The Political Science of the Middle East

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The Political Science of the Middle East
The Political Science of the Middle
East
Theory and Research Since the Arab Uprisings
Edited by
MARC LYNCH, JILLIAN SCHWEDLER, AND SEAN YOM
 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the
University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing
worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and
certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2022

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in
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Oxford University Press, at the address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same
condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Lynch, Marc, 1969– editor. | Schwedler, Jillian, editor. | Yom, Sean L., editor.
Title: The political science of the Middle East : theory and research since
the Arab uprisings / edited by Marc Lynch, Jillian Schwedler, and Sean Yom.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2022. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022003362 (print) | LCCN 2022003363 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780197640050 (paperback) | ISBN 9780197640043 (hardback) |
ISBN 9780197640067 (epub) | ISBN 9780197640081
Subjects: LCSH: Middle East—Politics and government—21st century. |
Political culture—Middle East. | Political science—Research—Middle East.
Classification: LCC JQ 1758 . A 58 P654 2022 (print) | LCC JQ 1758 . A 58 (ebook) |
DDC 320.956—dc23/eng/20220401
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022003362
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022003363
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197640043.001.0001
 Contents

Preface and Acknowledgments

List of Contributors

1. Introduction: The Project of Middle East Political Science:

Research Agendas for a Maturing Field
Marc Lynch
2. Authoritarianism Reconfigured: Evolving Forms of Political
Control
André Bank, Eva Bellin, Michael Herb, Lisa Wedeen, Sean Yom,
and Saloua Zerhouni
3. Between Two Uprisings: The Study of Protest in the Middle
East, 2010–20
Nermin Allam, Chantal Berman, Killian Clarke, and Jillian
Schwedler
4. International Relations and Regional (In)security
May Darwich, F. Gregory Gause III, Waleed Hazbun, Curtis
Ryan, and Morten Valbjørn
5. Militaries, Militias, and Violence
Holger Albrecht, Kevin Koehler, Devorah Manekin, and Ora
Szekely
6. Political Economy and Development
Ferdinand Eibl, Shimaa Hatab, and Steffen Hertog
7. Islam and Islamism
Tarek Masoud, Khalil al-Anani, Courtney Freer, and Quinn
Mecham
8. The Politics of Identity and Sectarianism
 Fanar Haddad, Lisel Hintz, Rima Majed, Toby Matthiesen, Bassel
F. Salloukh, and Alexandra A. Siegel
9. Public Opinion
Lindsay J. Benstead, Justin Gengler, and Michael Robbins
10. Migration and Displacement
Rawan Arar, Laurie Brand, Rana B. Khoury, Noora Lori, Lama
Mourad, and Wendy Pearlman
11. Toward a Relational Approach to Local Politics
Janine A. Clark, Sarah El-Kazaz, Mona Harb, and Lana Salman
12. Triumph over Adversity: Reflections on the Practice of Middle
East Political Science
Lisa Anderson
Index
 Preface and Acknowledgments

This ambitious volume is the work of a sprawling academic

community. By highlighting the flurry of pathbreaking research
conducted by political scientists of the Middle East and North Africa
(MENA) over the past decade, it achieves three goals. First, it
illustrates how the Arab uprisings of 2011–12 sparked vital new
directions in the study of comparative politics and international
relations across the region. The uprisings constituted a generational
event, if a poorly understood one, and recast how scholars
approached the core issues girding political science: political
governance, social forces, economic dynamics, and institutional
order, among others.
Second, the book proves the immense theoretical payoff of
cultivating regional expertise within political science. MENA
researchers during the 2010s quickly pivoted from cataloging the
Arab uprisings to explaining their ripple effects for comparative
politics and international relations. Intimate understandings of
regional politics enabled them to push back against existing theories
and raise daring questions, question old assumptions, postulate
creative hypotheses, and collect new data in their quest to explain
puzzling outcomes within states and societies. The chapters that
follow signify that for many topics in political science, regional
knowledge gained through close-range study and linguistic expertise
can greatly advance the frontiers of disciplinary knowledge.
Finally, this work is testimony to the importance of intellectual
collaboration. The study of MENA politics has become a truly global
undertaking, and our authors reflect an authentic slice of that
pluralism and diversity. Nearly fifty scholars—at various stages of
their careers and spread across several continents and dozens of
institutions—contributed to the twelve chapters that follow. Our
emphasis lies not in picking winners and losers within ongoing
debates but in taking stock of those debates by highlighting points
of consensus as well as disagreements.
Coordinating this convergent effort would be complicated even in
normal times; that the project overlapped with the COVID-19
pandemic made it anything but. Yet we stand proudly by the fruits of
our collective action. We present this book as a definitive statement
of MENA political science, including its critical progress over the past
decade, the lessons it has taught the rest of political science, and
the cauldron of new ideas still animating regional studies. We have
designed the volume for flexible use in various settings, including as
a disciplinary reader for MENA specialists, a reference guide for non-
MENA scholars, and a graduate text for advanced courses and
training on MENA politics.
The editors are deeply grateful to all the contributors who
participated in this generational endeavor, particularly as the
coronavirus pandemic made in-person conferences nearly
impossible. Every chapter encapsulates an expansive field of
research inquiry, and each could constitute an encyclopedic volume
in its own right. In authoring, editing, and revising the chapters, we
came to absorb an immense body of knowledge ourselves, making
us even more impressed with the rapid advancements and
theoretical sophistication that now typify the political science of the
Middle East.
Beyond our contributors, we thank two anonymous reviewers who
provided feedback and praise that helped usher the volume into
production. David McBride at Oxford University Press and his
editorial team deserve special thanks for ensuring a smooth
progression from drafting to publication. Hillary Wiesner and the
Carnegie Corporation of New York and Toby Volkman of the Henry R.
Luce Foundation have been unflagging in their support for the
Project on Middle East Political Science.
Finally, we wish to thank the broader community of scholars who
study the MENA region, who as friends, colleagues, and peers have
tirelessly worked to further our understanding of the region
throughout our careers. This community is eclectic. It stretches
across multiple subfields in political science and pursues diverse
methodological and epistemological commitments. Being members
of this community ourselves, we know that its spirit of open-
mindedness, intellectual curiosity, and personal generosity have
made MENA politics one of the most supportive and collaborative
areas within political science. This volume is a testament to this.
 Contributors

Editors
Marc Lynch is a professor of political science and the director of the
Middle East Studies Program at The George Washington University.
Jillian Schwedler is a professor of political science at Hunter
College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York.
Sean Yom is an associate professor of political science at Temple
University.

Contributors
Khalil al-Anani is an associate professor of political science at the
Doha Institute for Graduate Studies.
Holger Albrecht is a professor of political science at the University
of Alabama.
Nermin Allam is an assistant professor of political science at
Rutgers University, Newark.
Lisa Anderson is a former president of the American University of
Cairo and the Shotwell Professor Emerita in Political Science in the
School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University.
Rawan Arar is an assistant professor in the Department of Law,
Societies, and Justice at the University of Washington.
André Bank is a senior research fellow at the German Institute for
Global and Area Studies in Hamburg.
Eva Bellin is the Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics at
Brandeis University.
Lindsay J. Benstead is an associate professor of political science
and the director of the Middle East Studies Center at Portland State
University.
Chantal Berman is an assistant professor in the Department of
Government at Georgetown University.
Laurie Brand is Professor Emerita of Political Science and
International Relations, and Middle East Studies, at the University of
Southern California.
Janine A. Clark is a professor of political science at the University
of Toronto, Mississauga.
Killian Clarke is an assistant professor in the Edmund A. Walsh
School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University.
May Darwich is an associate professor of international relations of
the Middle East at the University of Birmingham.
Ferdinand Eibl is a senior lecturer in political economy at King’s
College London.
Sarah El-Kazaz is an associate professor in the Department of
Politics and International Studies at the School of Oriental and
African Studies, University of London.
Courtney Freer is a provost’s postdoctoral fellow at Emory College
and a visiting fellow in the Middle East Centre at the London School
of Economics and Political Science.
F. Gregory Gause III is a professor and the John H. Lindsey ’44 chair
in the Department of International Affairs in the Bush School of
Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University.
Justin Gengler is a research associate professor in the Social and
Economic Survey Research Institute at Qatar University.
Fanar Haddad is an assistant professor in the Department of
Cross-Cultural and Regional Studies at the University of Copenhagen.
Mona Harb is a professor of urban studies and politics at the
American University of Beirut, where she is also co-founder and
research lead at the Beirut Urban Lab.
Shimaa Hatab is a lecturer in Middle East and global affairs in the
School of Global Affairs at King’s College, London.
Waleed Hazbun is the Richard L. Chambers Professor of Middle
Eastern Studies in the Department of Political Science at the
University of Alabama.
Michael Herb is a professor and the chair of political science at
Georgia State University.
Steffen Hertog is an associate professor of comparative politics in
the Department of Government at the London School of Economics
and Political Science.
Lisel Hintz is an assistant professor of international relations at
Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies.
Rana B. Khoury is an assistant professor in the Department of
Political Science at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.
Kevin Koehler is an assistant professor at the Institute of Political
Science at Leiden University.
Noora Lori is an assistant professor of international relations at the
Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University.
Rima Majed is an assistant professor of sociology at the American
University of Beirut.
Devorah Manekin is an assistant professor in the International
Relations Department at Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Tarek Masoud is the Ford Foundation Professor of Democracy and
Governance at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of
Government.
Toby Matthiesen is Marie Curie Global Fellow at Stanford
University and Ca’ Foscari University in Venice, Italy.
Quinn Mecham is an associate professor and the director of
research and academic programs in the Kennedy Center for
International Affairs at Brigham Young University.
Lama Mourad is an assistant professor in the Norman Paterson
School of International Affairs at Carleton University.
Wendy Pearlman is a professor of political science and the Charles
Deering McCormick Professor of Teaching Excellence at
Northwestern University.
Michael Robbins is a researcher at Princeton University, serving as
co-principal investigator and project director of Arab Barometer.
Curtis Ryan is a professor of political science in the Department of
Government and Justice Studies at Appalachian State University.
Bassel F. Salloukh is an associate professor and head of the
Politics and International Relations Program at the Doha Institute for
Graduate Studies.
Lana Salman is a postdoctoral research fellow at the Middle East
Initiative in the Harvard Kennedy School at Harvard University.
Alexandra A. Siegel is an assistant professor of political science at
the University of Colorado, Boulder.
Ora Szekely is an associate professor of political science at Clark
University.
Morten Valbjørn is an associate professor in the Department of
Political Science at Aarhus University.
Lisa Wedeen is Mary R. Morton Professor of Political Science and
co-director of the Chicago Center for Contemporary Theory at the
University of Chicago.
Saloua Zerhouni is a professor of political science at Mohammed V
University in Rabat.
 1
Introduction
The Project of Middle East Political Science: Research
Agendas for a Maturing Field
Marc Lynch

“The Middle East field is in a crisis within the broader discipline of

political science,” warned Jerrold Green in 1994.1 His long familiar
complaint expressed a prevailing sentiment that would be repeated
over the ensuing decades.2 Critics from within the academy took to
task the study of Middle East politics, a field driven by scholars who
identified with the subfields of comparative politics and international
relations within political science. They attacked the field’s insularity,
resistance to methodological innovations in the broader discipline,
preference for rich description over theoretical rigor, and failure to
publish in top disciplinary journals.3 Some critics from outside the
academy attacked the field for overpoliticization in opposition to
Israel or American foreign policy, while others blasted it for its
subservience to American foreign policy and security interests.4 The
one point of consensus, across ideological and disciplinary lines, was
that the field had failed.
In particular, Middle East political science was charged with a
failure to anticipate the most important events and trends in the
region. The field failed to predict the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and
the rise of Islamism in the 1980s. It failed to predict Saddam
Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990.5 It failed to anticipate al-
Qaeda’s attack on the United States in 2001 (though it proved quite
prescient in its warnings about the likely disaster of the 2003
invasion of Iraq).6 And, most recently, critics demanded to know
“why Middle East studies missed the Arab Spring.”7 An influential
postmortem in Perspectives on Politics, a leading disciplinary journal
published by the American Political Science Association, argued that
the field had failed to predict the Arab uprisings a decade ago due to
its “focus on authoritarianism and the obstacles to democratization
which marginalized questions relevant to the dynamics of popular
mobilization, and deemphasized their potentially inherent importance
aside from their relevance to regime change.”8
In this context, the Arab uprisings of 2011 were an epochal,
transformative event in the history of the region. They were also an
inflection point for political science scholarship about the region.
Middle East political scientists did far better in anticipating the 2011
uprisings than is commonly believed and excelled in producing real-
time analysis as they unfolded. In its aftermath, our research field
has shown dramatic and critical breakthroughs that defiantly clash
with the depressing tone of past assessments. The uprisings
generated an enormous demand for Middle East and North Africa
(MENA) expertise, with both positive and negative implications; as
with 9/11, instant experts and the immediate demands of U.S.
policymakers could crowd out the work of serious scholars. But for
those scholars, the uprisings introduced a dizzying array of
productive new questions, new data, and new debates. Breaking
with the decennial tradition of disciplinary self-flagellation, this book
comes not to bury Middle East political science but to praise it. The
decade since the Arab uprisings has witnessed an efflorescence of
rigorous, deeply informed, and relevant research on the Middle East
which rivals that of any field in political science.
This impressive performance did not come out of nowhere.
Developments, both intellectual and sociological, within the field in
the decade prior to the Arab uprisings had created a deep bench of
scholars equipped with immersive area knowledge and strong
methodological skills which were primed to rise to the challenge.
More than at any time in the history of the field, this cohort of
scholars was primed to produce rigorous academic analysis and to
engage effectively with a hungry policy-oriented public. This deep
bench was reinforced by the growing presence of scholars from the
MENA region who were increasingly integrated into academic
networks. After decades of marginalization, MENA scholars took a
central position within key areas of political science, driving research
agendas and being included organically in many of the broader
debates across the discipline. Inasmuch as the Arab uprisings
perturbed the landscape of the Middle East, the events also allowed
Middle East scholars to begin transforming political science itself,
particularly in areas such as research ethics and data transparency.
These are bold claims. The Political Science of the Middle East
attempts to redeem them through a comprehensive analytical tour of
a remarkable decade of MENA political science, examining both its
strengths and its shortcomings across a wide array of themes,
subfields, and research approaches. It celebrates the development of
rich, vibrant research programs across the field but concludes by
highlighting profound challenges already constraining our research
community which are likely to grow only more intense. This is a
comprehensive overview of the field, a stocktaking exercise the likes
of which has not taken place in decades, which aims to make the
field legible to the widest possible academic audience. It features
nearly fifty authors from a wide range of backgrounds, subfields,
methodologies, and substantive focus, making it one of the most
diverse collections of scholars to ever undertake such a project. And
it shows that much as the study of politics has always been part and
parcel of social scientific research in the Middle East, the regional
canon of Middle East expertise is tightly integrated within
mainstream political science. MENA specialists have been
spearheading new theories, testing creative hypotheses, collecting
exquisite data, and contributing to broader discussions. In short,
they have been doing precisely what they were long accused of
never having done—or never being capable of doing.
What were the Arab uprisings? Most would agree that the term
refers to the first several months of 2011, a revolutionary moment in
which unexpected mass protests swept across most of the Arab
world, toppling long-ruling leaders in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and
Yemen and challenging many other autocrats. Beyond that, there is
little consensus. We make no assumptions nor assertions about the
novelty or revolutionary nature of the 2011 events. Many scholars,
including in this volume, push back against the revolutionary
narrative of the so-called Arab Spring, noting a much longer history
of protest and contention before 2011. Debates over whether to
categorize the uprisings as a single revolutionary episode or as part
of a longer generational process of political contention and change
began to tilt toward the former as pundits lamented “the Arab
Winter.”9 But then nearly simultaneous protest waves swept Algeria,
Iraq, Lebanon, and the Sudan in 2019. Nor is there agreement on
the broader significance of the uprisings, with some scholars
pointing to the limits of political change and the gritty resilience of
autocratic structures and practices in their wake, while others point
to the deep underlying institutional and political transformations in
states and the regional order.10 Despite these critically important
open questions, the diffusion of nearly simultaneous revolutionary
fervor across tens of countries did represent something exceptional,
not only to scholars but to the Arab citizens and leaders living
through them. There is no consensus, then, over when and how the
Arab uprisings began and ended (if they did) or over how significant
the Arab uprisings had really been.11
That lack of consensus reflects not theoretical disarray so much
as the fact that, like all healthy fields, Middle East political science
has gone through several waves of knowledge regarding these iconic
events. As the chapters of this volume document, the first protests
of 2011 inspired an initial cluster of research, which did an excellent
job of describing these complex events but was not quite ready for
theory development or hypothesis testing.12 Those early publications
tended to rely on a telescoped coding of outcomes (e.g., Egypt,
Libya, and Yemen all looked like provisionally successful transitions
in 2012) and tended to be analyzed through a relatively
circumscribed set of literatures. A new round of questions emerged
from the dark turn the region took over the next several years, as
Egypt’s democratic transition ended in a military coup and uprisings
gave way to internationally fueled civil wars in Libya, Syria, and
Yemen. The chapters of this volume document the new theoretical
developments, methods, and data which emerged in response to a
decade’s perspective.
This decade’s worth of developments offered unique opportunities
for MENA political science as well as profound challenges. The
magnitude of the upheavals in a sense liberated, if not forced,
scholars to once again grapple with the big questions, pushing them
to reexamine assumptions about the fundamental nature of the Arab
state, the forms and modes of political contention, the drivers of
political attitudes and beliefs, and the role of both international and
highly local factors in political outcomes. A range of transitions with
divergent outcomes, elections under widely varying conditions, civil
wars and insurgencies, and new forms of international competition
allowed scholars to carry out new tests of existing theories, to
develop new theories about old questions, and to ask entirely new
questions.
This research spanned methodological and subfield divides. The
voracious interest in the uprisings from non-MENA specialists, the
media, and the policy community broke down the regional insularity
of the MENA scholarly community. Critically, no singular school of
thought or mode of analysis dominated or sought to prematurely
impose a new consensus bounding the forms of acceptable research.
The field of MENA political science proved to be remarkably
methodologically diverse and inclusive. The qualitative field-based
research which had long been the backbone of the field continued to
pay dividends. But methodological innovation and new data sources
enabled enormous growth in other methods. Election results, vastly
improved survey data, social media analytics, and carefully
constructed event data sets allowed for the sort of sophisticated
statistical analysis of political behavior familiar in other regions but
long impossible in the MENA. The internet allowed for ever greater
research at a distance, whether through observations of social media
postings and online videos or through direct connections and
communications with individuals in areas closed off to researchers or
dispersed around the world.13
One key development has been that in contrast to previous eras,
the uprisings of the Arab Spring were not treated as something
culturally exotic or ontologically unique to the Middle East.
Generalists now looked to the MENA as a critical site to explore
questions important in their research programs. Students of social
movements, of democratization, of militaries in politics, of
constitutional design, of revolutions, of transnational diffusion, of
refugees and migration, and of the internet all turned their gaze
toward the Middle East. In the following years, students of military
coups, insurgency, international interventions, jihadist armed groups,
and failed states found equally compelling reason to focus on the
Middle East. While MENA specialists sometimes resented the
“parachute” scholars writing after only a brief time (or even no time)
in the field, their engagement with developments in the region
created networks of scholarly engagement and opened up space for
regional specialists in the broader discipline.
The eleven subsequent chapters which make up the heart of this
book demonstrate in detail and depth the ambitious, multifaceted
research output across multiple subfields and issue areas which have
characterized Middle East political science in the 2010s. A decade’s
perspective allows us to see more clearly which changes were real
and which transitory.14 As Chapter 3 observes, “One challenge of
studying the uprisings in these early years was that it was not
entirely clear what questions should be asked, what puzzles they
presented, or even how they should be ‘cased.’ But as countries
began to diverge in their post-2011 paths, a range of research
questions came into focus.” The same could be said for virtually
every research area and every chapter. Meaningful academic debates
have had time to mature and evolve through multiple publications
and responses.15 The methodological implications of studying such
events has become clearer.16 The chapters in this volume each
report on the key theoretical advances and debates in their area,
noting both strengths and weaknesses of a decade’s worth of
research while pointing the way toward future research agendas and
opportunities.
What is the purpose of this stocktaking exercise? As Morten
Valbjørn observed in 2015, there are different types of retrospectives
on the development of an academic field.17 One focuses on picking
winners and losers, as advocates of particular theories jockey to
prove they had been right all along. A second version focuses on
assessing the aggregate research output of a field in order to
transcend old debates and reframe arguments which had long
structured the field. This volume is decidedly of the second variety.
Our purpose is to survey the field with an eye toward highlighting its
contributions, identifying points of convergence and disagreement
within the evolving literature, and charting ways to continue to push
research programs forward. It is a field-building exercise, not a
scorekeeping one.
In the vein of critical reflection, we do not mean to say that field
has been perfect. Much like other historical ruptures that changed
the fates of entire regions, like the fall of the Berlin Wall for Central
and Eastern Europe and the Soviet bloc, Middle East scholars caught
up in the heat of the moment at times let their hopes or emotional
attachment to democratic movements color their analysis.18 At other
times, a form of groupthink took hold, with a sort of in-group
policing of views not sufficiently aligned with activist preferences.
The academic community working on Egypt was torn apart along
with Egyptian political society itself over the 2013 military coup,
while the sharp political differences over how to understand and
respond to Syria’s uprising and war inevitably spilled over into
academic analysis. Scholars also at times moved in packs, with large
numbers drawn to certain cases (Tunisia), comparisons (Egypt-
Tunisia), or issues (Syrian refugees) to the exclusion of others. As
autocratic regression took hold and civil wars spiraled, many scholars
understandably retreated to relatively safe countries, less sensitive
topics, and methods such as survey experiments which didn’t involve
participation in or observation of contentious politics. On the flip
side, some scholars rushed toward danger in hopes of impressing
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 THE LIFE OF

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(From a photograph by S. G. Payne & Son.)
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ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
 TO
THE LADY HERBERT OF LEA
THE LIFE-LONG FRIEND OF
FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE
THIS BOOK
IS BY PERMISSION
Dedicated
 PREFACE
The writing of the Life of Florence Nightingale was undertaken
with the object of marking the jubilee of the illustrious heroine who
left London on October 21st, 1854, with a band of thirty-eight nurses
for service in the Crimean War. Her heroic labours on behalf of the
sick and wounded soldiers have made her name a household word
in every part of the British Empire, and it was a matter for national
congratulation that Miss Nightingale lived to celebrate such a
memorable anniversary.
A striking proof of the honour in which her name is held by the
rising generation was given a short time ago, when the editor of The
Girl’s Realm took the votes of his readers as to the most popular
heroine in modern history. Fourteen names were submitted, and of
the 300,000 votes given, 120,776 were for Florence Nightingale.
No trouble has been spared to make the book as accurate and
complete as possible, and when writing it I spent several months in
the vicinity of Miss Nightingale’s early homes, and received much
kind assistance from people of all classes acquainted with her. In
particular I would thank Lady Herbert of Lea for accepting the
dedication of the book and for portraits of herself and Lord Herbert;
Sir Edmund Verney for permission to publish the picture of the late
Lady Verney and views of Claydon; Pastor Düsselhoff of
Kaiserswerth for the portrait of Pastor Fliedner and some
recollections of Miss Nightingale’s training in that institution; the late
Sister Mary Aloysius, of the Convent of Sisters of Mercy, Kinvara, co.
Galway, for memories of her work at Scutari Hospital; and Mr.
Crowther, Librarian of the Public Library, Derby, for facilities for
studying the collection of material relating to Miss Nightingale
presented to the Library by the late Duke of Devonshire.
 In the preparation of the revised edition I am indebted to Lady
Verney, the late Hon. Frederick Strutt, and Mrs. Dacre Craven for
valuable suggestions.
SARAH A. TOOLEY
Kensington.
 CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
BIRTH AND ANCESTRY
PAGE
Birth at Florence—Shore Ancestry—Peter Nightingale of
Lea—Florence Nightingale’s Parents 1

CHAPTER II
EARLIEST ASSOCIATIONS

Lea Hall first English Home—Neighbourhood of

Babington Plot—Dethick Church 8

CHAPTER III
LEA HURST

Removal to Lea Hurst—Description of the House—

Florence Nightingale’s Crimean Carriage preserved
there 15

CHAPTER IV
THE DAYS OF CHILDHOOD

Romantic Journeys from Lea Hurst to Embley Park— 22

George Eliot Associations—First Patient—Love of
 Animals and Flowers—Early Education

CHAPTER V
THE SQUIRE’S DAUGHTER

An Accomplished Girl—An Angel in the Homes of the

Poor—Children’s “Feast Day” at Lea Hurst—Her
Bible-Class for Girls—Interests at Embley—Society
Life—Longing for a Vocation—Meets Elizabeth Fry—
Studies Hospital Nursing—Decides to go to
Kaiserswerth 38

CHAPTER VI
FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE’S ALMA MATER AND ITS
FOUNDER

Enrolled a Deaconess at Kaiserswerth—Paster Fliedner

—His Early Life—Becomes Pastor at Kaiserswerth—
Interest in Prison Reform—Starts a Small Penitentiary
for Discharged Female Prisoners—Founds a School
and the Deaconess Hospital—Rules for Deaconesses
—Marvellous Extension of his Work—His Death—
Miss Nightingale’s Tribute 54

CHAPTER VII
ENTERS KAISERSWERTH: A PLEA FOR DEACONESSES

An Interesting Letter—Description of Miss Nightingale

when she entered Kaiserswerth—Testimonies to her
Popularity—Impressive Farewell to Pastor Fliedner 68

CHAPTER VIII
 A PERIOD OF WAITING

Visits the Sisters of St. Vincent de Paul in Paris—Illness

—Resumes Old Life at Lea Hurst and Embley—
Interest in John Smedley’s System of Hydropathy—
Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Herbert’s Philanthropies—Work
at Harley Street Home for Sick Governesses—Illness
and Return Home 80

CHAPTER IX
SIDNEY, LORD HERBERT OF LEA

Gladstone on Lord Herbert—Early Life of Lord Herbert—

His Mother—College Career—Enters Public Life—As
Secretary for War—Benevolent Work at Salisbury—
Lady Herbert—Friendship with Florence Nightingale—
Again Secretary for War 87

CHAPTER X
THE CRIMEAN WAR AND CALL TO SERVICE

Tribute to Florence Nightingale by the Countess of

Lovelace—Outbreak of the Crimean War—Distressing
Condition of the Sick and Wounded—Mr. W. H.
Russell’s Letters to The Times—Call for Women
Nurses—Mr. Sidney Herbert’s Letter to Miss
Nightingale—She offers her Services 94

CHAPTER XI
PREPARATION AND DEPARTURE FOR SCUTARI

Public Curiosity Aroused—Description of Miss 110

Nightingale in the Press—Criticism—She selects
 Thirty-Eight Nurses—Departure of the “Angel Band”—
Enthusiasm of Boulogne Fisherwomen—Arrival at
Scutari

CHAPTER XII
THE LADY-IN-CHIEF

The Barrack Hospital—Overwhelming Numbers of Sick

and Wounded—General Disorder—Florence
Nightingale’s “Commanding Genius”—The Lady with
the Brain—The Nurses’ Tower—Influence over Men in
Authority 123

CHAPTER XIII
AT WORK IN THE BARRACK HOSPITAL

An Appalling Task—Stories of Florence Nightingale’s

Interest in the Soldiers—Lack of Necessaries for the
Wounded—Establishes an Invalids’ Kitchen and a
Laundry—Cares for the Soldiers’ Wives—Religious
Fanatics—Letter from Queen Victoria—Christmas at
Scutari 140

CHAPTER XIV
GRAPPLING WITH CHOLERA AND FEVER

Florence Nightingale describes the Hardships of the

Soldiers—Arrival of Fifty More Nurses—Memories of
Sister Mary Aloysius—The Cholera Scourge 160

CHAPTER XV
TIMELY HELP
Lavish Gifts for the Soldiers—The Times Fund—The
Times Commissioner visits Scutari—His Description
of Miss Nightingale—Arrival of M. Soyer, the Famous
Chef—He Describes Miss Nightingale 171

CHAPTER XVI
THE ANGEL OF DEATH

Death of Seven Surgeons at Scutari—The First of the

“Angel Band” Stricken—Deaths of Miss Smythe,
Sister Winifred, and Sister Mary Elizabeth—Touching
Verses by an Orderly 183

CHAPTER XVII
SAILS FOR THE CRIMEA AND GOES UNDER FIRE

On Board the Robert Lowe—Story of a Sick Soldier—

Visit to the Camp Hospitals—Sees Sebastopol from
the Trenches—Recognised and Cheered by the
Soldiers—Adventurous Ride Back 192

CHAPTER XVIII
STRICKEN BY FEVER

Continued Visitation of Hospitals—Sudden Illness—

Conveyed to Sanatorium—Visit of Lord Raglan—
Convalescence—Accepts Offer of Lord Ward’s Yacht
—Returns to Scutari—Memorial to Fallen Heroes 204

CHAPTER XIX
CLOSE OF THE WAR
Fall of Sebastopol—The Nightingale Hospital Fund—A
Carriage Accident—Last Months in the Crimea—“The
Nightingale Cross”—Presents from Queen Victoria
and the Sultan—Sails for Home 217

CHAPTER XX
THE RETURN OF THE HEROINE

Arrives Secretly at Lea Hurst—The Object of Many

Congratulations—Presentations—Received by Queen
Victoria at Balmoral—Prepares Statement of
“Voluntary Gifts”—Tribute to Lord Raglan 239

CHAPTER XXI
THE SOLDIER’S FRIEND AT HOME

Ill Health—Unremitting Toil—Founds Nightingale

Training School at St. Thomas’s Hospital—Army
Reform—Death of Lord Herbert of Lea—Palmerston
and Gladstone pay Tributes to Miss Nightingale—
Interesting Letters—Advises in American War and
Franco-German War 252

CHAPTER XXII
WISDOM FROM THE QUEEN OF NURSES

Literary Activity—Notes on Hospitals—Notes on Nursing

—Hints for the Amateur Nurse—Interest in the Army
in India—Writings on Indian Reforms 275

CHAPTER XXIII
 THE NURSING OF THE SICK POOR

Origin of the Liverpool Home and Training School—

Interest in the Sick Paupers—“Una and the Lion” a
Tribute to Sister Agnes Jones—Letter to Miss
Florence Lees—Plea for a Home for Nurses—On the
Question of Paid Nurses—Queen Victoria’s Jubilee
Nursing Institute—Rules for Probationers 298

CHAPTER XXIV
LATER YEARS

The Nightingale Home—Rules for Probationers—Deaths

of Mr. and Mrs. Nightingale—Death of Lady Verney—
Continues to Visit Claydon—Health Crusade—Rural
Hygiene—A Letter to Mothers—Introduces Village
Missioners—Village Sanitation in India—The Diamond
Jubilee—Balaclava Dinner 314

CHAPTER XXV
AT EVENTIDE

Miss Nightingale To-day—Her Interest in Passing Events

—Recent Letter to Derbyshire Nurses—Celebrates
Eighty-fourth Birthday—King confers Dignity of a Lady
of Grace—Appointed by King Edward VII. to the Order
of Merit—Letter from the German Emperor—Elected
to the Honorary Freedom of the City of London—
Summary of her Noble Life In Memoriam 338