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OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
LYNDSEY JENKINS
1
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
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© Lyndsey Jenkins 2021
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First Edition published in 2021
Impression: 1
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Library of Congress Control Number: 2021910541
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DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192848802.001.0001
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OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
Contents
Acknowledgements vii
List of Figures ix
Introduction 1
1. Childhood 39
2. Beliefs 76
3. Class 110
4. Militancy 136
5. Careers 170
6. Aftermath 207
Conclusion 249
Bibliography 257
Index 285
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
Acknowledgements
viii
List of Figures
x
36. Jessie Kenney dealing with correspondence to the Women’s Party 212
37. Annie Kenney with her baby son Warwick Kenney-Taylor 216
38. Jessie Kenney as a wireless telegraph operator 228
39. Jessie Kenney as a Suffragette Fellowship Member 237
40. Official programme and souvenir for the 1908 demonstration in
Hyde Park 250
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Introduction
Sisters and Sisterhood: The Kenney Family, Class, and Suffrage, 1890–1965. Lyndsey Jenkins,
Oxford University Press. © Lyndsey Jenkins 2021. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192848802.003.0001
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
3
62 Nelson St,
Manchester
Oct 17.05
No note paper
My Dear Reg,
I am glad to tell you I feel none the worse for my three days in Strangeways,
though I am so anxious to see Miss Pankhurst. I came out at 7-20 yesterday
morning, there were about 20 of us. As soon as the doors opened I saw a
whole mass of people, as soon as they caught sight of my blue dress there was
one continual cheer. There were about 100 people there and how pleased
I was to see so many from Oldham. I had a lovely bouquet presented to me
by Alice Heywood sent from the Oldham Socialists. I went last night to a
meeting in Stevenson Square where there were a thousand men and women
standing around a lurry. Of course you can imagin the greeting I received.
Mr Lenard Hall came up purposely to speak. It was a meeting, there are
letters and telegrams rolling in. Mr Besick of the Clarion came to interview
me yesterday. I expect there will be hundreds awaiting for Miss P. I am to go
down and come out with her, they might have a band. Kier Hardy is
speaking. I should be glad if you could be there, and Lizzie, if possible. We
are being at the gates, Strangeways at 7. on Friday morning. So Good Bye for
a short time. I was pleased about you coming here on Sat. Also about Sun.
Ever Your loving Sis Nan
62 Nelson St,
Manchester
Oct 17.05
My Dear Nellie
You may be surprised when I tell you I was released from Strangeways
yesterday morning. There were over one hundred people waiting. I had a
lovely boquet of flowers sent me from the Oldham Socialists. Miss
Pankhurst is still there untill Friday. Manchester is alive I can assure you
Last night a protest meeting was held for me in Stevenson Square over 2000
people were there Lenard Hall came to speak on our behalf the only thing
I am sorry about is those at home and Kitty and Jennie and You, I cannot tell
you how pleased I was to receive your letter and to find you so kind about it,
I thought you would have been so indignant with me I cannot tell you
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
These letters were written by Annie Kenney, to her sister Nell Kenney and
her brother Reg Kenney, after her release from prison in October 1905. They
remind us that for all their undoubted bravery, the women had no idea how
their actions might be received or what the effects might be. They were
taking an immense risk. So many moments of protest and resistance dis-
appear without trace. Neither woman knew that this moment would trans-
form their lives, reshape the women’s movement, and echo throughout
British history.
The dominant note in Annie’s letter to Reg is pride. Her actions are given
legitimacy by the outpouring of support from the local community and from
the socialist movement whose principles they share. Her references to
Leonard Hall and Keir Hardie, founding members of the Independent
Labour Party (ILP), testify to her joy at these encounters with iconic figures
of the labour movement. Alice Heywood was probably a relative of Reg’s
employer, George Heywood, who had inherited the publishing business of
his radical Chartist grandfather Abel Heywood. Annie’s invitation to Reg
and his wife, Lizzie, and the mention of his previous visit suggests she is
confident in his support.
The tone in Annie’s letter to Nell is quite different. This offers a poignant
testimony to her conflicting emotions. It expresses the same sense of awe-
struck delight at her reception in Manchester, but this time mixed with fear
about how her actions will be received at home. She was, after all, risking
both her reputation and her livelihood. What respectable employer would
want to employ a notorious radical? She needed to rely on her family, but
her anxious reassurances about money indicate that they also relied on her.
Family obligations and responsibilities, tensions and conflicts, but above all,
¹ Annie Kenney to Reg Kenney, 17 Oct. 1905, is held in a private family collection and is
reprinted with kind permission of James Kenney. Annie Kenney to Nell Kenney, 17 Oct. 1905,
Victoria, British Columbia Archives, MS-1029, File 1.
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
5
love and affection shine out from this personal and private account of a
public and political act.
Both letters were kept by their recipients and became important family
documents: one preserved in private papers, the other donated to a museum.
They crystallize many of the themes of this book: the vital importance of
families, especially siblings, within political movements, the relationship
between socialism and feminism in this period, and the Kenneys’ sense of
themselves as historical actors, with a history worth preserving.
The worries about money, enthusiasm for socialism, and, implicitly, the
spelling and grammar in these letters are all reminders of Annie Kenney’s
economic and social background. She was, and remains, the most famous
working-class suffragette. Indeed, it is still sometimes claimed that she was
the only working-class woman of any significance within the Women’s
Social and Political Union (WSPU). Not only is this clearly not true, it was
not even true within her own family. Five of the seven Kenney sisters—Nell,
Jane, Caroline, and Jessie as well as Annie—actively supported the militant
suffrage campaign. Collectively, their lives can help us to better understand
the role of working-class women in the suffrage campaign, and particularly
its militant wing. We still know far too little about who these women were,
what they wanted, and what the vote meant to them. The answers to these
questions matter not only for our interpretation of the suffrage campaign
and the women’s movement, but also for our understanding of class rela-
tions, gender dynamics, and politics itself.
This is a book about the possibilities for, and experiences of, working-
class women in the militant suffrage movement. It identifies why they
became politically active, their experiences as activists, and the benefits
they gained from their political work. It stresses the need to see working-
class women as significant actors and autonomous agents in the suffrage
campaign. It shows why and how some women became politicized, why they
prioritized the vote above all else, and how this campaign came to dominate
their lives. It also places the suffrage campaign within the broader trajectory
of their lives in order to stress how far the personal and political were
intertwined for these women.
Although this is a book about ‘working-class suffragettes’, people are
more than the categories and labels historians assign them. This is a book
about workers and teachers, religious believers and political thinkers, and
friends and colleagues, as well as suffragettes. Above all, it is a book about
sisters. Families often constrained and constricted women, but not always
and necessarily so. It is equally important to understand how they helped
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
and supported women. We know a great deal about how family backing
enabled middle-class women to become politically active. Families pro-
moted education, provided useful connections, supported philanthropic
endeavours, or simply released them from domestic duties and ensured
their efforts were supported and applauded.² Fathers, mothers, brothers,
sisters, and extended kinship networks all played important roles in
women’s lives. This book suggests that we need to think about how the
family—and particularly siblings—could also enable working-class women
to engage in politics.³ Indeed, in the absence of the more obvious resources
possessed by wealthier families, this may have been even more important.
Annie Kenney’s letter to Nell makes clear that her family’s reassurance and
approval was uppermost in her mind. She knew that the consequences
would not be borne by herself alone, but would have ramifications for the
whole family. The Kenneys were connected to one another by their shared
history, values, obligations, politics, respect, loyalty, and love long after they
had ceased to live together.
² Olive Banks, Becoming a Feminist: The Social Origins of ‘First Wave’ Feminism (Brighton,
1986); Kathryn Gleadle, Borderline Citizens: Women, Gender and Political Culture in Britain
1815–1867 (Oxford, 2009); Sarah Richardson, The Political Worlds of Women: Gender and
Politics in Nineteenth Century Britain (Abingdon, 2013).
³ Though primarily focused on internal household economics, Emma Griffin’s most recent
work also raises this possibility at the end of her work: Emma Griffin, Bread Winner: An
Intimate History of the Victorian Economy (London, 2020), 292.
⁴ For clarity, Nell Kenney is referred to by this name throughout, since that was how she was
known within the suffrage movement, though her papers are filed under Sarah Ellen Clarke.
Information on the Kenney family background is taken from official records, and the autobiog-
raphies of the three siblings.
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
7
⁵ Wendy Cooper, ‘Annie Kenney: Pankhurst Servant or Feminist Leader?’ (MA thesis,
University of Buckingham, 2013), 15.
⁶ A letter in the Kenney Papers indicates the family believed ‘he changed his religion when he
married’, and the two incidents may well have been related, although the dates do not exactly
accord. Dorothy Clarke to Warwick Kenney, 28 Mar. 2001, KP/CLA.
⁷ This is discussed further in Ch. 1, but key texts here are Duncan Gurr and Julian Hunt, The
Cotton Mills of Oldham (Oldham, 1998); Jutta Schwarzkopf, Unpicking Gender: The Social
Construction of Gender in the Lancashire Cotton Weaving Industry (Aldershot, 2004); Carol
E. Morgan, Women Workers and Gender Identities, 1835–1913: The Cotton and the Metal
Industries in England (London, 2001); and Ellen Jordan, The Women’s Movement and
Women’s Employment in Nineteenth Century Britain (London, 1999).
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/10/2021, SPi
former constrained their lives; the latter offered alternatives. The Kenneys
were among the vast numbers of young people who worked as ‘half-timers’
in local factories and mills, combining school and paid work. Their unhappy
experiences gave rise to their determination to achieve economic stability
and prosperity. But their lives were by no means defined by misery and
hardship. They shared many literary, cultural, and social interests and lived
full and interesting lives. Chapter 1 examines their childhood and adoles-
cence and explains how the Kenneys became politically engaged. By the
turn of the century, the siblings’ lives had begun to diverge—they worked in
a variety of occupations, some were married, several were studying or
training—but they remained a mostly close-knit and supportive family.
In 1905, Annie, Jane, and Jessie Kenney attended a meeting at the
Oldham Trades Council at which Christabel Pankhurst and Teresa
Billington-Greig outlined the goals of their new political organization.
Founded in 1903 to pressure the labour movement to give greater promin-
ence to women’s suffrage, the group was then known as the National
Women’s Social and Political Union. It was still largely limited to
Emmeline Pankhurst, her daughters, and their friends. Profoundly moved
by the urgency and passion in Pankhurst’s speech, Annie Kenney asked if
she would come and address factory women. Pankhurst agreed—but only if
Kenney would speak too. Though this was not a great success, it was the
beginning of a long-standing political partnership and lifelong friendship
between the two women. Annie Kenney (Figure 2) began speaking on behalf
9