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State Laughter. Stalinism, Populism, and Origins of Soviet Culture Evgeny Dobrenko full chapter instant download
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Stalinism, Populism,
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OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
State Laughter
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
State Laughter
Stalinism, Populism, and Origins
of Soviet Culture
EVGENY DOBRENKO
and
NATALIA JONSSON-SKRADOL
1
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
3
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© Evgeny Dobrenko and Natalia Jonsson-Skradol 2022
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First Edition published in 2022
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and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
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Library of Congress Control Number: 2021944925
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DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198840411.001.0001
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OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
ED.
For Olga Skradol and Nick Jonsson.
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OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
Table of Contents
List of Illustrations xi
Introduction 1
1. The Stalinist World of Laughter: The Fate of the Comic
in a Tragic Age 18
2. A Killer Wit: Laughter in Stalinist Official Discourse 68
3. The Funny War: Laughing at the Front in World War Two 115
4. “One Might Think It Is a Ward in a Madhouse”: Late Stalinism,
the Early Cold War, and Caricature 152
5. The Gogols and the Shchedrins: Lessons in “Positive Satire” 211
6. The Soviet Bestiary: Genealogy of the Stalinist Fable 250
7. The Merry Adventures of Stalin’s Peasants: Kolkhoz Commedia
dell’arte 285
8. “A Total Racket”: Vaudeville for the New People 325
9. Metalaughter: Populism and the Stalinist Musical Comedy 361
Bibliography 399
Index 417
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
List of Illustrations
Introduction
In 1989, in the heyday of perestroika, the American publisher Andrews & McMeel
published a book about Soviet humor that included caricatures from the principal
Soviet satirical magazine, Krokodil. The book had two introductions. One was by
Krokodil’s editor-in-chief, Aleksei P0 ianov, and the second was penned by the
famous historian of animation and caricature, Charles Solomon. Solomon’s text
opened with a short overview of how the Soviet Union was perceived in the West,
through Cold War films from Hollywood:
That anyone could compile an anthology of Soviet cartoons will surprise many
Americans. In the United States, the USSR is usually depicted as either a bleak,
grey land where gloomy peasant women sweep the sidewalks, or a sinister
conspiracy of a country bristling with missiles, spies, and aging generals in
medal-encrusted uniforms. In both scenarios, the graphic arts are restricted to
garish, “heroic” murals on the walls of tractor factories.¹
¹ Soviet Humor, p. 3.
State Laughter: Stalinism, Populism, and Origins of Soviet Culture. Evgeny Dobrenko and Natalia Jonsson-Skradol,
Oxford University Press. © Evgeny Dobrenko and Natalia Jonsson-Skradol 2022.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198840411.003.0001
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
2
Zoshchenko, Nikolai Erdman, Il0 ia Il0 f and Evgenii Petrov—satirists of the first
Soviet decades, whose names are well known and whose works are still much
loved today. Some readers might think of examples of the more radical humor of
the absurd, for example Daniil Kharms. Yet others might be more familiar with
the names associated with the late Soviet decades: Vladimir Voinovich, Venichka
Erofeev—all dissidents, all printed in tamizdat and read at home, behind closed
doors and drawn curtains.
There is no shortage of works on Soviet satire and satirists, humor and
humorists. In this book, we approach the topic from a completely different
perspective. Rather than turning our attention to the dissident and the original,
the talented and the disruptive authors, texts and styles, we will be talking about
what constituted the fabric of state-sanctioned humor, where individual voices
were lost in the multitude of constantly recycled patterns. Here, we are interested
in the transformations that the comic underwent in the unique political and
aesthetic context of Stalinism, the role it played, and the genres in which it was
manifest. The names of the authors and artists who interest us here are next to
unknown to anyone except a very narrow circle of experts. But back in the day, the
satirical features and sketches [ fel0 etony] by Leonid Lench, Semen Narin0 iani,
Grigorii Ryklin, and Ivan Riabov were devoured by millions of Soviet readers.
Those same readers also went to theaters to see the vaudevilles of Valentin Kataev,
Anatolii Sofronov, Vladimir Dykhovichnyi, and Moris Slobodskoi, and to the
movies—to laugh at the comedies of Ivan Pyr0 ev and Konstantin Iudin. In their
daily newspapers they sought out the cartoons of Boris Efimov, Mikhail
Cheremnykh, Boris Prorokov, and the Kukryniksy trio. These cartoons, film and
theater comedies, satirical features and sketches filled the pages of the popular
press and the screens and stages of the vast country. The comic genres were
favored by a mass audience looking for light reading and enjoyable performances.
The print runs for Krokodil peaked at 7 million copies (by way of comparison,
Pravda, the country’s principal newspaper, held the record at 10 million).
Here, the comic is to be understood as an aesthetic dimension of the things that
were supposed to be considered funny.
It seems appropriate to preface an analysis of this phenomenon with a kind of
meta-joke. A boss is telling his subordinates a joke. Everyone cracks up, except for
one person who does not laugh at all. The boss asks, “Why aren’t you laughing?”
Whereupon the employee responds, “Because I’m quitting tomorrow.” One might
say that the non-laugher in this story is the only one really laughing, because,
being no longer afraid of the boss, this person can laugh not at the silly joke, but at
the boss. This non-laugher has been the object of a huge body of works (both in
the USSR/Russia and in the West) about the liberating and anti-establishment
power of Soviet laughter and satire. In order to break out of the endless rhetorical
circle of, and about, subversive laughter, we suggest a complete change of per-
spective and focus our attention, first of all, on the boss’s joke, and second, on the
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
3
laughter of all the other employees, less fortunate than the non-laugher because
they will not be quitting the next day.
The boss’s laughter is the laughter sanctioned by the state, and this is exactly
what we call here “state laughter.” It is in all senses a phenomenon that is yet to be
fully explored. It lacked sophistication, relying as it did on the masses’ tastes and
an undeveloped sense of humor. It was associated less with the great satirists and
humorists mentioned above, and much more with characters like Grandfather
Shchukar0 , a hapless peasant in Mikhail Sholokhov’s Virgin Soil Upturned
(Podniataia tselina, 1932, 1959), and satirists like Sergei Mikhalkov. It violates
all possible stereotypes of the comic.
First of all, it is not funny, as it relies on endless repetitions of the same
templates.
Second, it does not conform to the stereotypical (Bakhtinian) perception of the
social function of collective laughter—as always anti-totalitarian, always demo-
cratic, a tool for a destruction of hierarchies and fear—but instead decidedly
contradicts this perception. The phenomenon of state laughter shows that laugh-
ter can be a most efficient instrument of intimidation, a way to anchor the
hierarchy, a powerful tool of totalitarian normalization and control. We are
interested in the nature and functions of the comic in Stalinism that made it
into such an efficient tool. If we want to understand the Stalinist subject, we can
only do so if we understand the mental profile of the person who laughs at
Grandfather Shchukar0 , who is captivated by the merriment in Ivan Pyr0 ev’s
kolkhoz comedy The Swineherd and the Shepherd (Svinarka i pastukh, 1941),
who is filled with the sense of Soviet national pride when looking at the
Kukryniksy’s caricatures, and who is moved to tears by the “warm humor” of
Fedor Reshetnikov’s paintings.
The ideal Stalinist subject was only partly a product of social engineering. To a
much larger extent this figure was the result of efforts to make the utopian Marxist
project correspond to the “human material” at hand—with the state of the
“human material” being the defining factor. The Bolsheviks, guided by the ideol-
ogy of Marxism, were not known for “kowtowing to the people” (narodopok-
lonstvo), to use their own words. But Lenin knew very well that there were lines
that could not be crossed. He defined the link between populism and authority
very clearly: “We can only rule when we correctly express what the people are
conscious of. Without this the communist party will not be able to lead
the proletariat, and the proletariat will not be able to lead the masses, and the
whole machinery will fall apart.”² In other words, if the authorities do not express
the consciousness of the masses, the “machinery” stops working, which is why
the authorities must function as a “machinery for encoding the flow of the masses’
4
5
6
culture was quite different. Not only was it very sensitive to the mass taste of
semi-urbanized peasants; essentially, it became simultaneously a product and an
expression of this taste, a real mirror of the Soviet people’s consciousness, a mirror
that reflected, among other things, their laughter. It is well known that how people
laugh and what they laugh at reflects their level of cultural awareness, their
sensitivity, the depth of their perception, the level of their intellectual develop-
ment, and their type of wit. This is where an exploration of state laughter is
helpful, as it allows us to analyze this phenomenon from the inside (the side of the
people who were laughing together), rather than from the outside (the side of those
who were laughing at these people).
Our starting point is the conviction that, as a social phenomenon, laughter
cannot be understood except in the context of social, historical, and, if necessary,
political parameters. This is especially true of periods of national construction,
which is exactly what Stalinism was—the era when the Soviet nation was born. To
quote the prominent Russian philologist and cultural historian of Ancient Rus,
Dmitrii Likhachev,
laughter is defined by one’s environment, by the views and opinions that are
prevalent in this environment. Laughter demands the company of like-minded
people. This is why the type of laughter, its character, cannot be changed easily. It
is as bound to tradition as folklore is, and it is ruled by inertia to the same extent.
It strives towards a fixed pattern in the representation of the world. Then it is
easier to understand laughter, and it is easier to laugh. Laughing people are akin
to “conspirators” who know the code of laughter. This is why laughter is subject
to an immense power of inertia. This power of inertia creates whole “epochs of
laughter,” its own anti-worlds, its traditional culture of laughter.⁸
⁸ Likhachev et al., Smekhovoi mir, p. 204. ⁹ Vershina and Mikhailiuk, “Smekh,” p. 128.
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 11/12/2021, SPi
7
the practices of manipulation that replaced such direct control. These practices
proved highly effective in overcoming people’s “ ‘natural’ behavior, spontaneous
and uncalculated.”
Second, there is the erroneous assumption that laughter by its nature defies
coercion, that it “cannot be prescribed, as it is the breaking of a prohibition.”¹⁰ In
fact, as we will show, laughter can work perfectly as an instrument of prohibition,
and a much more efficient one, too, than purely repressive measures.
Then there is the oft-repeated claim that laughter by its very nature is anti-
totalitarian. This belief is often supported by references to the favorite genre of
most authors writing about Soviet laughter: political jokes. According to the
proponents of this view, the Soviet “laughing culture” was the “reverse side of
the totalitarian era,” laughter was “corroding the totalitarian ideology, affirming
the superior value of individuality over the collective idiocy,” and the “epic scope
of the political jokes shows that totalitarianism was not only ugly and terrifying,
but also ridiculous.”¹¹ It is still all too often assumed that laughter is “in its essence
nothing other than a sign of rebellious behavior; it cannot be anything else.”¹² But
in fact the Soviet culture of laughter was not at all a reverse side of the totalitarian
era. The opposite is true: the façade of that era was Aleksandrov’s and Pyr0 ev’s
comedies, Dunaevskii’s merry songs and marches, and the jubilant crowds at mass
sports parades. In Stalinism the main function of laughter was to consolidate
behavioral norms and to train individuals in state-sanctioned behavioral and
social roles.
This last point links with the more general myth of the democratic and revolu-
tionary nature of laughter, wherein it is seen as a natural force undermining
the social hierarchy. This, essentially, was the basis of Bakhtin’s theory of the
carnival. Before Bakhtin the same thought was formulated by Alexander Herzen:
“It is true that laughter has something revolutionary about it . . . One never laughs
in a church and in a palace—at least not openly. Serfs are deprived of the right
to smile in the presence of landowners. Only equals laugh in each other’s
company.”¹³ If this were true, then a world in which there was a shortage of
“equals” would die of boredom. The carnival is not the norm but an exception
from the regular routine of the social order, to the extent that Giorgio Agamben
suggested that it be seen as an instance of the state of exception.¹⁴ If so, then we
should acknowledge that even though laughter and the comic continue to reside in
the normalized social order, this order is inevitably based on inequality. The most
common form of the comic is a clever person laughing at someone they consider
stupid, while two “equally” clever people understand each other as they laugh with
each other, preferring irony to direct jokes and laughter. In a semi-urbanized
¹⁰ Vladimir Mikushevich cited in Stolovich, p. 261. ¹¹ Stolovich, Filosofiia, pp. 290, 128.
¹² Kozintsev, “Smekh i antipovedenie,” p. 168. ¹³ Herzen, <O pis0 me>, p. 190.
¹⁴ Agamben, State of Exception.
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necessary to cover it with some well-warmed and non-conducting
material and to have the room well warmed. If bed-sores are already
formed, they are to be treated according to ordinary surgical
principles. Antiseptic means should be in the foreground in the case
of the malignant bed-sore. It is to be remembered that the latter is a
gangrenous process, and, in so far as the formation of a line of
demarcation between the necrotic and the conserved tissue is
concerned, the ordinary expectant rules of surgery govern the case:
the water-bath appears to yield the best results. Ordinary bed-sores
yield readily to mechanical protection and stimulating ointments or
the balsam of Peru. Iodoform is recommended, but it produces
granulations of an indolent character as compared with those
obtained through the use of resinous ointments.
BY E. C. SPITZKA, M.D.
As the symptoms of the regular affections of the cord are by far the
most readily recognizable, and a preliminary knowledge of them will
facilitate the better understanding of the irregular forms, we shall
consider the former first. They may be subdivided into two groups.
The largest, longest known, and best studied consists of acquired,
the other, containing less numerous cases and varieties, and
rendered familiar to the profession only within the last decade,
comprises the spinal disorders due to defective development of the
cerebro-spinal and spinal-fibro systems.
Tabes Dorsalis.
While some patients escape these pains almost entirely,2 others are
tormented with them at intervals for years, their intensity usually
diminishing when the ataxic period is reached. There is little question
among those who have watched patients in this condition that their
pains are probably the most agonizing which the human frame is
ever compelled to endure. That some of the greatest sufferers
survive their martyrdom appears almost miraculous to themselves.
Thus, in one case the patient, who had experienced initial symptoms
for a year, woke up at night with a fulminating pain in the heels which
recurred with the intensity of a hot spear-thrust and the rapidity of a
flash every seven minutes; then it jumped to other spots, none of
which seemed larger than a pin's head, till the patient, driven to the
verge of despair and utterly beside himself with agony, was in one
continued convulsion of pain, and repeatedly—against his conviction
—felt for the heated needles that were piercing him. In another case
the patient, with the pathetic picturesqueness of invalid misery,
compared his fulminating pains to strokes of lightning, “but not,” he
added, “as they used to appear, like lightning out of a clear sky, but
with the background of a general electrical storm flashing and
playing through the limbs.”
2 I have at present under observation two intelligent patients (one of whom had been
hypochondriacally observant of himself for years) who experienced not a single pain,
as far as they could remember, and who have developed none while under
observation. Seguin mentioned a case at a meeting of the Neurological Society with a
record of but a single paroxysm of the fulgurating variety. Bramwell (Brit. Med. Journ.,
Jan. 2, 1886) relates another in which the pains were entirely absent.
Either while the pains are first noticed or somewhat later other signs
of disturbed sensation are noted. Certain parts of the extremities feel
numb or are the site of perverted feelings. The soles of the feet, the
extremities of the toes, the region about the knee-pan, and the
peroneal distribution, and, more rarely, the perineum and gluteal
region, are the localities usually affected.3 In a considerable
percentage of cases the numbness and tingling are noted in the little
finger and the ulnar side of the ring finger; that is, in the digital
distribution of the ulnar nerve. The early appearance of this symptom
indicates an early involvement of the cord at a high level. Some
parallelism is usually observable between the distribution of the
lightning-like pains when present and the anæsthesia and
paræsthesia if they follow them. With these signs there is almost
invariably found a form of illusive sensation known as the belt
sensation. The patient feels as if a tight band were drawn around his
body or as if a pressure were exerted on it at a definite point. This
sensation is found in various situations, according as the level of the
diseased part of the cord be a low or high one. Thus, when the lower
limbs are exclusively affected or nearly so the belt will be in the
hypogastric or umbilical region; if the upper limbs be much involved,
in the thoracic region; and if occipital pain, anæsthesia of the
trigeminus, and laryngeal crises are present, it may even be in the
neck. Correspondingly, it is found in the history of one and the same
patient: if there be a marked ascent—that is, a successive
involvement of higher levels in the cord—the belt will move up with
the progressing disease. This occurrence, however, is less
frequently witnessed than described. In the majority of cases of
tabes disturbances of the bladder function occur very early in the
disease. Hammond indeed claims that in the shape of incontinence it
may be the only prodromal symptom for a long period.4
3 In the exceptional cases where the initial sensory disturbance is marked in the
perineal and scrotal region I have found that the antecedent fulminating pains had
been attributed to the penis, rectum, and anal region; and in one case the subjective
sense of a large body being forcibly pressed through the rectum was a marked early
sign.
7 Not even the absence of the knee-jerk ranks as high as these two signs. Aside from
the fact that this is a negative symptom, it is not even a constant feature in advanced
tabes.
8 It does not seem as if the disturbance of static equilibrium were due merely to the
removal of the guide afforded by the eyes, for it is noted not alone in patients who are
able to carry out the average amount of locomotion in the dark, but also in those who
have complete amaurosis. Leyden (loc. cit., p. 334) and Westphal (Archiv für
Psychiatrie, xv. p. 733) describe such cases. The act of shutting the eyes alone,
whether through a psychical or some occult automatic influence, seems to be the
main factor.
In most cases of early tabes it is found that the pupil does not
respond to light; it may be contracted or dilated, but it does not
become wider in the dark nor narrower under the influence of light.
At the same time, it does contract under the influence of the
accommodative as well as the converging efforts controlled by the
third pair, and in these respects acts like the normal pupil. It is
paralyzed only in one sense—namely, in regard to the reflex to light;
just as the muscles which extend the leg upon the thigh may be as
powerful as in health, but fail to contract in response to the reflex
stimulus applied when the ligamentum patellæ is struck. For this
reason it is termed reflex iridoplegia.9 It is, when once established,
the most permanent and unvarying evidence of the disease, and is
of great differential diagnostic value, because it is found in
comparatively few other conditions.
9 It is also known as the Argyll-Robertson pupil. Most of the important symptoms of
tabes are known by the names of their discoverers and interpreters. Thus, the
swaying with the eyes closed is the Romberg or Brach-Romberg symptom; the
absence of the knee-phenomenon, Westphal's or the Westphal-Erb symptom; and the
arthropathies are collectively spoken of as Charcot's joint disease.
18 Loc. cit.
While the symptoms thus far considered as marking the origin and
progress of tabes dorsalis are more or less constant, and although
some of them show remarkable remissions and exacerbations, yet
may in their entity be regarded as a continuous condition slowly and
surely increasing in severity, there are others which constitute
episodes of the disease, appearing only to disappear after a brief
duration varying from a few hours to a few days: they have been
termed the crises of tabes dorsalis. These crises consist in
disturbances of the functions of one or several viscera, and are
undoubtedly due to an error in innervation provoked by the
progressing affection of the spinal marrow and oblongata. The most
frequent and important are the gastric crises. In the midst of
apparent somatic health, without any assignable cause, the patient is
seized with a terrible distress in the epigastric region, accompanied
by pain which may rival in severity the fulgurating pains of another
phase of the disease, and by uncontrollable vomiting. Usually, these
symptoms are accompanied by disturbances of some other of the
organs under the influence of the pneumogastric and sympathetic
nerves. The heart is agitated by violent palpitations, a cold sweat
breaks out, and a vertigo may accompany it, which, but for the fact
that it is not relieved by the vomiting and from its other associations,
might mislead the physician into regarding it as a reflex symptom. In
other cases the symptoms of disturbed cardiac innervation or those
of respiration are in the foreground, constituting respectively the
cardiac and bronchial crises. Laryngeal crises are marked by a
tickling and strangling sensation in the throat, and in their severer
form, which is associated with spasm of the glottis, a crowing cough
is added.22 Enteric crises, which sometimes coexist with gastric
crises, at others follow them, and occasionally occur independently,
consist in sudden diarrhœal movements, with or without pain, and
may continue for several days. Renal or nephritic crises are
described23 as resembling an attack of renal colic. The sudden