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Age as Disease
Anti-Aging Technologies,
Sites and Practices
David-Jack Fletcher
Age as Disease
 David-Jack Fletcher

Age as Disease
Anti-Aging Technologies, Sites
and Practices
David-Jack Fletcher
Online Education Services – Western Sydney Online
Aberglasslyn, NSW, Australia

ISBN 978-981-16-0012-8    ISBN 978-981-16-0013-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-0013-5

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 Acknowledgments

There are so many people who supported me through this process; not
least of all my PhD supervisor Joseph Pugliese, who patiently assisted and
guided me in the development of my thesis, upon which this book is
largely based. His dedication to my work, and to me, has been tireless,
relentless and perpetually inspiring. In my (several) moments of doubt
and shaky confidence, Joseph inevitably provided some sort of mind-­
bending feedback that set me right back on track. I cannot sufficiently
express my gratitude. Thank you, as well, to my associate supervisor,
Nicole Anderson, who was always ready to read drafts and provide con-
siderate and critical feedback at short notice. I do count myself lucky to
have had two extremely supportive colleagues support me.
I am also grateful for a husband whose endless emotional support also
manifested as, at times, housekeeper, personal chef, shoulder to cry on
and a firm hand telling me to believe in myself. His love and support, in
general, spurred me to push myself. Thank you, Paul, for listening to my
endless cultural theory-inspired monologues, helping me relax with ran-
dom renovation shows and, of course, for everything else.
A handful of friends also enabled me through this journey, particularly
my incredible friends Tahnee and Chris, who were there every step of the
way, whether to share a success or pull me out of an abyss of self-pity. My
sister Allisha perhaps spent the most time asking me questions so that she
might understand my topic. These Q&A sessions enabled me to
v
vi Acknowledgments

articulate my thoughts more effectively and strengthened my work, so a

massive thank you to my sister. Thanks, as well, should go to my two
other brothers, Steven and Jon, for their excitement, interest and pride in
my work and in me.
Thank you to my departmental friends and colleagues, Siobhan Lyons,
Ian Collinson and Clementine Van Der Kwast, whose unshakeable wit
and blatant honesty are always refreshing, appreciated and in my best
interest. Finally, and definitely not least of all, my good friends Claire and
Jason whose editing and research skills are currently under-utilized and
should be for sale!
Thank you all so, so much. I hope you enjoy the final product.
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

2 The Biopolitics of Somatechnologies and Diseased Bodies 35

3 Gerontological Hygiene: Emergence and Contemporary

Practice101

4 Questions of the ‘Human’175

5 Gerontological Treatment Protocols: An Ethical Inquiry233

6 Conclusion: Trajectories of Gerontological Hygiene301

References317

vii
 1
Introduction

Old age is a point of reflection for many of us, though often through a
lens of pathology or medicalization. I say this precisely because of the
ways in which frameworks for elderly1 individuals are established and
deployed. As such, I have often reflected on the ways old age is con-
structed not only as a sort of deficit, but critically, as is argued throughout
this book, as a form of disease-state. Living in an intergenerational rela-
tionship, I am always interested and sometimes perplexed at the reactions
my husband and I receive when it is discovered that we are, in fact, not
father and son. The gasps and double-takes are not borne from the fact
that we are both men. They are instead driven by the fact that we are
clearly of different generations. The categories imposed upon us through
a priori assumptions about age, and romance, sparked within me a curi-
osity. Why, in a society that seemingly seeks to empower older individu-
als, are people still so shocked to hear—and to see—that this man and I,
with an age difference of twenty-four years, live in a monogamous
relationship?
Forms of empowerment that are readily recognizable without the need
for research include the marketing of anti-wrinkle creams, reinvigorated
vibrancy, cosmetic surgery and discursive regimes that insist forty is the
new thirty. Further, ‘by the end of the twentieth century, mid-life

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 1
D.-J. Fletcher, Age as Disease, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-0013-5_1
2 D.-J. Fletcher

lifestyles had become late-life lifestyles where 60 was hailed as the new 40
and 80 the new 60’ (Jagger 2005 in Gilleard and Higgs 2013). My curi-
osity was peaked when I began to do further investigation into ways of
seeing old age. Community programs have emerged across Australia, the
United States and the UK designed to keep elderly individuals active;
however, these are often increasingly reliant upon medico-scientific dis-
courses of the inevitability of frailty, decrepitude and illness. Investigations
and experimentations into ‘beating’ or ‘curing’ old age have become com-
monplace within scientific and medical circles, particularly in the field of
biogerontology. Outside the spheres of medicine and science old age has
been increasingly visibilized through various types of media and my ini-
tial research into this project was overwhelmed by frequent news broad-
casts and articles concerned with ‘overcoming’ age. These
spheres—medicine, science, media—converge to present aging itself as a
medical problem. I wondered, then, if there was a connection between
informal gasps of shock when I introduced my visibly older partner and
a broader discourse that positioned old age as a medical issue.
The obvious implication here is the increased value of youth, which of
course is not a new phenomenon. However, with the increased develop-
ment of technology, this anti-aging phenomenon has become a move-
ment, as this book will expose. The question therefore arose: were
anti-wrinkle creams and ‘success’ stories of extending the lifespan of crea-
tures such as mice designed simply to celebrate youth, or was there some-
thing else at stake here? This book will demonstrate that discourses
surrounding age are intertwined in a complex nexus comprised of biopo-
litical, governmental, neoliberal, somatechnological and ethical ideolo-
gies that seek to remove old age in favor of an idealized youthful form. I
contend that old age, and aging more broadly, is currently under
attempted abolition. Through governmental, institutional and medico-­
scientific frameworks, there is an attempt to abolish age and aging because
it has been framed as a pathology that needs to be ‘cured’. As such, the
central concern of this book is to expose and critique the myriad ways in
which old age has become pathologized as a disease-state.
This book has four key aims, described below in brief to provide con-
text for the book as it unfolds. The pathologization of old age has been
enabled and legitimized by several scientific and medical discourses and,
 1 Introduction 3

most notably, through the inclusion of old age as a listing in the

International Classification of Diseases Index. Informed primarily by the
Foucauldian concepts of biopolitics and governmentality, I aim to explore
the problematic discursive and technological regimes that perpetuate
what I name as ‘gerontological hygiene’.
Firstly, I want to deploy a framework called ‘gerontological hygiene’.
Simply put, this is a framework that encapsulates the discursive, practical
and medico-technological means of abolishing ‘old age’. I do not suggest
that old age has been abolished; rather, it is my argument that old age is
undergoing abolition, precisely through various discursive, practical and
medico-technological anti-aging interventions. Through these interven-
tions, biogerontologists have pointed to ‘old age’ as the originary illness
from which other age-related disease and disabilities come, with an ulti-
mate end goal of removing the possibility of old age entirely. Thus, in
terms of what is being abolished—it is the physical characteristics gener-
ally associated with old age (or Fourth Age)—frailty, decrepitude and
decline (in various forms). I deploy this framework precisely because it
not only names a series of problematic regimes designed to disallow the
process of getting old/er, but further, because it emphasizes a noticeable
commonality in social and cultural gerontological research. That is, that
old age is a problem that needs to be fixed. In some instances, even
‘cured’. In this way, there is a gap in the field of cultural gerontology that
this book intends to begin to fill. Specifically, how can we use current
understandings of age—and old age—to challenge a priori assumptions
of frailty, decrepitude and illness? Further, are current methodologies for
intervening in old age problematic? I frame these questions through an
analysis of the ways in which both discursive and medico-scientific
attempts to abolish old age are violent regimes aimed toward the perpetu-
ation of youth (in all its ambiguity) as an ideal form.
Secondly, and to contextualize the framework of gerontological
hygiene, I critique a range of anti-aging technologies, both existing and
emerging, and the discourses that accompany them. Discourses embed-
ded within anti-aging technologies serve to perpetuate widely held beliefs
around anti-aging technologies as holistically good or positive. These
technologies are sometimes celebrated as age interventions or as produc-
ing elongated (healthy) longevity. While cultural gerontology seeks to
4 D.-J. Fletcher

redefine understandings of age, I find that there is a large portion of

research that focuses on how we can use anti-aging technologies and
practices to find value in the elderly. As such, I stage an in-depth analysis
of discursive strategies that seek to re-articulate understandings of old
age, known as productive aging, healthy aging, active aging and positive
aging. I suggest that these strategies help to enforce the notion that old
age is a disease-state, rather than intervene in that discussion. Furthermore,
through the adoption of these aging strategies, there are diverse attempts
to find ways for elderly individuals to maintain their ‘value’ as social sub-
jects. My critique rests on the fact that anti-aging technologies are often
met with widespread approval and are largely celebrated not only by sci-
entific and medical communities, but also by the average consumer.
There are limited questions as to whether these technologies are needed,
the implications of widely and holistically adopting anti-aging technolo-
gies and what happens to those who are unable to be ‘cured’.
The third aim of this book is to provide an original approach to con-
versations around gerontology and old age. As such, I explore and navi-
gate the complex intersections between biopolitics, ethics and
somatechnics and provide a meaningful analysis of the ways in which we
can use these intersections productively to challenge existing policies
around age, and more specifically, around elderly individuals. I deploy a
somatechnic framework to interrogate the abolition of old age as a com-
plex attempt to (re)-define what it means to be human. Specifically, the
co-constitution of body and technology that enable a recalibration of
understandings of the human from an organic being suffering the inevi-
table disease of aging to that of an ageless (or at least age-defiant) techno-
organic hybrid.
Finally, through establishing the framework of gerontological hygiene,
the overarching aim of this book is to critically engage with assumptions
of what we have come to name as the ‘human’. Indeed, what are we if we
don’t age? This formulates an ethical inquiry based on our current status
in the war against aging and the possible futures we might face if one day
we are able to overcome old age as a disease-state.
 1 Introduction 5

What Is Aging?
The aging process is generally recognized as a simple fact of life; we are
born, we live, we get old and we die. It has never been that simple, of
course, for age itself is a social and cultural construct. As Estes and
Phillipson (2002, p. 280) state:

in virtually all industrialized societies, with varying degrees of emphasis,

responses to aging were formed around the institutions and relationships
associated with welfare, retirement, and what became known as the “inter-
generational contract”. The associated discourses were fundamental in
determining social identity in old age.

As such, aging has never been solely concerned with reaching a certain
number; rather, it has been centrally preoccupied with a series of entitle-
ments during certain periods of one’s life. For instance, in western societ-
ies, an individual aged five years old is entitled to enter the education
system, an eighteen-year-old is entitled to vote, which in Australia, is a
legal requirement. At age sixty-five, an individual is entitled to retire.
These and other examples demonstrate that aging is not simply a biologi-
cal process, but one that occurs within a nexus of biopolitical and govern-
mental regimes surrounding presupposed aged abilities.
However, ‘age-related demarcations (50+, 55+ or 65+), that are con-
structed in society to distinguish “the aged” from other, seemingly “age-
less” adults, are quite arbitrary’ (Baars and Phillipson 2014, p. 12) and
have shifted over time. Further, what is of interest for me is how individu-
als in later life are constructed as somehow waiting to die. Moreover, how
often these individuals are framed as entitled to die. At the very least, it is
expected that older individuals will die sooner rather than later and as
such, protocols are put in place to alleviate the economic burden they
represent. The manner in which this alleviation takes place has shifted
over time from regimes of care, to regimes of self-care, which, as Nadesan
(2010, p. 15) argues, operate as forms of the ‘neoliberal state relinquish[ing]
paternalistic responsibility for its subjects but, simultaneously, hold[ing]
its subjects responsible for self-governance’. As such, a neoliberal under-
standing of old age has framed a decline in health as not only a personal
6 D.-J. Fletcher

responsibility, but, importantly, as a personal failure. Further, old age is

not only increasingly understood as a medical issue but is also normalized
as a disease-state. For instance, Birren and Stacey (1988) demarcate ‘nor-
mal aging’ from a state they call ‘terminal decline’. Normal aging, as
defined by Moody (2002, p. 4), ‘is not a disease but eventually leads to
functional declines and involves increased susceptibility to death from
specific diseases’. Terminal decline, however, should be viewed as ‘a phase
of biological, psychological, and social decompensation and not as “nor-
mal aging”’ (Birren and Stacey 1988, p. 55).
Age can be constructed in various ways, from social/cultural, to bio-
logical and physiological, to psychological. I turn now to a brief overview
of conceptualizations of age and highlight the way in which I will deploy
the term throughout the book. Following this, I will move into a brief
outline of each chapter and the empirical grounds for the book.
Silverstein et al. (2009) mobilize three distinct categories for theorizing
age—firstly, biological and biomedical; secondly, psychological; and thirdly,
social scientific approaches, including anthropology and the development
of the ‘Life Course’ approach popular among sociologists (Dannefer and
Kelly-Moore 2009; Cardona 2007, 2008). Typically, ‘the life course per-
spective has included two broad yet distinct, paradigmatic orientations,
which may [be] termed the biographical and the institutional’ (Settersten,
Jr. Binstock and George 2011, p. 4). The life course acknowledges that
components of aging from genetics to agency operate together to produce
a trajectory for an individuals’ life. I will elaborate mostly on the first cate-
gory, for reasons that will soon become clear. However, the psychological
and social scientific approaches must firstly be given attention.
The psychological approach primarily relies on notions of cognition
development and assesses what is typical or expected of an individual at a
certain age (Schaie and Willis 2009). Cognitive aging is depicted as the
gradual decline ‘in measures of process, or fluid cognition’ (Salthouse
1999, p. 196), which is related specifically to ‘learning, memory, reason-
ing and spatial ability’ (Salthouse 1999, p. 196). However, as Salthouse
highlights, there are several variables in age-related cognitive evaluation
that rarely demonstrate any difference between subjects aged twenty-five
to seventy-five, re-enforcing the arbitrary nature of age demarcations, as
listed above (Baars and Phillipson 2014, p. 12). The purposeful
 1 Introduction 7

visibilization of differences inferring decline in older subjects is alarming,

precisely because this only serves to highlight decline or illness, which is
profoundly similar to early studies of already-ill elderly patients in the
Hospital General that eventually led to universalized elder care. Critically,
there have been connections made between psychology and the social
sciences, which resulted in what has been framed as ‘social gerontology’.
This approach rests between the second and third categories mentioned
above and considers negative stereotypes surrounding aging and old age,
and environmental factors of aging, such as housing. Importantly, this
approach enables the interconnection of age with concepts such as sex,
gender and race (Baltes and Cartensen 2009). Baltes and Cartensen
(2009, p. 214) mobilize key qualifications of dependency in the later life
course stating that:

three qualifications should be emphasised: Dependency means passive con-

trol; reinforcement of dependency leads necessarily to non-use of existing
skills and thus to a possible acceleration of aging decline via disuse; and the
compensation strategy, dependent behaviour, is dictated by the environ-
ment; it is not self-selected.

The critical moment to mark in the above passage is the correlation

between dependency and regimes of control—what will be framed from
this point on as a form of biopolitics. Baltes and Cartensen 2009, p. 214)
point to social and environmental factors of the aging process that are
crucial for this book, specifically in relation to the nursing home, which
formulates part of my empirical ground. Indeed, ‘environmental geron-
tology has undoubtedly re-emerged as a major field of enquiry … and in
the process raised significant issues about older people’s relationship with
the physical and social contexts that shape everyday life’ (Phillipson 2007,
p. 326). Whilst Baltes and Cartensen’s qualifications are valuable, and
they later explain that self-selection is possible ‘when and where neces-
sary’, I argue against the negation of self-selection. I do this specifically
because biopolitical regimes generate not only the internalization of
social and cultural expectations and norms, but they also produce the
embodiment of those expectations through everyday practice, whether
consciously or otherwise. In relation to aging, I will demonstrate how
8 D.-J. Fletcher

dependency can be self-selected through neoliberal ideals of productivity

and self-assessment. This is but one problematic dimension of existing
aging studies.
The notion of assessment is perhaps the most significant component of
any approach to age and aging. The social scientific approach was built
upon anthropological and ethnographic research into aging across vari-
ous cultures and societies across. It was not until the early 1940s that
anthropological studies into old age were popularized through the semi-
nal work of Leo Simmons, titled In the Role of the Aged in Primitive Society
(1945), which examined the roles of, and perspectives toward, the elderly
in seventy-one non-industrialized societies. While Simmons’ work was
unable to provide clear and distinct attitudes toward elderly individuals,
his research provided a platform for further ethnographic studies.
Gubrium and Holstein (2009) highlight the social construction of the
aged identity, furthering the connection between age and other socially
constructed categories such as race, sex, gender and class. Phillipson
(1982) complicates biological approaches to age when he mobilizes the
intersection between old age and capitalism. He states that ‘we are rather
more interested in old age as a problem for a society characterised by
major inequalities in the distribution of power, income and property’
(Phillipson 1982, p. 1). The shift away from the biological component of
aging is critical in the development of gerontological studies, regardless of
one’s theoretical framework, precisely because this exposes age and aging
as a multifaceted experience, unable to be defined clearly by a single
approach.
It is problematic to assume one can understand the process of aging
purely from a biological perspective, precisely because there are several
external factors that converge upon an individual which influence the
rate of aging. As such, sociological approaches to aging further consist of
the development of the ‘life course’ approach, focusing on both social
interaction and social structure, and aspects of political economy that
lead to age-related inequalities, inclusive of aspects such as health, wealth,
longevity and marital status (Dannefer and Uhlenberg 2009). Within
social scientific approaches to gerontology there also reside categories
such as environmental—as mentioned above—and humanistic concepts.
Humanistic gerontology, as described by Biggs et al. (2003, p. 22), seeks
 1 Introduction 9

to ‘critique existing theories and to construct new positive models of age-

ing based on research by historians, ethicists and other social scientists’.
The multitude of dimensions in which gerontology is approached further
highlights its complexity as a discipline and a category unto itself.
Gerontology, to summarize, engages with the aging body by ‘developing
indices of functional capacity’ (Gilleard and Higgs 2013, p. 1), whether
it be through producing a marker of achievement based on chronology,
mortality and longevity statistics, or through reproducing the aging body
into a narrative of social care defined by rigid dichotomous parameters of
good or poor health.
The psychological and social scientific approaches to aging are impor-
tant for this book, precisely for how they are inextricably interwoven with
the first approach to aging mentioned above—that being the biological
and biomedical approach.
According to López-Otín et al. (2013, p. 1) the biomedical approach
to aging is principally

characterised by a progressive loss of physiological integrity, leading to

impaired function and increased vulnerability to death. This deterioration
is the primary risk factor for major human pathologies including cancer,
diabetes, cardiovascular disorders, and neurodegenerative diseases.

For the above cited authors there are nine hallmarks of aging that need
to be overcome: ‘genomic instability, telomere attrition, epigenetic altera-
tions, loss of proteostasis, deregulated nutrient-sensing, mitochondrial
dysfunction, cellular senescence, stem cell exhaustion, and altered inter-
cellular communication’ (López-Otín et al. 2013, p. 1). In this way, aging
is inseparable from medical understandings of health. The short passage
above provides a clear understanding of the biomedical approach as
underpinned by the assumption that aging is—or at least can be—a
disease-­state. Importantly, the biomedical approach can be fragmented
further, specifically based on assumptions of causes for aging. That is,
some biogerontologists (Barja 2008; de Grey 1999, 2004a, b, 2005,
2007; de Grey and Rae 2007; Johnson et al. 1999; Rattan 2010, 2012;
Sinclair and Guarente 1997) argue that aging is caused by oxidative stress,
while others (Gilchrest and Bohr 2001) advocate for the gradual
10 D.-J. Fletcher

shortening of telomeres and malfunctioning mitochondrial DNA as the

root cause. Regardless as to whether this is factual or not, it is my conten-
tion that biomedical discourse seeks to prove all other age-related illnesses
are merely symptoms of the disease of age. Hence, increasingly, scientific
communities are framing the aging process itself as a disease-state requir-
ing intervention or a ‘cure’.
Anti-aging discourses, however, and the resulting emergent somatech-
nologies formulate a revision of what it means to be human. This is dan-
gerous precisely because of the unethical biopolitical regimes deployed to
find a ‘cure’ and the manifold ways in which such regimes reify discourses
of idealized corporeality. As Waldschmidt (2005, p. 191) asserts, ‘the
concept of normality has gained such great suggestive power, especially in
the course of the last century, that one can hardly avoid its influence’.
This is important precisely because the government of bodies—in par-
ticular, deviant or nonproductive bodies—has seen ‘normality’ as the bell
curve standard. Davis (1997, p. 52) further states, ‘normalcy, rather being
a degree zero of existence, is more accurately a location of biopower’, thus
enabling the governance and surveillance of bodies. In addition, ‘profes-
sional discourses and social policies, rehabilitation programs and thera-
peutic practices, all with the aim of making normality possible for their
clients and recipients, revolve around this central notion’ (Waldschmidt
2005, p. 191).
With the large-scale adoption of techniques such as workplace equality
for disabled employees, ‘normality’ is once more reinvigorated through
the visible demarcation of difference. Davis (2000) frames this through
the notion of ‘bending over backwards’, whereby employers of disabled
individuals feel they are somehow going to extreme lengths to accom-
modate perhaps one employee. This is worth noting, precisely for the
discursive implications this carries; not only are able-bodied people—
here, the employer—assumed to be exceptionally flexible and malleable,
but Davis argues that discourses of disability position disabled individu-
als are self-centered and narcissistic. Davis makes a critical point here by
not only highlighting the ableist structures of workplaces in general, but
further, discourses of sovereignty as to whether a disabled persons’ request
for equal access is actioned, or not.
 1 Introduction 11

He states that ‘the implication is that to redress a problem, the redresser

must engage in a painful, extreme action’ (2000, p. 199). In this way,
discourses of normativity are enforced and maintained, for even if access
requests are met, the employer is still considered to have ‘bent over back-
wards’. Like old age, I find Davis’ argument aligns with the way that
nursing homes are designed as sites of medicalized quarantine. To
‘redress’, to use Davis’ terminology, toward a more homely feel is, then,
to bend over backward. Hence, the strategies and somatechnologies to be
explored throughout this book will expose the problematic biopolitical
and ethical dimensions of anti-aging that constitute neo-eugenic hygiene.
My contention is not simply that all anti-aging practices are bad, or
necessarily that we should not aim to ‘cure’, reverse or prevent the onset
of old age. Rather, the ways in which western societies are aiming to
achieve this goal draws upon neo-eugenic ideologies of hygiene. It is not
simply a matter of achieving the goal, but, importantly, how this goal is
achieved. To demonstrate the danger of our current anti-aging pathways,
I examine the relationship between biopolitical governance and ethical
philosophy. The revision of humanity, then, is problematic, perhaps
because of the disciplining of old age as a scientific quandary. For exam-
ple, scientific research that looks firstly at the physiological and biological
components of aging, as represented through oxidative stress and other
cell damage, cannot be meaningfully separated from understandings of
social, cultural and psychological components of aging.
As such I interrogate all three approaches through the term ‘aging’. It
is the increasing understanding of aging as a result of mitochondrial
DNA damage, telomere shortening and oxidative stress that continues to
mobilize anti-aging research and thus promote aging as not only a health
concern, but as a disease-state. The scientific understanding of age has led
to the medicalization of old age and, further, has influenced the design
and implementation of both institutionalized and governmental policies
and treatment protocols. Indeed, as Walker (2009, p. 363) maintains,
‘when policymakers propose practical solutions to social problems those
solutions are based on an implicit set of beliefs about the nature of the
social problem and its causation’. Of critical concern here, though, is the
construction by policymakers as intervening in a crisis—that is, policy
frameworks become a site for both crisis construction and crisis
12 D.-J. Fletcher

management (Estes 2001), which arguably enables discriminatory dis-

courses to be embedded within both governmental and institu-
tional policy.
While the scientific approach to aging is mobilized here as the primary
mode to understand the ‘term’, it must be noted that the three
approaches—biomedical/biological, psychological and social science
models—operate together in complicated ways. Indeed, the scientific
approach to aging is influenced by socio-cultural and psychological mod-
els of the aged body, and vice versa. The complicated ways in which these
beliefs of old age are constructed is a critical concern; hence, it is the
combination of these methods of controlling the aged body that formu-
lates what I term ‘gerontological hygiene’; by this term, I mean the sys-
tematic removal of old age through neo-eugenic and biopolitical regimes
that seek to not only frame old age as a disease-state, but also as avoidable
through neoliberal regimes of self-assessment. Critically, this term does
not suggest the killing of the elderly, rather the complicated ways in which
the biomedical turn aims to abolish old age as a corporeal state. I turn
now to a brief chapter outline and the empirical ground for the book.
Firstly, I’d like to position the framework of this book. It is important
to note that this book is produced in the field of Cultural Studies, though
I intend to intervene in popular assumptions of cultural gerontology.
Precisely because, as I understand it, cultural gerontology offers invalu-
able insight into the cultural dimensions of aging, while simultaneously
perpetuating certain myths of old age. There are several texts within cul-
tural gerontology that examine the connections between age and gender
(Edmondson 2013; Twigg and Martin 2015a, b) age and sexuality
(Brettschneider & McCoy 1988; Winn and Newton 1982; Gott 2004;
Gray and Garcia 2012; Worsfold 2011), age and health (Cardona 2008;
Asquith 2009; Chari et al. 2015; Burau et al. 2016), while a growing
number of researchers are interested in the connection between old age
and biopolitics (Katz 1996, 2005; Dannefer and Phillipson 2010), as
well as aging and narrativized depictions of dementia (Hartung and
Maierhofer 2009; Swinnen and Schweda 2015). I situate this book in
this emergent body of scholarly work that is critically examining age
through a range of contemporary cultural theories. However, it is impor-
tant to make a further demarcation between this work and that of other
 1 Introduction 13

cultural gerontologists. That is, there remains a clear underpinning of

neoliberal ideologies of use-value, as this book will uncover.
Further, there is a difference in approach between my analytical trajec-
tory and those of the above. A large portion of research coming out of
Europe is based around dementia and narrative. For instance, Chivers
and Kriebernegg’s (2017) illuminating text around the lived experience
of aged care home residents provides a wonderful overview of the
European experience. Discourses of fear around long-term care are chal-
lenged in this text and, though it is a meaningful contribution to social
gerontology, the framework differs from my own more theoretical and
policy-driven inquiry. The structure of nursing homes in the United
States, the UK and Australia is developed through different legislative
and political motivations. Likewise, texts such as Hartung and Maierhifer’s
(2009) Narratives of Life: Mediating Age offer a meaningful account of the
ways in which narrative can help us map and trace gerontology; however,
it does not apply a theoretical framework such as somatechnics, biopoli-
tics or ethics.
I do acknowledge, however, that there is a growing trend in healthcare
initiatives worldwide, of which European and Scandinavian nations are
leading impressive changes. There are several European institutions of
interest to the general topic of cultural gerontology; one such institution
is that of the European Innovation Partnership on Healthy and Active
Ageing (EIP-AHA), which distributes information around European
aging policies and initiatives. This is a vital institution for European
healthcare providers and recipients alike. The European Commission is
of interest here, as well. It is a broader institution; however, it does have
some focus on human development and aging, and population aging.
Population aging is a key metric in the development of contemporary
age-related healthcare regimes, particularly in places such as Australia,
whose baby-boomer generation is now well within their sixties. Despite
the two institutions above, there are significant differences in healthcare
strategies in Europe, which necessarily exclude those regions from my
present inquiry.
While research into aging is now a global point of interest, I locate the
case studies in this book around institutions and policies in America, the
UK and Australia. This is specifically because the healthcare models in
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toiselle vävylleen. Nuoren poikansa kanssa hän sitten siirtyi
nykyiselle paikalleen, raivataksensa pojallensakin talon. Täällä hän
likeisestä järvestä kaivoi ojan nevaa kohti, johon tulvavesi nyt
vuotuisesti kokoaa mutaa. Siten hän on tästä talon läheisyydessä
olevasta rämeisestä nevasta luonut niityn, josta hän korjaa sata
kuormaa heinää. Hän oli sitä paitsi raivannut itselleen monta muuta
niittyä, ja ruokki nyt talossaan paitsi hevosia, 20 nautaa ja 50
lammasta. Rakennuksetkin olivat hyvät.

Pikari oli täytetty viinalla. Kun häneltä kysyin, miten hänellä oli niin
väkevää juomaa, vaikka viinanpoltto oli Lapissa kielletty, vastasi hän:
"Kielto kyllä koskee kaikkia, paitsi pappia ja nimismiestä, mutta aina
sitä sentään tipahtaa syrjäänkin. Sitä paitsi suuri voitto houkuttelee
muitakin luvattomaan viinanpolttoon. Siihen käytetään
hallanpanemaa viljaa ja se vaihdetaan jauhoihin, joista sitten pettuja
lisäämällä valmistetaan leipää. Lappalaisilta saadaan poro
muutamilla korttelilla viinaa, kun hän ensin on saatu päihtymään.
Olisi tosin hyvä", sanoi hän, "jos esivalta joka meille antaa hyviä
asetuksia, myös pitäisi huolta niiden noudattamisesta." Itse hän
kielsi polttaneensa viinaa, eikä sanonut vastakaan polttavansa.

Seuraavana päivänä saavuin Kittilän pappilaan. Sikäläinen

kappalainen Juho Nordberg oli minulle vanha tuttu, yhdessä meidät
papiksikin vihittiin. Kappeli oli niin äskettäin perustettu, että kirkko
vielä oli rakennuksen alaisena. Rappiolle joutunut ruununtila oli
annettu virkataloksi kappalaiselle. Suuri, tavallinen savupirtti oli
sisustettu asunnoksi ja aidattu neljäksi kamariksi. Kahta niistä
lämmitettiin yhteisestä uunista, toiset kaksi olivat kylmiä ja käytettiin
varastohuoneina. Tyytyväisenä eli täällä Nordberg vaimonsa ja 8
lapsensa kanssa, joista vanhin oli jo 10-vuotias. Toimeliaan
vaimonsa avulla hän siitä huolimatta tuli toimeen mitättömällä, noin
400 markan palkalla.

Ilman mainittavia hankaluuksia saavuin Ouluun, josta, nautittuani

kaikkea sitä hyväntahtoisuutta ja vierasvaraisuutta, josta tämän
kaupungin asukkaat ovat tunnetut, lähdin Helsinkiin. Siellä, sekä
osaksi Tallinnassa, käytin kylpyjä ja join terveysvesiä etevien
lääkärien hoidon alaisena.

Lääkärini kyllä kielsi minua ajattelemastakaan palaamista

Utsjoelle; mutta tätä neuvoa en voinut noudattaa, sillä en saanut
viransijaista. Terveytenikin oli parempi kuin olin voinut toivoakaan,
jonka tähden lähdin, Jumalan apuun turvaten, matkalle Helsingistä
marraskuun 30 p:nä Utsjokea kohti. Lunta ei ollut, rattailla täytyi
kulkea routaisella tiellä Mikkeliin asti, josta oli seurauksena, että sain
sekä Orimattilassa että Hollolassa pahoinvoipana kitua
kummassakin vuorokauden. Mikkelistä lähtien oli rekikeli, vaikka
huono, ja yhtä jaksoa ajoin Ouluun. Mutta vasta joulukuun 18 p:nä
sivuutin Lapin rajan; ja saavuin Kittilään samana päivänä, 19 p.
joulukuuta, jolloin minun siellä tuli, välipuheen mukaan, tavata
maaherra Stjernschantz. Kansa oli kutsuttu Kariniemeen
neuvottelemaan maaherran kanssa paikkakunnan asioista. Kun hän
ei osannut suomenkieltä eikä kruununpalvelijoita paikkakunnalla
ollut, pyysi hän minua kielen ja paikkakunnan tuntijana, olemaan
saapuvilla. Häntä ennen ei ollut yksikään maaherra käynyt Kittilässä,
josta syystä kansa häntä tervehti ilolla, varsinkin kun hän esiintyi
hyväntahtoisena ja kohteliaana.

Vaivaloisen matkan jälkeen pahassa ilmassa ja huonolla kelillä

saavuin vasta joulupäivän aamuna Inariin, jossa kokoontunut kansa
ilolla otti minut vastaan. Matkaamme oli melkoisesti hidastuttanut
sekin, että pilvisen ilman tähden ajoimme harhaan, ja vasta sitten
kun pilvet haihtuivat ja oppaamme näki Oaggun, — siksi sanovat
lappalaiset Kalevan miekan tähteä — pääsimme oikealle uralle. Eipä
ollut hauska tämä kiertomatka pyryilmassa ja 35 asteen pakkasessa.
Väsymyksestä huolimatta suoritin jumalanpalveluksen tavallisessa
järjestyksessä, ja joulukuun 28 p:nä lähdin Utsjoelle, vieläkin
epäedullisemmissa oloissa kuin matkallani Inariin, jonka vuoksi
saavuinkin kotiin vasta vuoden viimeisenä päivänä 1830.

Vastoin kaikkea otaksumistani olin siis taas täällä, ja ilolla

tervehtivät minua ei ainoastaan lappalaiset, vaan vanha Kolderupkin,
joka, samaan aikaan kuin minäkin, odottamatta saapui Puolmakista
ja pysyi vieraanani tammikuun 8:teen päivään.

Täällä, kuten Inarissakin, oli kovat ajat. Nälkä ja puute nyt rasitti
surkeasti paikkakuntaa. Samoin kuin vuonna 1829, oli nytkin lohen
kalastus Tenossa ollut sangen huono. Riekkojakaan, tavallista
hätävaraa, ei nyt ollut saatavissa. Kalastajalappalaisten ainoana,
elatuskeinona oli susien raatelemien porojen kerääminen ja lihan
kerjääminen porolappalaisilta, jotka ovatkin varsin anteliaat köyhille
kalastajille. Onpa porolappalaisia, jotka, kun heidän laumansa on
hyvin menestynyt, ovat vuosittain antaneet köyhille kalastajille
toistakymmentä teurastusporoa melkein lahjaksi, tai velaksi. Norjan
lappalaiset ovat rikkaampia, ja meillä ollessaan vieläkin
anteliaampia. Inarilaisen ravinto on kyllä pääasiallisesti pettu, mutta
siihen hän tarvitsee 1/6 tahi ainakin 1/12 lihaa, kalaa tai rasvaa, joka
on voimana hänen pettuvellissään. Pelkästä petusta hän ajettuu,
maha joutuu epäkuntoon, ja ellei semmoinen onneton saa apua,
kuolee hän pian.
 Porohoidolle ovat sudet aina suurimpana vaarana, mutta tänä
vuonna (1831) oli niitä tavattoman runsaasti. Niiden aikaansaama
vahinko ei toki riipu yksistään niiden lukuisuudesta, vaan myös
lappalaisen valppaudesta laumansa kaitsemisessa. Tätä nykyä
vilisee porolappalaisten luona viinanmyyjiä, osaksi oman maan
kalastajalappalaisia, joiden kalansaalis on ollut huono, osaksi
suomalaisia, jotka viinalla houkuttelevat porolappalaisilta
suunnattoman joukon teurastusporoja. Kun sitten lappalainen häärii
juomingeissa, laiminlyö hän karjansa. Kun susijoukon onnistuu
pelottaa pois porolauma vartijansa luota, saattaa se yhtenä yönä
tappaa 50, jopa 100 poroa. Jotkut lappalaiset ovat tänä talvena
susien tappamina menettäneet yli 200 poroa. Arviolaskun mukaan
ovat porolappalaiset Utsjoella menettäneet kaikkiaan noin 1,200
poroa.

Loppiaisena kaikki Utsjoen seurakuntalaiset taas olivat koossa

kirkolla. Yöllä tammikuun 8:tta päivää vastaan nousi pohjoisesta niin
kauhea myrsky, että senkaltaista harvoin sattuu tuntureillakaan.
Huoneet rutisivat, malat pieksivät kattoja, mutta pahempia vaurioita
ei kuitenkaan sattunut, kuin että jotkut lappalaiskojut tuntureilla
luhistuivat. Korkeammista paikoista tuuli vei kaiken lumen, jota
vastoin toisiin paikkoihin lumi kasaantui korkeiksi kinoksiksi, niin että
esimerkiksi pappilan rakennuksen toisessa päässä oli niin korkea ja
kova kinos, että sitä myöten saattoi astua talon kurkihirteen saakka.

Tammikuun 20 p:nä saapui luokseni lähellä asuva lautamies. Hän

sanoi asiansa olevan kuulustella miten jaksoin. Mutta keskustelu,
joka kesti klo 10:een illalla, koski kuitenkin kysymystä mitenkä olisi
Utsjoen seurakunnan tilaa parannettava. Hän on ainoa lappalainen
täällä, joka on käynyt Suomessa, aina Oulussa asti. "Nyt", sanoi hän,
"me kalastamme useilla padoilla, jotkut vain 2—3 sylisillä, ja niissä
kussakin on meidän oloihin nähden varsin kallis verkko. Muutoin
tiedän omasta kokemuksestani varsin turmiolliseksi sen, että
asetetaan sulkuja lähelle joen suuta"; ja syyt siihen hän laveasti
selitti sekä esitti kalastusvälineiden parantamiskeinoja, jotka
minunkin mielestäni olivat varsin huomiota ansaitsevia.

Tammikuun 23 p:nä olivat melkein kaikki Utsjoen lappalaiset

kokoontuneet kirkolle. En ole ennen saarnannut moisessa
pakkasessa — 45 asteessa. Alkoi rippikoulukin. Rippilapsia oli
tavallista runsaammin, kaikkiaan 13. Olihan siinä huvia jos työtäkin.
Koulua pidin salissani. Pakkasessa, joka kesti koko viikon, ei sitä
voinut pitää lämpöisenä, ääneni lankesi, tunsin raukeutta, särkyä
rinnassa, ja varsinkin öisin rasitti minua sietämätön yskä.

Siirsin sentähden koulunpidon kamariini, mutta vastusta siitä oli, ei

yksistään minulle vaan lapsillekin. Jo ensi päivänä kahden tunnin
aikana lapsista toinen toisensa perästä pyörtyi lattialle, kun eivät
sietäneet 16 asteen lämpöä. Tahdoin siirtää heidät asuntoihinsa,
mutta siihen heillä ei ollut halua. He heittäytyivät hangelle, hautoivat
päätään lumella, vaikka oli 44 asteen pakkanen. 15 minuutin kuluttua
lapset olivat taas reippaita, eikä yksikään heistä tässä pakkasessa
saanut yskää. Helmikuun 5 p:nä rippikoulu lopetettiin. Raihnauteni
sai minut alakuloiseksi, ja minua painosti alituinen pimeys, joka,
kuten eräs valistunut kirjailija sanoo, saattaa ajatuksetkin
pysähtymään. Seuraavana päivänä saapuivat tunturilappalaiset
viettämään rukouspäivää kirkossa. Muassa oli heillä myöskin
vakahaisia lapsia kasteen vahvistamista varten, sillä useimmat
lapset Inarissa ja Utsjoella saavat hätäkasteen. Kirkkoväkeä oli
runsaasti, ja ripilläkin käypiä 78 henkeä.
 Helmikuun 8 päivänä sairastuin rinnan ja nivelten särkyyn. En
jaksanutkaan, niinkuin aikomus oli, 9:nä p:nä lähteä Inariin. Kahteen
viikkoon ei käynyt kukaan minua katsomassa, eikä unikaan, tuo
ajankuluttaja, ollut minulle suotuisa. Vasta 19 p:nä voin käydä
ulkona. Tämän kuun lopulla ja maaliskuun alussa pidettiin useita
jumalanpalveluksia. Lähdin Inariin.

Maaliskuun 20 päivänä saapui runsaasti väkeä siellä kirkolle. Eräs

matkustaja Sodankylästä toi mukanaan postin, jossa oli
sanomalehtiä helmikuun 3 päivään saakka, mutta kun ensin oli
virkatoimet suoritettavat, jäi postin lukeminen yöhön. Vihittiin neljä
morsiusparia, ja noin k:lo 4:jän ajoissa alkoivat kestitsemiset.
Tarjottiin keitettyä poronlihaa, "kakkua" (hiilillä paistettua leipää) ja
voita. Nuori pariskunta ynnä likeiset sukulaiset pyytävät näihin
tilaisuuksiin vieraita niin paljon kuin kojuun mahtuu. Viinaa tarjotaan
morsiusparin puolesta, ja vieraat antavat lahjoja. Sitten kiitetään
Jumalaa virrenveisuulla. Morsiusvuodetta ei laiteta, sillä nuoret
vihityt näyttävät melkein ujostelevan toisiansa, jonka tähden
morsiuspari useinkin viettää ensi yönsä hangella, kuten lukija jo
edellisestä tietää.

Kohta pääsiäisen jälkeen lähdin Inarista, en kuitenkaan Utsjoelle

vaan etelään. Jätin silloin viimeisen kerran Lapin, ja erosin kansasta,
jonka puolelta aina olin saanut osakseni vilpitöntä hyväntahtoisuutta.
Olin itsekseni vakavasti päättänyt, etten enää palaa. Sillä olin
huomannut, että lääkärini varoitukset viime syksynä olivat täysin
pätevät, ja ettei terveyteni enään sallinut minun palvella tätä hyvää
kansaa täällä pohjoisessa. Tunsin itseni nöyrästi kiitolliseksi
Jumalalle niistä monista onnellisista päivistä, jotka olin viettänyt
täällä äärimmäisessä Pohjolassamme, siitä kokemuksesta ja
erilaatuisten ihmisolojen tuntemisesta, jonka täällä olin saanut, ja
siitä, että näin pitkänä aikana olin voinut säilyä hengissä. Sillä niillä
matkoilla, joita kirkkoherra on velvollinen suorittamaan, niinkauvan
kuin hän yksin hoitaa sekä Utsjoen että Inarin seurakuntia, hän aina
on vaarassa ei ainoastaan menettää terveytensä, vaan vieläpä
hukkuakin tai kuolla nälkään ja viluun.

Vaikka olinkin hyvilläni, jättäessäni nämä monessa suhteessa

kovaosaiset seudut, erosin kuitenkin surulla ja vilpittömällä kaipuulla
paikkakunnasta ja seurakuntalaisistani, joiden ystävyyden ja
luottamuksen luulen voittaneeni; sillä jo ennen ja nytkin sain siitä
monta todistusta sekä Inarissa että Utsjoella.

Säilyttäkööt rakkaat seurakuntalaisen! tuolla kaukaisessa

pohjolassa kauvan yksinkertaiset tapansa, viattoman
maailmankatsomuksensa ja hurskaan lapsenuskonsa. Sillä kun karu
luonto ja kova ilmanala myöntävät heille ainoastaan niukkoja
luonnonetuja, eivät he olojen kehittyessäkään muuten voi siellä
onnellisina elää.

Kaikkivaltias heitä suojelkoon ja varjelkoon, sekä antakoon taivaan

valkeuden loistaa kirkkaana heidän sydämissään ja luoda niihin
enemmän lämpöä, kuin mitä luonnon valo suo heidän ruumiillensa.
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