angeles (2012).
In particular, I’d like to thank Paul Goldin, Anne Cheng, Attilio Andreini,
Michael Puett, Martin Kern, Ben Elman, Willard Peterson, Joseph Henrich,
Ara Norenzayan, ZHU Jing, Haun Saussy, Curie Virág, Hanoch Ben-Yami,
Youngsun Back, Randolph Nesse, and Roger Ames for comments that have
x
x Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments xi
funded the large-scale, automated textual analysis projects and also allowed
Ryan Nichols to spend a year at the University of British Columbia to help
with our projects.
Most of the write-up of this book took place in a beautiful study at
the Center for Advanced Studies in the Behavioral Sciences (CASBS),
where I was an Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Fellow from 2015 to 2016.
It was thoroughly enjoyable to return after years of Bay Area exile, and
I had months of stimulating and helpful conversations with other CASBS
fellows about this project, in particular Chengyang Li, Michael Lempert,
Anna Sun, Daniel Bell, Andrew Chignell, Jamie Jones and David Wong.
Thanks also to Natasha Iskander (a former Stanford undergrad classmate!)
for both friendship and helping me to realize that impenetrably convoluted
French prose is sometimes just impenetrably convoluted prose. Finally, in-
nate human promiscuous teleology (see chapter 5) makes it impossible for
me not to think it significant that Edward Saïd worked on Orientalism
while a Fellow (1975–1976) at CASBS. I hope that my work can also help
to break down cultural essentialistic views of the Other and allow us to en-
gage more productively and accurately with the worldviews of temporally
or geographically distant cultures.
xi
xi
Note on Translations
Introduction
1. See Jensen 1998 and Saussy 2001 on the early reception of Confucianism in Europe.
2
From the very beginning, holistic Orientalism has come in two distinct
forms, embracing the same basic content claims but imbuing them with op-
posite normative valuations. Hegel and Montesquieu, for instance, believed
that the holistic nature of Chinese thought rendered the Chinese people
psychologically and politically infantile. The “servile consciousness” of the
Chinese, Hegel explained, was the mark of a spiritually immature people, one
which “has not yet matured itself so far as to recognize distinctions” (Hegel
1899/2007: 138). On the other hand, thinkers such as Leibniz and Voltaire
came to see Chinese mind-body holism, including its supposed lack of dis-
tinction between the secular and religious, as precisely the medicine needed
to jolt sick European thought out of its doldrums. Voltaire held up Chinese
thought as an existence proof that one could have a robust ethics without re-
ligion, while Leibniz saw a resonance between Chinese matter-spirit holism
and his own anti-Cartesian arguments.2 As Zhang Longxi observes, “How
the Other is viewed, whether it is regarded with admiration or looked down
upon with contempt, does change from one form of the dichotomy to an-
other . . . but the perennial dichotomy itself seems seldom to relax its grip on
people’s minds in the perpetuation of cultural myths” (L. Zhang 1998: 55).
Michael Puett has also noted this dynamic at work in the contrast between
Max Weber’s and Marcel Granet’s characterizations of China: “Granet’s
presentation of ‘Chinese thought’ is in its general outlines quite similar to
Weber’s view of Confucianism, with the crucial difference that what Weber
saw as restricting the full development of rationality is the very thing Granet
celebrated as part of the genius of Chinese thinking” (Puett 2002: 8).3
One of the odd features of the modern Academy is the fact that while the
negative side of such cultural essentialism has been singled out and rejected as
pernicious Orientalism, its normatively positive manifestation has continued
to flourish. What I have come to think of as “Hegel with a happy face” can
be traced, in its most recent incarnation, from the early European philosophes
to scholars such as Lévy- Bruhl and Granet (Lévy- Bruhl 1922, Granet
1934) straight down to prominent contemporary scholars of Chinese thought
such as Roger Ames, Henry Rosemony Jr., and François Jullien (Rosemont &
2. See Cook & Rosemont 1994 and Ames 2011: 5–8 on Leibniz and his reception of Chinese
thought.
3. Also cf. Heiner Roetz’s point that “the positive outlook of the Enlightenment, and the
negative one of Montesquieu and the German Idealists, mark two ideal types of Western
interpretations of China. They have remained fundamental also for later assessments, even if
the various authors are not necessarily aware of the heritage” (Roetz 1993a: 10).
3
Introduction 3
Ames 2009, Jullien 2007a) in the West, as well as Zhang Xuezhi 張學智 (X.
Zhang 2005) or Tang Yijie (Tang 2007) in Chinese-language scholarship.4
Since the 1970s or so, Orientalism has in addition taken a postmodernist or
poststructuralist turn, acquiring a theoretical foundation in the form of rad-
ical social or linguistic constructivist views of the human self. The resulting
potent cocktail of French theory and cultural essentialism currently holds a
surprisingly large swath of Asian and comparative cultural studies in its grip.5
Of course, Orientalism also appears front and center in French poststruc-
turalist thought itself. Japan plays the role of the incommensurable Other in
Roland Barthes’s Empire of Signs (Barthes 1970/1982). Foucault famously
uses Borges’s “Chinese encyclopedia” to illustrate the absolute barriers to
thinking oneself into a different “order of things” (Foucault 1966/1970), and
Derrida portrays the Chinese ideograph as evidence of a civilization that has
escaped logocentrism (Derrida 1967/1998). As Zhang Longxi (2010) has
noted, theorists such as Foucault and Derrida “use China or Chinese writing
to contrast with the West, and to highlight cultural differences as some sort
of impossible place, as ‘heterotopia’ or the ultimate ‘différance’ ” (L. Zhang
2010: 344). Rey Chow sees Derrida’s fetishization of the Chinese ideogram as
simply a more academically refined version of the sort of racism and cultural
essentialism informing more common stereotypes about “the Chinese”:
It may not be surprising to have East Asia caricatured in this way by French
theorists with little or no knowledge of the region, its history, or its lan-
guages. What should be more troubling is how such Orientalism continues
4. See Roetz 1993a (esp. chs. 1–2), Puett 2001: 4–20, Billeter 2006, Cheng 2009, McDonald
2009, Saussy 2001, and L. Zhang 1998 on the continued dangers of Orientalist, cultural essen-
tialism in contemporary Chinese studies, critiques that I draw upon in the pages that follow.
5. On radical cultural difference as the assumed starting point in Asian comparative studies, see
Zhang Longxi 1998 and David Buck 1991; also see Eske Møllgaard’s lamentations concerning
the pernicious effect of “the present postmodern climate of the Western academy” on the study
of Chinese thought (Møllgaard 2007: 5).
4
to pervade the writing of scholars who actually know something about “the
East.” François Jullien, for instance, characterizes his exploration of Chinese
thought in Le Détour et L’Accès ( Jullien 1995a) as “a voyage to the far-off land
of subtlety,” a journey that, through its stark contrasts, will allow us to “retrace
Western thought” ( Jullien 2000: 10).6
The combination of the simple intercultural ignorance that generated
classic Orientalism with the cultural and linguistic relativism of poststructur-
alist thought creates especially fertile ground for mystification and caricature.
Anyone you ask in the humanities will happily inform you that postmod-
ernism is passé, and few, if any, scholars self-identify as postmodernists. It is
nonetheless the norm, in fields such as religious or Asian studies, for work to
be grounded in the assumption of radical social constructivism—linguistic,
cultural, or both—that is arguably the defining feature of postmodernism
(Slingerland 2008b: ch. 2). This assumption is foregrounded in scholars such
as Jullien, who observes that “the fabric of our thought . . . is woven by Indo-
European languages” ( Jullien 1995b: 18). In one of his trademark rhetorical
moves—soberly denouncing an intellectually flawed practice before gleefully
indulging in it himself7—he notes in a discussion of Chinese ontology that,
though he is “usually suspicious” of orientalist character fetishization, “this
time it seems incontestable”: “What Westerners translate as thing (an individ-
ualizing notion) means east-west in Chinese; and what Westerners translate
as landscape (a unitary term) means mountains-waters in Chinese” ( Jullien
2000: 376). In his view, this bit of linguistic evidence proves his claim that the
Chinese inhabited a world without discrete entities.8
6. As Haun Saussy observes, “Jullien’s China is what we might call an ‘own other,’ a reversed
image of his Europe” (Saussy 2001: 111). Saussy describes an alternation in the West between
“postmodern praise and modern contempt (or patronizing indulgence)” of China, a pat-
tern that resembles the oscillation between normatively positive and negative versions of
Orientalism discussed above.
7. Cf. the statement, “Let me say that I am not extrapolating some overall unity to a body of
thought seen from a distance from the texts under examination. Nor do I regard it as somehow
eternal, ignoring its extreme diversity or historical development” ( Jullien 2007b: 9–10). This
disclaimer precedes an entire book devoted to attributing an unchanging, monolithic view to
a culture based on fragments of a single text seen in occasional glimpses. Or consider Jullien’s
discussion of the American missionary Arthur Smith, where he notes disapprovingly that in
Smith’s writings, “The Chinese are . . . placed in the role of the other par excellence, to serve
conveniently as the diametric opposite of Westerners” (2000: 17). The same, of course, can be
said of Jullien’s oeuvre.
8. It should be noted that, sloppy folk etymology aside, this is an exceedingly odd argu-
ment. Dongxi 東西 (“thing”) is a neologism introduced into the Mandarin dialect sometime
around the Ming Dynasty; classical Chinese (the period Jullien is ostensibly focused on) had
5
Introduction 5
Despite the troubling fact that his work is required reading for French
public schoolchildren, my primary concern in writing this book does not re-
volve around flamboyant figures such as Jullien, who are typically dismissed by
more rigorous scholars.9 What I see as a much greater and pervasive problem
in our field is that strong cultural or linguistic relativism often simply lurks
in the background of modern scholarship as a basic interpretative assump-
tion, a starting point for otherwise sober, careful sinologists. A well-known
2006 monograph by Mark Edward Lewis, focused on “the way in which early
Chinese constructed the space they inhabited” (Lewis 2006: 1), goes on to
describe the physical body in early China as an apparently arbitrarily chosen,
culturally constructed “marker of supreme value” (20), and the bodily surface
as a constantly “fluid and shifting . . . zone of exchange” (61). Considering
the obvious and intuitive importance of the body as a locus for value and
discrete individuality in most Western traditions, this suggests that the early
Chinese inhabited an intellectual milieu where the concepts of body, mind,
and self-other boundaries were quite alien to our own. Similarly, in his work
on the concept of the animal in early China, Roel Sterckx states as a matter of
common knowledge that “notions of humanity and animality, like the con-
cept of nature itself, are to be perceived as cultural constructs . . . variable and
historically contingent” (Sterckx 2002: 15–16). The natural world itself, he
declares, is “a negotiated reality” (16).
For people who did not spend their formative intellectual years drinking
deeply from the well of French theory, these are strange and dubious claims.
Common sense is, of course, far from an infallible guide to reliable knowl
edge. In this case, however, our naïve intuitions are actually reinforced by our
the eminently individualized, even countable (there are 10,000 of them!), term wu 物, and
southern Chinese dialects continue to use compounds involving wu 物 to this day. Moreover,
it is not at all clear that dongxi originated as a compound of “east” (dong 東) and “west” (xi 西)
rather than entirely different words that were merely homophonous with “east” and “west.”
(Thanks to Zev Handel [personal communication] for reflections on this topic.) So perhaps it
is only Mandarin speakers who became holistic sometime around the late fourteenth century.
Evidence is rarely allowed to get in the way of a good Jullien argument, however, and this quo-
tation is a paradigmatic example of the manner in which old-fashioned Orientalism gets woven
together with more contemporary views of linguistic relativism.
9. The best-known critique of Jullien is the Swiss scholar Jean François Billeter’s short, lucid,
and devastating Contre François Jullien (Billeter 2006). Anne Cheng, one of the most prom-
inent defenders of evidence and reason in the French sinological world, is also an inveterate
critic of Jullien’s work, although not typically by name. He is, for instance, clearly the target of
the complaint voiced in her inaugural lecture at the Collège de France about an essentializing
style of Orientalism that tends to put Chinese thought in a museum [muséifier] and reduce it
to the role of “the Other” (Cheng 2009: 37).
Another random document with
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SYMPTOMS.—An attack of chorea is usually preceded by more or less
failure of the general health and evidences of some mental
disturbance. It is quite common to be told by the parents of a child
suffering from chorea that the little patient had seemed unwell for
some time previous to the attack; that the appetite had failed, and
that the child had looked pale; that he had been irritable or excitable,
and at school the teacher had complained of restlessness or
inattention in the pupil. In a little girl who was brought to me recently
with her second attack of chorea her mother stated that for several
days before the outbreak the child had been in excessive spirits, and
that she had been singing loudly and in a peculiar manner. The
same symptoms had preceded the first attack. Sometimes nothing is
observed until it is found by the parents or teacher that there are
abnormal twitchings and movements of the limbs.
During sleep the movements usually cease, but generally the patient
is restless while asleep, and in some instances the irregular
movements continue even at this time.
The disease reaches its greatest severity in about two weeks, and if
the case is a bad one we find by this time all of the voluntary
muscles are in constant movement. At this time the French name for
chorea, folie musculaire, is most appropriate. Patients are often
unable to walk or to sit up, and sometimes they may be thrown from
the bed by violent spasmodic movements of the trunk. Strange as it
seems, patients rarely complain of fatigue, notwithstanding the
violent muscular exercise. This is probably because each set of
movements is of short duration and is constantly changing its seat.
Chorea of the heart is sometimes spoken of, but it has never been
satisfactorily demonstrated that there is any real disorder of cardiac
rhythm in chorea. It is not unusual in chorea to meet with over-action
or palpitation of the heart, but these conditions do not necessarily
depend on the disease.
Valvular murmurs are often met with from the beginning of an attack.
In some instances they are the result of an endocarditis, but
frequently they are functional or anæmic. They are usually heard at
the apex. Sometimes there is a reduplication of the first sound,
giving the idea of a want of synchronism in action of the two sides of
the heart; but this is probably not the result of chorea of the heart. I
recall one patient, a child of seven or eight years, in whom the
reduplication of the first sound was very distinct during an attack of
St. Vitus's dance. She was brought to me at the beginning of a
second attack a year later, and the reduplication of the cardiac
sounds was heard again, so it is likely that it had continued during
the interval, and was probably a congenital condition.
The nutrition generally suffers. The patient rapidly loses flesh, and
becomes anæmic; the skin grows dry, and the hair gets harsh. The
digestion is apt to be disordered. The tongue is large, pallid, and
coated thickly, and there is sometimes nausea or vomiting. The
appetite is not good. The bowels are often constipated. The urine
has been examined by several observers. Bence Jones found an
excess of urea at the height of the disease. Albumen is not present
except accidentally, but there is usually an excess of phosphates. In
several cases in which we have examined the urine at the Infirmary
for Nervous Diseases we found that the specific gravity was high
while the chorea was at its height, but fell to normal as the patient
recovered.
Chorea is spoken of as acute and chronic, but all cases are more or
less chronic. Those cases which last eight or ten weeks may be
considered acute, while those running on for months or years are
properly called chronic.
In the fatal case of Hutchinson referred to above the heart was found
diseased, the aortic valves were incompetent, the leaflets being
swollen and softened, and the aorta was atheromatous above the
sinus of Valsalva.
Seguin recommends that the patient should begin again with the
dose at which tolerance ceased. For instance, if vomiting occurred
after a dose of nine drops, he stops the medicine for a day, and
begins again with eight drops. I have found that sometimes this
causes vomiting again, and I think it preferable to resume the
medicine with a small dose.
It is often seen that a patient becomes worse during the first few
days that the arsenic is taken, but improvement generally begins
after a week of the arsenical treatment, and is well marked after two
weeks.
Ziegler34 has recorded several cases which recovered under the use
of nitrite of amyl. The bromides and chloral are useful adjuncts to
treatment in case of sleeplessness or mental irritability. Cases of
cure by the use of chloral alone have been reported. Bouchut gave a
girl of fourteen and a half years, with chorea and dementia, 45 grains
of chloral a day for twenty-seven days. She slept most of the time,
but improvement was seen on the fifth day, and cure was completed
on the twenty-eighth day of the use of the chloral. Electricity has
been efficient in the hands of many writers. I have found
galvanization of the spine to produce a quieting effect in some
cases.
34 Ibid., vol. vi. p. 486.
In children the patient should always be taken from school and kept
from exciting play. Plenty of fresh air and wholesome food should be
insisted upon. Change of air to the mountains or to the seashore
often effects a cure in a short time.
ATHETOSIS.
BY WHARTON SINKLER, M.D.
This disease was first described by Hammond in his work on Diseases of the Nervous System in 1871,
and cases have since been reported by many observers, among them Clifford Allbutt, Claye Shaw,
Eulenburg, Oulmont, and Gowers. The disease is named by Hammond from the word ἀθετος, without
fixed position.1 The principal features are an inability to retain the fingers and toes in any position in
which they may be placed, and the continual movements which persist in the parts—a condition called
by Gowers mobile spasm.
1 Diseases of the Nervous System, p. 722.
Athetosis is often connected with impaired mental powers; many of Shaw's cases were in imbecile
children.
The movements of athetosis are not confined to the hand in all cases, but they are sometimes met with
in the foot, and even in the muscles of the face and back.
The following is Hammond's original case:2 “J. P. R——, aged thirty-three, a native of Holland, consulted
Hammond Sept. 13, 1869. His occupation was bookbinding, and he had the reputation, previous to his
present illness, of being a first-class workman. He was of intemperate habits. In 1860 he had an
epileptic paroxysm, and since that time, to the date of his first visit to me, had a fit about once in six
weeks. In 1865 he had an attack of delirium tremens, and for six weeks thereafter was unconscious,
being more or less delirious during the whole period. Soon after recovering his intelligence he noticed a
slight sensation of numbness in the whole of the right upper extremity and in the toes of the same side.
At the same time severe pain appeared in these parts, and complex involuntary movements ensued in
the fingers and toes of the same side.
“At first the movements of the fingers were to some extent under the control of his will, especially when
this was strongly exerted and assisted by his eyesight, and he could, by placing his hand behind him,
restrain them to a still greater degree. He soon, however, found that his labor was very much impeded,
and he had gradually been reduced from time to time to work requiring less care than the finishing, at
which he had been very expert.
“The right forearm, from the continual action of the muscles, was much larger than the other, and the
muscles were hard and developed like those of a gymnast. When told to close his hand he held it out at
arm's length, clasped the wrist with the other hand, and then, exerting all his power, succeeded, after at
least half a minute, in flexing the fingers, but instantaneously they opened again and resumed their
movements.
“In this patient there was impairment of intellect, his memory was enfeebled, and his ideas were dull.
There was no paralysis of any part of the body, but there was slight tremor of both upper extremities.
The involuntary movements were of the right arm, and continued during sleep. Sensation was normal.
The spasm of the muscles causes severe pain in the arm, and keeps him from sleeping at night.”
Hammond used various remedies without relief, and had the patient under his charge for many years.
Finally, he showed the patient to the American Neurological Society at the annual meeting in 1883, with
almost complete relief to the movements as a result of nerve-stretching.
2 Ibid.
Athetosis is found in two forms—the hemiplegic and the bilateral varieties. In the former there has
usually been an attack of hemiplegia more or less marked, or there has been an epileptic fit or
unconsciousness from alcohol, as in Case I. There is often hemianæsthesia or some disorder of