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 Federalism Before the Civil War 63
The Civil War and the Expansion of National PART III Political Linkage
Power 65
Expanded National Activity Since the Civil War 66
Can Government Do Anything 5 Public Opinion 114
Well? The Interstate Highway
System 68

Mapping American Politics: Federal

5.1 Democracy and Public Opinion 117
dollars: Which states win and which
ones lose? 71 5.2 Measuring Public Opinion 118
Public Opinion Polls 119
3.4 Fiscal Federalism 73
Challenges of Political Polling 119
Origin and Growth of Grants 73
Types of Grants 73 5.3 Political Socialization: Learning
Debates About Federal Money and Control 74 Political Beliefs and Attitudes 121
Using the Framework 76 5.4 How and Why People’s Political
3.5 U.S. Federalism: Pro and Con 77 Attitudes Differ 123
Race and Ethnicity 123
Using the Democracy Standard  79
Social Class 126
Region 127
Education 128
Gender 128
The Structural Foundations Age 129
4 of American Government Religion 130
and Politics 84 Party 132

5.5 The Contours of American Public

4.1 America’s Population 87 Opinion: Are the People Fit to
Growing 87 Rule? 134
Becoming More Diverse 88 What People Know About Politics 134
Moving West and South, and to the Suburbs 91 Attitudes About the System in General 136
Growing Older 92
Can Government Do Anything
Becoming More Unequal 93 Well? Regulating the Financial
System 138
Using the Framework 96
Liberals and Conservatives 140
4.2 America’s Economy 98 Policy Preferences 141
By the Numbers: Is America becoming The People’s “Fitness to Rule” Revisited 143
more unequal? 99
Using the Democracy Standard  144
Main Tendencies 100
Globalization and Hyper-Competition 101 Using the Framework 147

4.3 America in the World 103

4.4 America’s Political Culture 104
6 The News Media 152
Individualism 105
Distrust of Government 106 6.1 Roles of the News Media in
Belief in Democracy and Freedom 107 Democracy 155
Can Government Do Anything Watchdog Over Government 155
Well? Backing Research and Clarifying Electoral Choices 155
Development 108
Providing Policy Information 155
Populist 109
Religious 109 6.2 Mainstream and Alternative
News Media 156
Using the Democracy Standard  111

vii
 Alternatives to the Mainstream 156 7.5 Interest Groups, Corporations,
The Continuing Importance of the Mainstream 160 and Inequality in American
Politics 204
6.3 How the Mainstream News Media Representational Inequalities 204
Work 163
Resource Inequalities 205
Organization of the News Media 163
Access Inequality 207
By the Numbers: How much serious crime
The Privileged Position of Business
is there in the United States? 165
Corporations 207
Political Newsmaking 166
Using the Framework 209
Mapping American Politics: The Limited
Geography of National News 167 Mapping American Politics: Greenhouse
Emissions from the Use of Fossil
Ideological Bias 173 Fuels 211
Nonideological Biases 174
7.6 Curing the Mischief of Factions 212
6.4 Effects of the News Media on
Using the Democracy Standard  213
Politics 176
Agenda Setting 176
Framing and Effects on Policy Preferences 177
Fueling Cynicism 178 8 Social Movements 218
Using The Framework 179

Using the Democracy Standard  180 8.1 What Are Social Movements? 221
8.2 Major Social Movements in
the United States 223
Interest Groups and The Abolitionists 223
7 Business Corporations 184 The Populists 224
Women’s Suffrage 224
The Labor Movement 224
7.1 Interest Groups in a Democratic
The Civil Rights Movement 224
Society: Contrasting Views 188
Contemporary Antiwar Movements 224
The Evils of Faction 188
Can Government Do Anything
Interest Group Democracy: The Pluralist
Well? Old-age pensions in Social
Argument 189 Security 225

7.2 The Universe of Interest Groups 190 The Women’s Movement 227
Private Interest Groups 190 Mapping American Politics: Worldwide
Demonstrations Against The Invasion
Can Government Do Anything Well? of Iraq 228
The Federal Minimum Wage 194
The Environmental Movement 229
Public Interest Groups 195
The Gay and Lesbian Movements 229
7.3 Why There Are So Many Interest Religious Conservatives 229
Groups 195 The Antiglobalization Movement 229
The Constitution 196 Undocumented Immigrants Movement 229
Diverse Interests 196 Tea Party Movement 230
A More Active Government 196 The Occupy Wall Street Movement 231
Disturbances 197
8.3 Social Movements in a Majoritarian
7.4 What Interest Groups Do 198 Democracy 231
The Inside Game 198 Encouraging Participation 231
The Outside Game 201 Overcoming Political Inequality 232
By the Numbers: Is there a reliable Creating New Majorities 232
way to evaluate the performance Overcoming Constitutional Limitations on
of your representative in Change 232
Congress? 203

viii
8.4 Factors That Encourage the Creation Voting, Campaigns, and
of Social Movements 233 10 Elections 276
Real or Perceived Distress 233
Availability of Resources for Mobilization 233
A Supportive Environment 234 10.1 Elections and Democracy 279
A Sense of Efficacy Among Participants 234 The Prospective (or Responsible Party)
By the Numbers: Just how many
Voting Model 279
people were at that The Electoral Competition Voting
demonstration? 235 Model 280
A Spark to Set Off the Flames 236 The Retrospective (or Reward and Punishment)
Voting Model 281
8.5 Tactics of Social Movements 237 Imperfect Electoral Democracy 281
8.6 Why Some Social Movements Succeed 10.2 The Unique Nature of American
and Others Do Not 239 Elections 282
Low-Impact Social Movements 239 Using the Framework 283
Repressed Social Movements 239
Partially Successful Social Movements 240 10.3 Voting in the United
States 285
Successful Social Movements 240
Expansion of the Franchise 285
Using the Framework 241
Low Voting Turnout 287
Using the Democracy Standard  242
By the Numbers: Is voting
turnout declining in the United
States? 290

9 Political Parties 246

10.4 Who Votes? 291
Income and Education 291
Race and Ethnicity 292
9.1 The Role of Political Parties in Age 293
a Democracy 250
Gender 293
9.2 The American Two-Party Does It Matter Who Votes? 294
System 251
10.5 Campaigning for
Why a Two-Party System? 252
Office 295
The Role of Minor Parties in the Two-Party
System 254 Gaining the Nomination 295
Shifts in the American Two-Party System 254 Can Government Do Anything Well?
The Environmental Protection
9.3 The Democratic and Republican Agency 299

Parties Today 258 The General Election Campaign 302

The Parties as Organizations 258 Money in General Elections 304

Mapping American Politics: The Shifting 10.6 Election Outcomes 308

Geography of the Parties 260
How Voters Decide 309
Can Government Do Anything Well? The Electoral College 311
FEMA and disaster relief  263
Mapping American Politics: Ad Buys and
Party Ideologies 265
Battleground States 313
Using the Framework 267
Using The Democracy
The Parties in Government and in the Standard 314
Electorate 269
By the Numbers: Are you a
Republican, a Democrat, or an
independent? 272

Using the Democracy Standard  273

ix

PART IV Government and
Governing
11 Congress 318
11.1 Constitutional Foundations of the
Modern Congress 321
Empowering Congress 321
Constraining Congress 321
Bicameralism and Representation 321
Federalism 322
11.2 Representation and Democracy 323
Styles of Representation 323
Race, Gender, and Occupation in Congress 323
The Electoral Connection 326
By the Numbers: Can congressional
districts be drawn in different
ways to include equal numbers of
voters yet favor one party over the
other? 330
Using the Framework 334
How Representative? 335
11.3 How Congress Works 336
Can Government Do Anything
Well? How Congress made voting
and citizenship in America more
inclusive 337
Political Parties in Congress 339
Congressional Leadership 341
Congressional Committees 343
Rules and Norms in the House and Senate 346
Mapping American Politics:
Majorities, minorities, and Senate
filibusters 348
11.4 Legislative Responsibilities:
How a Bill Becomes a Law 349
Introducing a Bill 350
Committee Action on a Bill 350
11.5 Legislative Oversight of the Executive
Branch 352
Using the Democracy Standard  354
12 The Presidency 358
12.1 The Expanding Presidency 361
The Framers’ Conception of the Presidency 361
x
The Dormant Presidency 362
The Twentieth-Century Transformation 363
Can Government Do Anything Well?
The National Park System  364
How Important Are Individual Presidents? 366
12.2 The Powers and Roles of the
President 367
Chief of State 368
Domestic Policy Leader 368
Chief Executive 369
Foreign Policy and Military Leader 371
Using the Framework 374
Head of His Political Party 375
12.3 The President’s Support System 376
The White House Staff 376
The Executive Office of the President 377
The Vice Presidency 378
The Cabinet 378
12.4 The President and Congress:
Perpetual Tug-of-War 379
Conflict by Constitutional Design 379
What Makes a President Successful with
Congress? 380
12.5 The President and the People: An
Evolving Relationship 382
Getting Closer to the People 382
Leading Public Opinion 383
Responding to the Public 384
Presidential Popularity 384
Using the Democracy Standard  386
13
The Executive Branch 390
13.1 The American Bureaucracy: How
Exceptional? 393
Hostile Political Culture 394
Incoherent Organization 394
Divided Control 395
13.2 How the Executive Branch Is
Organized 396
13.3 What Do Bureaucrats Do? 400
Executing Programs and Policies 400
Using the Framework 401
Regulating 402
 Can Government Do Anything
14.5 The Supreme Court as a National
Well? The Centers for Disease Control
Policymaker 441
(CDC) 403
Adjudicating 404 Structural Change and Constitutional
Interpretation 442
Discretion and Democracy 405
Can Government Do Anything Well?
13.4 Who Are the Bureaucrats? 405 Protecting the Due Process Rights of
the Accused  444
The Merit Services 405
Using the Framework 446
Political Appointees 407
The Debate over Judicial Activism 448
13.5 Political and Governmental Influences
on Bureaucratic Behavior 408 14.6 Outside Influences on the
Court 451
The President and the Bureaucracy 409
Congress and the Bureaucracy 410 Governmental Influences 451
Political Linkage Influences 452
Mapping American Politics: Tracking
Where Homeland Security Dollars First Using the Democracy
Ended Up 411 Standard 454
The Courts and the Bureaucracy 414
The Public and the Press 414
Interest Groups 415

13.6 Reforming the Federal

PART V What Government
Bureaucracy 415 Does
Scaling Back Its Size 415
Becoming More Businesslike 418 Civil Liberties: The
Protecting Against Bureaucratic Abuses of 15 Struggle for Freedom 458
Power 418
Increasing Presidential Control 419
15.1 Civil Liberties in the
Using the Democracy Standard  419 Constitution 461
15.2 Rights and Liberties in the Nineteenth
14 The Courts 424 Century 461
Economic Liberty in the Early Republic 462
Economic Liberty After the Civil War 464
14.1 The Foundations of Judicial
Power 427 15.3 Nationalization of the Bill of
Rights 465
Constitutional Design 427
Freedom of Speech 467
Judicial Review 427
Freedom of the Press 471
14.2 The U.S. Court System: Organization Religious Freedom 473
and Jurisdiction 430 Privacy 478
Constitutional Provisions 430 Rights of the Accused 480
Federal District Courts 431
Mapping American Politics:
U.S. Courts of Appeal 432 Violent Crime And The Death
The Supreme Court 433 Penalty 485

14.3 Appointment to the Federal 15.4 Civil Liberties and Terrorism 486
Bench 435 Bush Administration Policies 486
Who Are the Appointees? 435 Using the Framework 487
The Appointment Process 436 Obama Administration Policies 488

14.4 The Supreme Court in Action 438 Can Government Do Anything Well? The
USA Patriot Act and protecting citizens
Norms of Operation 438 against terrorist attacks 489
Controlling the Agenda 438 The Court Responds 490
Deciding Cases 440 Using the Democracy Standard  491

xi
 Civil Rights: The Struggle
16 for Political Equality 494
16.1 Civil Rights Before the Twentieth
Century 497
An Initial Absence of Civil Rights 497
The Civil War Amendments 498
17.4 Regulation 540
Why Government Regulates 540
A History of American Regulation 540
The Future of Regulation 542
17.5 Safety Net Programs 542
Types of Safety Net Programs 543
The Costs of Safety Net Programs 543

16.2 The Contemporary Status of 17.6 Social Insurance 544

Civil Rights for Racial and Ethnic
Minorities 501
Ending Government-Sponsored Separation and
Discrimination 502
Can Government Do Anything Well?
Making “equal protection” a
reality 503
Affirmative Action 506
16.3 The Contemporary Status of Civil
Rights for Women 510
Using the Framework 511
Mapping American Politics: Gener
equality 512
Intermediate Scrutiny 513
Abortion Rights 514
Sexual Harassment and Hostile
Environment 514
Social Security 544
Medicare 546
Do Social Insurance Programs Work? 547
17.7 Means-Tested Programs 548
Temporary Assistance for Needy Families 548
Food Stamps 550
By the Numbers: How many Americans
are poor? 551
Medicaid and Health Insurance for Poor
Children 552
Using the Framework 553
The Earned Income Tax Credit 554
17.8 The Affordable Care Act (ACA) 554
Can Government Do Anything Well?
Enhancing the nutritional well-being
of poor children 555

16.4 Broadening the Civil Rights 17.9 Differences in the American System
Umbrella 515 of Safety Nets 557
The Elderly and the Disabled 516 How Exceptional? 557
Gays and Lesbians 516 Factors That Influence the Shape of the American
Safety Net System 558
Using the Democracy Standard  519
Final Thoughts on American Domestic
Policies 559
Using The Democracy Standard  560

17 Domestic Policies 524

Foreign Policy and
17.1 Why Does the Federal Government
Do So Much? 528 18 National Defense 566
Managing the Economy 528
Providing Safety Nets 529 18.1 Foreign Policy and Democracy: A
17.2 Economic Policies 529 Contradiction in Terms? 569
The Goals of Economic Policy 529 18.2 The United States as a
The Government’s Macroeconomic Policy Superpower 570
Tools 532 The American Superpower: Structural
Fashioning the Federal Budget 534 Foundations 570
17.3
Federal Revenues 536 Can Government Do Anything Well?
Providing Health Care for Veterans 576
Budget Deficits and the National Debt 537
The American Superpower: Strategic Alternatives 579

xii
18.3 Problems of the Post–Cold War By the Numbers: How much do rich
World 581 countries help poor countries
develop? 593
Security Issues 581
Congress 596
Economic and Social Issues 588
Using the Framework 597
18.4 Who Makes Foreign Policy? 592
Using The Democracy Standard  598
The President and the Executive Branch 592
Review the Chapter 598

Appendix 603 • Glossary 624 • Notes 634 • Credits 665 • Index 666 • Answer Key 694

xiii
 to the Student
Why study American
government and
politics and why read this textbook to do it? Here’s why:
Only by understanding how our complex political system
operates and how government works can you play a role in
deciding what government does. Only by understanding
the obstacles that stand in your way as you enter the politi-
cal fray, as well as the abundant opportunities you have to
advance your ideas and values in the political process, can
you play an effective role.
You can learn this best, we believe, by studying what
political scientists have discovered about American poli-
tics and government. Political science is the systematic
study of the role that people and groups play in determin-
ing what government does, how government goes about
implementing its policy decisions, and what social, eco-
nomic, and political consequences flow from government
actions. The best political science research is testable, evi-
dence-based, and peer-reviewed, as free as possible from
ideological and partisan bias as it can be.
The Struggle for Democracy not only introduces you to
that research, but it also helps you critically analyze the
American political system and identify opportunities to
make a difference. In The Struggle for Democracy, we pro-
vide a simple but powerful framework to help you see how
government, politics, and the larger society are intertwined
and how government policies are a product of the interac-
tions of actors and institutions in these domains. Our hope
and expectation is that using The Struggle for Democracy
will help you to succeed in your introduction to American
government and politics.
But we are interested in more than your class-
room success. We believe that knowing how politics and
­government work and how closely they conform to our
democratic values gives you a head start in the real world
of politics. But we are not naive. We do not believe that
making your mark on public policies is or will be an easy
matter or that all that you and like-minded individuals
need to do is vote. After all, those who have gained the
most from government policies have substantial resources
to make certain that government treats them well.
But you have resources as well. Change you are
interested in may come from, in addition to voting, your
involvement in political campaigns, using social media to
xiv
Meet Your Authors
Edward S. Greenberg
is Professor Emeritus of Political
Science and a Research Professor
of Behavioral Science at the
University of Colorado, Boulder.
Ed’s research and teaching inter-
ests include American government
and politics, domestic and global
political economy, and democratic
theory and practice, with a special
emphasis on workplace issues. His
multi-year longitudinal panel study,
funded by the NIH, examining the
impact of corporate restructuring
on employees, has recently been
published and is now being revised
and updated.
Benjamin I. Page
is the Gordon S. Fulcher Professor of Decision Making at Northwestern
University in Evanston, Illinois. Ben’s interests include public opinion
and policy making, the mass media, empirical democratic theory,
­political economy, policy formation, the presidency, and American
­foreign policy. He is currently engaged in a large collaborative project
to study Economically Successful Americans and the Common
Good and the rise and political consequences of income and wealth
­inequality in the United States.
persuade others of your views or to organize meetings and
demonstrations, participating in social movement organi-
zations, contributing to groups and politicians who share
your views, interests, and more. So, much like waging war,
making your voice heard requires that you know the “lay
of the land,” including the weapons you have at your dis-
posal (we would call them political tools), and the weapons
of those arrayed against you. But, much like peacemak-
ing, you need to know how and when compromises can be
reached that serve the interests of all parties.
Lest all of the above seems too daunting, we also have
tried to make this book enjoyable and accessible so that
reading it and learning from it will be a great deal of fun
for you. We believe we have succeeded in this goal. We
only hope you have as much fun reading The Struggle for
Democracy as we had writing it for you.
To The Instructor
We decided to write this book
because as instructors in large
American government courses, we could not find a book that provided stu-
dents with usable tools for critically analyzing our political system and making
judgments about how well our government works. The Struggle for Democracy
does not simply present facts about government and politics, but it provides
several analytical and normative frameworks for putting the flood of facts we
ask our students to absorb into a more comprehensible form. By doing so, we
believe we have made it easier and more satisfying for instructors to teach the
introductory course.
Our goal, all along, has been to create a textbook that treats students
as adults, engages their intellectual and emotional attention, and encourages
them to be active learners. Every element in this text is designed to promote
the kind of critical thinking skills scholars and instructors believe students
need in order to become the engaged, active, and informed citizens that are so
vital to any democracy. Over the next several sections, we show the elements
we have created to meet these objectives.

New to This Edition

Key updates to this eleventh edition of The Struggle for Democracy include:
• Substantial coverage of the consequential 2012 national and the 2014
midterm congressional elections, with special attention to these elections
in Chapter 10 on voting, campaigns, and elections and in Chapter 11 on
Congress.
• Coverage throughout, but especially in Chapters 3, 10, 14, 15, 16, and 17,
on important rulings by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage, efforts
to limit voting rights, immigration, affirmative action, election financing, the
commerce clause, and the Affordable Care Act.
• Consideration, especially in Chapter 12, “The Presidency” and Chapter
18, “Foreign Policy and National Defense,” on the new challenges posed
by the rise of ISIS in Syria and Iraq, nuclear weapons programs in North
Korea, Pakistan, and especially Iran, China’s emergence as a competing
world power, and Russia’s attempt to reassert its power in Ukraine and in
other countries formerly a part of the Soviet Union.
• Increased attention to the growing partisan bitterness in Washington
and across much of the nation that affects how government addresses or
fails to address virtually every major problem facing the nation whether
it be energy, illegal immigration, climate change, or the shrinking middle
class (Chapters 9, 10, 11, and 17).
• A focus in several chapters on the question of whether and to what degree
income and wealth inequality has increased, and if it has, with what politi-
cal and public policy consequences. We also look at globalization and
technological change and their impact on Americans. xv
 • We also look at the ways economic and technological trends shape gov-
ernment action, including new legislation to regulate the financial indus-
try, executive orders increasing gas mileage requirements for cars, and
prosecution of government employees who leak confidential government
information to social media sites (Chapters 4, 6, 15, 17, and 18).
• Photos in this edition were selected not only to capture major events from
the last few years but to illustrate politics’ relevancy. They show political
actors and processes as well as people affected by politics, creating a visual
narrative that enhances rather than repeats the text. The data in all of the
figures and tables have been updated throughout with the intention of
helping users think critically not only about political decisions in retro-
spect but also about pending government action.

Revel™
Educational technology designed for the way today’s
students read, think, and learn When students are engaged
deeply, they learn more effectively and perform better in their courses. This
simple fact inspired the creation of REVEL: an immersive learning experi-
ence designed for the way today’s students read, think, and learn. Built in
collaboration with educators and students nationwide, REVEL is the newest,
fully digital way to deliver respected Pearson content.
REVEL enlivens course content with media interactives and a­ ssessments—
integrated directly within the authors’ narrative—that provide opportunities
for students to read about and practice course material in tandem. This immer-
sive educational technology boosts student engagement, which leads to better
understanding of concepts and improved performance throughout the course.
Learn more about REVEL at http://www.pearsonhighered.com/revel/.

Features
Approach The Struggle for Democracy provides several analytical and nor-
mative frameworks for putting the flood of facts we ask our students to absorb
into a more comprehensible form. Although all topics that are common and
expected in the introductory American government and politics course are
covered in this textbook, our three main focal points—the analytical frame-
work for understanding how politics and government work and the questions
“How democratic are we?” and “Can government do anything well?”—allow
us to take a fresh look at traditional topics.
We pay great attention to structural factors—which include the American
economy, social change in the United States, technological innovations and
change, the American political culture, and changes in the global system—
and examine how they affect politics, government, and public policy. These
factors are introduced in Chapter 4—a chapter unique among introductory
texts—and they are brought to bear on a wide range of issues in subsequent
chapters.
We attend very carefully to issues of democratic political theory. This fol-
lows from our critical thinking objective, which asks students to assess the
progress of and prospects for democracy in the United States, and from
our desire to present American history as the history of the struggle for
democracy. For instance, we examine how the evolution of the party system
has improved democracy in some respects in the United States, but hurt it
in others.
xvi
 We also include more historical perspective because that is the best way to
evaluate the progress of democracy in the United States. We show, for exam-
ple, how the expansion of civil rights in the United States has been associated
with important historical events and trends.
We have integrated substantial comparative information because we believe
that a full understanding of government and politics and the effect of struc-
tural factors on them is possible only through a comparison of developments,
practices, and institutions in the United States with those in other nations. We
understand better how our system of social welfare works, for example, when
we see how other rich democratic countries deal with the problems of poverty,
unemployment, and old age.

Coverage Part 1 includes an introduction to the textbook, its themes, and

the critical thinking tools used throughout the book. Part 2 covers the struc-
tural foundations of American government and politics, addressing subjects
such as America’s economy, political culture, and place in the international
system; the constitutional framework of the American political system; and
the development of federalism. Part 3 focuses on what we call political linkage
institutions, such as parties, elections, public opinion, social movements, and
interest groups that convey the wants, needs, and demands of individuals and
groups to public officials. Part 4 concentrates on the central institutions of the
national government, including the presidency, Congress, and the Supreme
Court. Part 5 describes the kinds of policies the national government pro-
duces and analyzes how effective government is at solving pressing social
and economic problems. Our approach also means that the subjects of civil
liberties and civil rights are not treated in conjunction with the Constitution
in Part 2, which is the case with many introductory texts, but in Part 5, on
public policy. This is because we believe that the real-world status of civil
liberties and civil rights, while partly determined by specific provisions of the
Constitution, is better understood as the outcome of the interaction of struc-
tural, political, and governmental factors. Thus, the status of civil rights for
gays and lesbians depends not only on constitutional provisions but also on
the state of public opinion, degrees of support from elected political leaders,
and the decisions of the Supreme Court.

Pedagogy  The Struggle for Democracy offers unique features that help stu-
dents better understand, interpret, and critically evaluate American politics
and government.
• Using the Democracy Standard helps students to think about the
American political system as a whole using a normative democracy “yard-
stick” that measures the degree to which we have become more or less
democratic. This yardstick is introduced at the beginning of each chapter
and revisited in the final section of each chapter, which asks students what
conclusions they have reached regarding “How democratic are we?”
• Using the Framework is a unique visual tool that shows the many influ-
ences in the American political process and how they shape political deci-
sions and policies. This feature makes clear that government, politics, and
society are deeply intertwined in recognizable patterns; that what might
be called “deep structures”—the economy, society, political culture, and
the constitutional rules—are particularly important for understanding
how our system works; and that understanding American politics requires
the holistic focus this feature encourages.
• By the Numbers encourages students to understand the numbers and
statistical information on government, politics, economy, and society and
to distinguish between good and bad statistical information in a world xvii
 increasingly described by numbers. In each box, we describe a particular
statistic, telling why it is important, what the story behind the statistic is,
why the statistic was first calculated, and what assumptions are embedded
in it. We then show how the statistic is calculated, examine what critics
and supporters say about its usefulness and validity, and ask students what
they think about issues addressed by the statistic, whether it is an issue
like party identification or voting turnout.
• Mapping American Politics features cartograms—maps that display
information organized on a geographical basis with each unit (e.g., a
county, state, or country) sized in proportion to the data being reported.
This helps students visualize politically consequential numeric informa-
tion. A broad range of issues—how the geographic bases of the political
parties are changing, where American economic and military assistance
dollars go, and more—are illuminated.
• Can Government Do Anything Well? asks whether government or the
market or some combination of the two is the most appropriate instru-
ment for solving our most important national problems. We highlight
some important areas of federal government activity that have functioned
well over the years and examine claims that the private sector can do a
better job. In providing this feature, we hope we help bridge the deep
divide that separates those who believe that “government is always the
solution” and those who believe that “government is always the problem.”
• Timelines appear throughout this book to help students develop a sense
of historical context. Topics include federalism milestones, development
of the U.S. census, a history of the Internet, and the rise and fall of labor
unions.
• Every chapter includes a marginal glossary to support students’ under-
standing of new and important concepts at first encounter. For easy refer-
ence, key terms from the marginal glossary are repeated at the end of each
chapter and in the end-of-book glossary.

Supplements
Make more time for your students with instructor resources that offer effec-
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but also integrate them into your class and assess their effectiveness. Our goal
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Pearson is pleased to offer the following resources to qualified adopters of
Government in America. Several of these supplements are available to instantly
download on the Instructor Resource Center (IRC); please visit the IRC
www.pearsonhighered.com/irc to register for access.

Test Bank Evaluate learning at every level. Reviewed for clarity and ac-
curacy, the Test Bank measures this book’s learning objectives with multiple
choice, true/false, fill-in-the-blank, short answer, and essay questions. You
can easily customize the assessment to work in any major learning manage-
ment system and to match what is covered in your course. Word, BlackBoard,
and WebCT versions available on the IRC and Respondus versions available
upon request from www.respondus.com.
xviii
Pearson MyTest This powerful assessment generation program includes
all of the questions in the Test Bank. Quizzes and exams can be easily au-
thored and saved online and then printed for classroom use, giving you ulti-
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ing classroom, online, or hybrid courses. Designed for new and experienced
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Acknowledgments
We want to thank the many students and Graduate Teaching Assistants who
have used this book as a learning and teaching tool and let us know what
worked and what didn’t work in previous editions. We appreciate their insight
and candor. Our thanks go as well to our editors at Pearson, Jeff Marshall and
Vikram Mukhija, who have been strong believers in our book and our princi-
pal guides into the brave new world of digital learning. Laura Town and Judy
O’Neill were magnificent development editors, keeping us on track, offering
compelling suggestions for content updates and helping with everything from
photo selection to the design of rendered exhibits. Nancy Thorwardson and
Scott Minkoff created the cartograms—most originally designed for the fifth
edition by Mike Ward of Duke University—for updated and new material in
the Mapping feature. Ed Greenberg would like to especially thank the follow-
ing advanced undergraduate and graduate students who helped with research:
Hunter Coohill, Zach Seigel, Corey Barwick, and Bill Jaeger.
This edition of The Struggle for Democracy benefited greatly from the wis-
dom and generosity of David Doherty of Loyola University, Scott Minkoff of
Barnard College, and Josh Ryan of Bradley University, who revised eight of
the eighteen chapters. Each of these, former head teaching assistants at the
University of Colorado and recognized scholars and admired teachers at their
respective institutions, have become key collaborators and major contributors
to this project. It can be said without exaggeration that this revision could not
have been done without them.

xix
 1
Democracy
and American
Politics
Robert Moses and the Struggle
for African American Voting Rights
he right to vote in elections is fundamental to democracy. But many Americans

T
won the right to vote only after long struggles. It took more than 30 years from
the adoption of the Constitution, for instance, for most states to allow people
without property to vote. Women gained the right to vote in all U.S. elections
only in 1920, and young people ages 18 to 20 did so only beginning in 1971.
African Americans in the South were not able to vote in any numbers until after 1965, despite
the existence of the Fifteenth Amendment—which says the vote cannot be denied to American
citizens on the basis of race, color, or previous condition of servitude—adopted in 1870 after the
Civil War.
In Mississippi in the early 1960s, only 5 percent of African Americans were registered to
vote, and none held elective office, though they accounted for 43 percent of the population. In
Walthall County, Mississippi, not a single black was registered, although roughly 3,000 were
eligible to vote.1 What kept them away from the polls was a combination of exclusionary vot-
ing registration rules, economic pressures, and violence against those brave enough to defy
the prevailing political and social order. In Ruleville, Mississippi, civil rights activist Fannie Lou
Hamer was forced out of the house she was renting on a large plantation; fired from her job; and
arrested, jailed, and beaten by police after she tried to register to vote.2
The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) launched its Voter Education Proj-
ect in 1961 with the aim of ending black political powerlessness in the Deep South. Composed

1.1 1.2 1.3

Explain the mean- Outline a system- Think about ways

ing of democracy atic framework to analyze the
and its use as a for thinking about question: “Does
standard to evalu- how government government
ate American and politics work, work?” p. 19
government and p. 15
politics, p. 4

2
WORTH THE WAIT African American voters wait outside the
­Haywood County court house in Tennessee to cast their ballots after
passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

3
 primarily of African American college students, SNCC worked to increase black voter reg-
1.1 istration, to challenge exclusionary rules like the poll tax and the literacy test, and to enter
African American candidates in local elections. Its first step was to create “freedom
schools” in some of the most segregated counties in Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia
1.2 to teach black citizens about their rights under the law. Needless to say, SNCC volunteers
attracted the malevolent attention of police, local officials, and vigilantes.
The first of the freedom schools was founded in McComb, Mississippi, by a remarkable
young man named Robert Parris Moses. Despite repeated threats to his life and more than
1.3
a few physical attacks, Moses traveled the back roads of Amite and Walthall Counties, meet-
ing with small groups of black farmers and encouraging them to attend the freedom school.
At the school, he showed them not only how to fill out the registration forms, but also how
to read and interpret the constitution of Mississippi for the “literacy test” required to regis-
ter to vote. Once people in the school gathered the courage to journey to the county seat to
try to register, Moses accompanied them to lend support and encouragement.
Moses paid a price. Over a period of a few months in 1963, he was arrested several
times for purported traffic violations; attacked on the main street of Liberty, Mississippi,
by the county sheriff’s cousin and beaten with the butt end of a knife; assaulted by a mob
behind the McComb County courthouse; hit by police while standing in line at the voting
registrar’s office with one of his students; and jailed for not paying fines connected with his
participation in civil rights demonstrations.
Despite the efforts of Moses and other SNCC volunteers, African American registration
barely increased in Mississippi in the early 1960s. Black Americans there and in other states
of the Deep South would have to await the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which
provided powerful federal government protections for all American citizens wishing to exer-
cise their right to vote.3 The Voter Education Project was a key building block of a powerful
civil rights movement (see Chapters 8 and 16) that would eventually force federal action in
the 1960s to support the citizenship rights of African Americans in the South. Robert Moses
and many other African Americans were willing to risk all they had, including their lives, to
gain full and equal citizenship in the United States. They surely would have been gratified
by the election of African American Barack Obama in 2008 as the nation’s 44th president.
The struggle for democracy is happening in many countries today, where people fight
against all odds for the right to govern themselves and control their own destinies, whether
in Afghanistan, Ukraine, Burma, Tunisia, or Sierra Leone. Americans are participants in this
drama, not only because American political ideas and institutions have often provided in-
spiration for democratic movements in other countries, but also because the struggle for
democracy continues in our own society. Although honored and celebrated, democracy
remains an unfinished project in the United States. The continuing struggle to expand and
perfect democracy is a major feature of American history and a defining characteristic of
our politics today. It is a central theme of this book.

Democracy
1.1 Explain the meaning of democracy and its use as a standard to evaluate American
government and politics

Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any
better, or equal, hope in the world?

—Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address

ith the exception of anarchists who believe that people can live in har-

W mony without any form of authority, it is generally recognized that when

people live together in groups and communities, an entity of some sort is
needed to provide law and order; to protect against external aggressors;
and to provide essential public goods such as roads, waste disposal, education, and
clean water. It is safe to say that most people do not want to live in places where there
4 is no government to speak of at all, as in Somalia, or where there is a failed state, as
in Haiti. If government is both necessary and inevitable, certain questions become
unavoidable: Who is to govern? How are those who govern to be encouraged to serve 1.1
the best interests of society? How can governments be induced to make policies and
laws that citizens consider legitimate and worth obeying? How can citizens ensure
that those who govern both carry out laws and policies the people want and do so 1.2
effectively? In short, what is the best form of government? For most Americans the
answer is clear: democracy.
Democracy’s central idea is that ordinary people want to rule themselves and are 1.3
capable of doing so.4 This idea has proved enormously popular, not only with Americans,
but with people all over the world.5 To be sure, some people would give top priority to
other things besides self-government as a requirement for the good society, including
such things as safety and security or the need to have religious law and values determine
what government does. Nevertheless, the appealing notion that ordinary people can and
should rule themselves has spread to all corners of the globe, and the number of people
living in democratic societies has increased significantly over the past two decades.6
It is no wonder that a form of government based on the notion that people are
capable of ruling themselves enjoys widespread popularity, especially compared with
government by the few (e.g., the Communist Party rule in China and Cuba) or by a
single person (e.g., the dictatorship of Kim Jong-un in North Korea). There are reasons
for its appeal. Some political thinkers think that democracy is the form of govern-
ment that best protects human rights because it is the only one based on a recognition
of the intrinsic worth and equality of human beings. Others believe that democracy is
the form of government most likely to produce rational policies because it can count
on the pooled knowledge and expertise of a society’s entire population: a political ver-
sion, if you will, of the wisdom of crowds, something like the Wiki phenomenon.7 Still
others claim that democracies are more stable and long-lasting because their leaders,
elected by and answerable to voters, enjoy a strong sense of legitimacy among citizens.
Many others suggest that democracy is the form of government most conducive to
economic growth and material well-being, a claim with some scholarly support. (The
relative economic growth in the years ahead of India, a democracy, and China, a party-
state, will be a good, real-world test of this proposition.) Others, finally, believe that
democracy is the form of government under which human beings, because they are
free, are best able to develop their natural capacities and talents.8 There are many com-
pelling reasons, then, why democracy has been preferred by so many people.
Americans have supported the idea of self-government and have helped make the
nation more democratic over the course of our history.9 Nevertheless, democracy remains
an aspiration rather than a finished product. Our goal in this book is to help you think
carefully about the quality and progress of democracy in the United States. We want to
help you reach your own independent judgments about the degree to which politics and
government in the United States make our country more or less democratic. We want
to help you draw your own conclusions about which political practices and institutions
in the United States encourage and sustain popular self-rule and which ones discourage
and undermine it. To do this, we must be clear about the meaning of democracy.

◻ Democratic Origins
Many of our ideas about democracy originated with the ancient Greeks. The Greek
roots of the word democracy are demos, meaning “the people,” and kratein, meaning
“to rule.” Philosophers and rulers were not friendly to the idea that the many can and
should rule themselves. Most believed that governing was a difficult art, requiring the
greatest sophistication, intelligence, character, and training—certainly not the prov-
ince of ordinary people. Aristotle expressed this view in his classic work Politics, where
he observed that democracy “is a government in the hands of men of low birth, no
property, and vulgar employments.”
Instead, they preferred rule by a select few (such as an aristocracy, in which a
hereditary nobility rules, or a clerical establishment as in Iran today, where ­religious
leaders rule) or by an enlightened one, somewhat akin to the philosopher king 5

democracy
1.1 A system of government in which the
people rule; rule by the many.
1.2 oligarchy
Rule by the few, where a minority
holds power over a majority, as in an
aristocracy or a clerical establishment.
1.3
monarchy
Rule by the one, such as where power
rests in the hands of a king or queen.
direct democracy
A form of political decision making in
which policies are decided by the peo-
ple themselves, rather than by their
representatives, acting either in small
face-to-face assemblies or through the
electoral process as in initiatives and
referenda in the American states.
6
described by Plato in his Republic, or a hereditary monarch as in England in the time
of ­Elizabeth I. Democracy, then, is “rule by the people” or, to put it as the Greeks did,
self-­government by the many, as opposed to oligarchy (rule by the few) or monarchy
(rule by the one). The idea that ordinary people might rule themselves represents an
important departure from most historical beliefs.10 In practice, throughout human his-
tory, most governments have been quite undemocratic.
Inherent in the idea of self-rule by ordinary people is an understanding that gov-
ernment must serve all its people and that ultimately none but the people themselves
can be relied on to know, and hence to act in accordance with, their own values and
interests.11
Interestingly, democracy in the sense described here is more a set of utopian ideas
than a description of real societies. Athens of the fifth century bce is usually cited as the
purest form of democracy that ever existed. There, all public policies were decided upon
in periodic assemblies of Athenian citizens, though women, slaves, and immigrants were
excluded from participation.12 Nevertheless, the existence of a society in Athens where
“a substantial number of free, adult males were entitled as citizens to participate freely
in governing”13 proved to be a powerful example of what was possible for those who
believed that rule by the people was the best form of government. A handful of other
cases of popular rule kept the democratic idea alive across the centuries. Beginning in
the fifth century bce, for example, India enjoyed long periods marked by spirited and
broadly inclusive public debate and discourse on public issues. In the Roman Republic,
male citizens elected the consuls, the chief magistrates of the powerful city-state. Also,
during the Middle Ages in Europe, some cities were governed directly by the people (at
least by men who owned property) rather than by nobles, church, or crown. During the
Renaissance, periods of popular control of government (again, limited to male property
holders) occurred in the city-states of Venice, Florence, and Milan.
◻ Direct Versus Representative Democracy
To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant rule by the common people exercised directly
in open assemblies. They believed that democracy implied face-to-face deliberation
and decision making about the public business. Direct democracy requires, however,
RULE BY THE FEW
Although the elected president of Iran is influential in determining what the Iranian government does,
real power in the country is exercised by an unelected clergy and the Revolutionary Guards, the country’s
leading security force with considerable influence in the political sphere. The mullahs (or clerics), the
ideological custodians of all Iranian institutions and debates, listen to presidential addresses for any
slackening in ideological commitment. Is a system that is responsive, in theory, to the many but run, in
reality, by the few likely to retain legitimacy over the long term? How might the people of Iran move their
system to one where the majority rules rather than the few?
 representative democracy
I n d i r e c t d e m o c r a c y, i n w h i c h 1.1
the people rule through elected
representatives.
1.2

1.3

RULE BY THE MANY

In small towns throughout New England, local policies and budgets are decided upon at regular town
meetings, in which the entire town population is invited to participate. What are some advantages to
such a system? What might be the drawbacks? What other kinds of forums might there be where direct
democracy is possible?

that all citizens be able to meet together regularly to debate and decide the issues
of the day. Such a thing was possible in fifth century bce Athens, which was small
enough to allow all male citizens to gather in one place. In Athens, moreover, male
citizens had time to meet and to deliberate because women provided household labor
and slaves accounted for most production.
Because direct, participatory democracy is possible only in small communities
where citizens with abundant leisure time can meet on a face-to-face basis, it is an
unworkable arrangement for a large and widely dispersed society such as the United
States.14 Democracy in large societies must take the representative form, since mil-
lions of citizens cannot meet in open assembly. By representative democracy we
mean a system in which the people select others, called representatives, to act on
their behalf.
Although representative (or indirect) democracy seems to be the only form
of democracy possible in large-scale societies, some political commentators argue
that the participatory aspects of direct democracy are worth preserving as an ideal
and that certain domains of everyday life—workplaces and schools, for instance—
could be enriched by more direct democratic practices.15 It is worth pointing out,
moreover, that direct democracy can and does flourish in some local communities
today. In many New England towns, for example, citizens make decisions directly
at town meetings. At the state level, the initiative process allows voters in many
states to bypass the legislature to make policies or amend state constitutions. Some
observers believe that the Internet is empowering people to become more directly
engaged and influential in the political process and that this process will accel-
erate in the ­future.16 Increasingly, the Internet, mobile devices, and social media
sites ­enable people to more easily gather information, deliberate with other citi-
zens about important issues, organize political meetings and demonstrations, and
directly communicate their interests and demands to political leaders at all levels
of government.17 These new forms of communication and mobilization were espe-
cially evident in the so-called Arab Spring in 2011 when popular uprisings drove
autocratic leaders from power in several countries and forced leaders in others to
pay attention to popular demands. 7
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 'That is the story of Finella of Fettercairn,' said she, closing the book.

'And to this awful legend of the dark ages, which only wants blue-fire,
lime-light, and a musical accompaniment to set it off, you owe your name?'
said he, laughingly.

'Yes—it was grandfather's whim.'

'It is odd that you—the belle of the last London season, should be named
after such a grotesque old termagant!'

She looked up at him smilingly, and then, as their eyes met, the
expression of that glance exchanged beside the well on the hills came into
them again; heart spoke to heart; he bent his face nearer hers, and his arm
went round her in earnest.

'Finella, my darling!' escaped him, and as he kissed her unresisting lips,

her blushing face was hidden on his shoulder.

And this tableau was the result of the two days' shooting—a sudden
result which neither Shafto nor Hammersley had quite foreseen.

Of how long they remained thus neither had any idea. Time seemed to
stand still with them. Finella was only conscious of his hand caressing hers,
which lay so willingly in his tender, yet firm, clasp.

Hammersley in the gush of his joy felt oblivious of all the world. He
could think of nothing but Finella, while the latter seemed scarcely capable
of reflection at all beyond the existing thought that he loved her, and though
the avowal was a silent and unuttered one, the new sense of all it admitted
and involved, seemed to overwhelm the girl; her brightest day-dreams had
come, and she nestled, trembling and silent, by his side.

The unwelcome sound of voices and also of carriage-wheels on the

terrace roused them. He released her hand, stole one more clinging kiss, and
forgetful of his fall and all about it started with impatience to his feet.
 Lady Fettercairn and her lady guests had returned from the flower-show,
and to avoid them and all the world, for a little time yet, the lovers, with
their hearts still beating too wildly to come down to commonplace, tacitly
wandered hand in hand into the recesses of a conservatory, and lingered
there amid the warm, flower-scented atmosphere and shaded aisles, in what
seemed a delicious dream.

Finella was conscious that Vivian Hammersley was talking to her

lovingly and caressingly, in a low and tender voice as he had never talked
before, and she felt that she was 'Finella'—the dearest and sweetest name in
the world to him—and no more Miss Melfort.

****

It would be difficult, and superfluous perhaps, to describe the emotions

of these two during the next few days.

Though now quite aware that Finella and Hammersley had met each
other frequently before, Shafto's surprise at their intimacy, though
apparently undemonstrative, grew speedily into suspicious anger. He felt
intuitively that his presence made not the slightest difference to them,
though he did not forget it; and he failed to understand how 'this fellow' had
so quickly gained his subtle and familiar position with Finella.'

It galled him to the quick to see and feel all this, and know that he could
never please her as she seemed to be pleased with Hammersley; for her
colour heightened, her eyes brightened, and her eyelashes drooped and
flickered whenever he approached or addressed her.

Shafto thought of his hopes of gaining Finella and her fortune against
any discovery that might be made of the falsehood of his position, and so
wrath and hatred gathered in his heart together.

He was baffled at times by her bright smiles and pretty, irresistible

manner, but nevertheless he 'put his brains in steep' to scheme again.
 CHAPTER XV.

AT REVELSTOKE AGAIN.

Meanwhile sore trouble had come upon Dulcie Carlyon in her

Devonshire home.

Her father had been dull and gloomy of late, and had more than once laid
his hand affectionately on her ruddy golden hair, and said in a prayerful
way that 'he hoped he might soon see her well married, and that she might
never be left friendless!'

'Why such thoughts, dear papa?' she would reply.

Dulcie had felt a sense of apprehension for some time past. Was it born
of her father's forebodings, or of the presentiment about which she had
conversed with Florian? A depression hung over her—an undefinable dread
of some great calamity about to happen. At night her sleep was restless and
broken, and by day a vague fear haunted her.

The evil boded was to happen soon now.

With these oppressive thoughts mingled the memory of the tall and
handsome dark-eyed lad she loved—it seemed so long ago, and she longed
to hear his voice again, and for his breast to lay her head upon. But where
was Florian now? Months had passed without her hearing of him, and she
might never hear again!

Little could she have conceived the foul trick that Shafto had played
them both in the matter of the locket; but, unfortunately for herself, she had
not seen the last of that enterprising young gentleman.

She felt miserably that her heart was lonely and heavy, and that, young
as she was, light and joy, with the absence and ruin of Florian, had gone out
of her life. She was alone always with her great sorrow, and longed much
for tears; but as her past life had been a happy and joyous one, Dulcie
Carlyon had been little—if at all—given to them.

One morning her father did not appear at breakfast as usual. As yet
undressed her red-golden hair, that the old man loved to stroke and caress,
was floating in a great loose mass on her back and shoulders, and her blue
eyes looked bright and clear, if thoughtful.

She had, as was her daily wont, arranged his letters, cut and aired the
morning papers for him, adjusted a vase of fresh flowers on the table, with a
basket of delicate peaches, which she knew he liked, from the famous south
wall of the garden, with green fig leaves round them, for Dulcie did
everything prettily and tastefully, however trivial. Then she cut and buttered
his bread, poured out his tea, and waited.

Still he did not appear. She knocked on his bedroom door, but received
no answer, and saw, with surprise, that his boots were still on the mat
outside.

She peeped in and called on him—'Papa, papa!' but there was no

response.

The room was empty, and the morning sun streamed through the
uncurtained window. The bed had not been slept in! Again she called his
name, and rushed downstairs in alarm and affright.

The gas was burning in his writing-room; the window was still closed as
it had been overnight; and there, in his easy chair, with his hands and arms
stretched out on the table, sat Llewellen Carlyon, with his head bent
forward, asleep as Dulcie thought when she saw him.

'Poor papa,' she murmured; 'he has actually gone to sleep over his horrid
weary work.'

She leaned over his chair; wound her soft arms round his neck and
bowed grey head—her lovely blue eyes melting with tenderness, her sweet
face radiant with filial love, till, as she laid her cheek upon it, a mortal chill
struck her, and a low cry of awful dismay escaped her.
 'What is this—papa?'

She failed to rouse him, for his sleep was the sleep of death!

It was disease of the heart, the doctors said, and he had thus passed away
—died in harness; a pen was yet clutched in his right hand, and an
unfinished legal document lay beneath it.

Dulcie fainted, and was borne away by the servants to her own room—
they were old and affectionate country folks, who had been long with
Llewellen Carlyon, and loved him and his daughter well.

Poor Dulcie remained long unconscious, the sudden shock was so

dreadful to her, and when she woke from it, the old curate, Mr. Pentreath,
who had baptized Florian and herself, was standing near her bed.

'My poor bruised lamb,' said he, kindly and tenderly, as he passed his
wrinkled hand over her rich and now dishevelled tresses.

'What has happened?' she asked wildly.

'You fainted, Dulcie.'

'Why—I never fainted before.'

'She don't seem to remember, sir,' whispered an old servant, who saw the
vague and wild inquiring expression of her eyes.

'Drink this, child, and try to eat a morsel,' said the curate, putting a cup
of coffee and piece of toast before her.

'Something happened—something dreadful—what was it—oh, what was

it?' asked Dulcie, putting her hands to her throbbing temples.

'Drink, dear,' said the curate again.

She drank of the coffee thirstily; but declined the bread.

 'I beat up an egg in the coffee,' said he; 'I feared you might be unable to
eat yet.'

Her blue eyes began to lose their wandering and troubled look, and to
become less wild and wistful; then suddenly a shrill cry escaped her, and
she said, with a calmness more terrible and painful than fainting or
hysterics:

'Oh, I remember now—papa—poor papa—dead! Found dead! Oh, my

God! help me to bear it, or take me too—take me too!'

'Do not speak thus, child,' said Mr. Pentreath gently.

'How long ago was it—yesterday—a month ago, or when? I seem—I

feel as if I had grown quite old, yet you all look just the same—just the
same; how is this?'

'My child,' said the curate, with dim eyes, 'your dire calamity happened
but a short time ago—little more than an hour since.'

Her response was a deep and heavy sob, that seemed to come from her
overcharged heart rather than her slender throat, and which was the result of
the unnatural tension of her mind.

'Come to my house with me,' said the kind old curate; but Dulcie shook
her head.

'I cannot leave papa, dead or alive. I wish to be with him, and alone.'

'I shall not leave you so; it is a mistake in grief to avoid contact with the
world. The mind only gets sadder and deeper into its gloom of melancholy.
If you could but sleep, child, a little.'

'Sleep—I feel as if I had been asleep for years; and it was this morning,
you tell me—only this morning I had my arms round his neck—dead—my
darling papa dead!'

She started to her feet as if to go where the body lay under the now
useless hands of the doctor, but would have fallen had she not clutched for
support at Mr. Pentreath, who upheld and restrained her.

The awful thought of her future loneliness now that she had thus
suddenly lost her father, as she had not another relation in the world,
haunted the unhappy Dulcie, and deprived her of the power of taking food
or obtaining sleep.

In vain her old servants, who had known her from infancy, coaxed her to
attempt both, but sleep would not come, and the food remained untasted
before her.

'A little water,' she would say; 'give me a little water, for thirst parches
me.'

All that passed subsequently seemed like one long and terrible dream to
Dulcie. She was alone in the world, and when her father was laid in his last
home at Revelstoke, within sound of the tumbling waves, in addition to
being alone she found herself well-nigh penniless, for her father had
nothing to leave her but the old furniture of the house they had inhabited.

That was sold, and she was to remain with the family of the curate till
some situation could be procured for her.

She had long since ceased to expect any letter from or tidings of Florian.
She began to think that perhaps, amid the splendour of his new relations, he
had forgotten her. Well, it was the way of the world.

Never would she forget the day she quitted her old home. Her father's
hat, his coat and cane were in the hall; all that he had used and that
belonged to him were still there, to bring his presence before her with fresh
poignancy, and to impress upon her that she was fatherless, all but
friendless, and an orphan.

The superstitious people about Revelstoke now remembered that in

Lawyer Carlyon's garden, blossom and fruit had at the same time appeared
on more than one of his apple-trees, a certain sign of coming death to one of
his household. But who can tell in this ever-shifting world what a day may
bring forth!
 One evening—she never forgot it—she had been visiting her father's
grave, and was slowly quitting the secluded burial-ground, when a man like
a soldier approached her in haste.

'Florian!' She attempted to utter his name, but it died away on her
bloodless lips.

CHAPTER XVI.

''TIS BUT THE OLD, OLD STORY.'

A poet says:

'Not by appointment do we meet delight

And joy: they need not our expectancy.
But round some corner in the streets of life,
They on a sudden clasp us with a smile.'

Florian it was who stood before her, but though he gazed at her earnestly,
wistfully, and with great pity in his tender eyes as he surveyed her pale face
and deep mourning, he made no attempt to take the hands she yearningly
extended towards him. She saw that he was in the uniform of a private
soldier, over which he wore a light dust-coat as a sort of disguise, but there
was no mistaking his glengarry—that head-dress which is odious and
absurd for English and Irish regiments, and which in his instance bore a
brass badge—the sphinx, for Egypt.

He looked thin, gaunt, and pale, and anon the expression of his eye grew
doubtful and cloudy.
 'Florian!' exclaimed Dulcie in a piercing voice, in which something of
upbraiding blended with tones of surprise and grief; and yet the fact of his
presence seemed so unreal that she lingered for a moment before she flung
herself into his arms, and was clasped to his breast. 'Oh, what is the
meaning of this dress?' she asked, lifting her face and surveying him again.

'It means that I am a soldier—like him whose son I thought myself—a

soldier of the Warwickshire Regiment,' replied Florian with some bitterness
of tone.

'Oh, my God, and has it come to this!' said Dulcie wringing her
interlaced fingers. 'Could not Shafto—your cousin——'

'Shafto cast me off—seemed as if he could not get rid of me too soon.'

'How cruel, when he might have done so much for you, to use you so!'

'I had no other resort, Dulcie; I would not stoop to seek favours even
from him, and our paths in life will never cross each other again; but a time
may come—I know not when—in which I may seek forgiveness of enemies
as well as friends—the bad and the good together—for a soldier's life is one
of peril.'

'Of horror—to me!' wailed Dulcie, weeping freely on his breast.

'This tenderness is strange, Dulcie! Why did you cast me off in my utter
adversity and return to me my locket?'

Dulcie looked up in astonishment.

'What do you mean, Florian—have you lost your senses?' she asked in
sore perplexity. 'Where have you come from last?'

'Plymouth; in a paper there I saw a notice of your terrible loss, and

resolved to see, even if I could not speak with you.'

'And you came——'

 'To see you, my lost darling, once again. Oh, Dulcie, I thought I should
die if I left England and sailed for Africa without doing so. I got a day's
leave and am here.'

'But why have you done this?'

'This—what?'

'Soldiering!'

'Penniless, hopeless, what else could I do?—besides, I thought you had

cast me off when you sent me back this locket,' he added, producing the gift
referred to.

'That locket was stolen from me on the night you left Revelstoke—
literally wrenched from my neck, as I told you in my letter—the letter you
never answered.'

'I received no letter, Dulcie—but your locket was taken from you by
whom?'

'Shafto.'

'The double villain! He must have intercepted that letter, and utilised the
envelope with its postmarks and stamps to deceive me, and effect a breach
between us.'

'Thank God you came, dearest Florian!'

'I thought you had renounced me, Dulcie, and now I almost wish you
had.'

'Why?'

'It is little use to remember me now—I am so poor and hopeless.'

'After all,' said she, taking his face between her hands caressingly, 'what
does poverty matter if we love each other still?'
 'And you love me, Dulcie—love me yet!' exclaimed Florian
passionately.

'And shall never, never cease to do so.'

'But I am so much beneath you now in position, Dulcie—and—and——'

his voice broke.

'What, darling?'

'May never rise.'

'Would I be a true woman if I forsook you because you were

unfortunate?'

'No; but you are more than a woman, Dulcie—you are a golden-haired
angel!'

'My poor Florian, how gaunt and hollow your cheeks are! You have
suffered——'

'Much since last we parted here in dear old Devonshire. But Shafto's
villainy surpasses all I could have imagined!'

'And where is Shafto now?'

'With his grand relations, I suppose. I am glad that we have unravelled

that which was to me a source of sorrow and dismay—the returned locket.
So you cannot take back your heart, Dulcie, nor give me mine?' said
Florian.

'Nor would I wish to do so,' she replied, sweetly and simply. 'Though
poor, we are all the world to each other now.'

'Hard and matter-of-fact as our every-day existence is, there is—even in

these railway times—much of strange and painful romance woven up with
many a life; and so it seems to be with mine—with ours, Dulcie.'
 'Oh that I were rich, Florian, or that you were so!' exclaimed the girl, as a
great pity filled her heart, when she thought of her lover's blighted life, their
own baffled hopes, and the humble and most perilous course that was
before him in South Africa, where the clouds of war were gathering fast. 'I,
too, am poor, Florian—very poor; dear papa died involved, leaving me
penniless, and I must cast about to earn my own bread.'

'This is horrible—how shall I endure it?' said he fiercely, while regarding

her with a loving but haggard expression in his dark eyes.

'What would you have done if you had not met me by chance here?'

'Loafed about till the last moment, and then done something desperate. I
would have seen you, and after that—the Deluge! In two days we embark at
Plymouth,' he added, casting a glance at the old church of Revelstoke and
its burying-ground. 'There our parents lie, Dulcie—yours at least, and those
that I, till lately, thought were mine. There is something very strange and
mysterious in this change of relationship and position between Shafto and
myself. I cannot understand it. Why was I misled all my life by one who
loved me so well? How often have I stood with the Major by a gravestone
yonder inscribed with the name of Flora MacIan and heard him repeat while
looking at it—

'A thousand would call the spot dreary

Where thou takest thy long repose;
But a rude couch is sweet to the weary,
And the frame that suffering knows.
I never rejoiced more sincerely
Than at thy funeral hour,
Assured that the one I loved dearly
Was beyond affliction's power!

Why did he quote all this to me, and tell me never to forget that spot, or
who was buried there, if she was only Shafto's aunt, and not my mother?'

Florian felt keenly for the position of Dulcie Carlyon, and the perils and
mortifications that might beset her path now; but he was too young, too
healthy and full of animal life and spirits, to be altogether weighed down by
the thought of his humble position and all that was before him; and now
that he had seen her again, restored to her bosom the locket, and that he
knew she was true to him, and had never for a moment wavered in her
girlish love, life seemed to become suddenly full of new impulses and
hopes for him, and he thought prayerfully that all might yet be well for
them both.

But when?

To Dulcie there seemed something noble in the hopeful spirit that, under
her influence, animated her grave lover now. He seemed to become calm,
cool, steadfast, and, hap what might, she felt he would ever be true to her.

He seemed brave and tender and true—'tender and true' as a Douglas of

old, and Dulcie thought how pleasant and glorious it would be to have such
a handsome young husband as he to take care of her always, and see that all
she did was right and proper and wise.

A long embrace, and he was gone to catch the inexorable train. She was
again alone, and for the first time she perceived that the sun had set, that the
waves looked black as they rounded Revelstoke promontory, and that all the
landscape had grown dark, desolate, and dreary.

What a hopeless future seemed to stretch before these two creatures, so

young and so loving!

Florian was gone—gone to serve as a private soldier on the burning

coast of Africa. It seemed all too terrible, too dreadful to think of.

'Every morning and evening I shall pray for you, Florian,' wailed the girl
in her heart; 'pray that you may be happy, good, and rich, and—and that we
shall yet meet in heaven if we never meet on earth.'

On the second morning after this separation, when Dulcie was pillowed
in sleep, and the rising sun was shining brightly on the waves that rolled in
Cawsand Bay and danced over the Mewstone, a great white 'trooper' came
out of Plymouth Sound under sail and steam, with the blue-peter flying at
its foremasthead, her starboard side crowded with red coats, all waving their
caps and taking a farewell look at Old England—the last look it proved to
many—and, led by Bob Edgehill, a joyous, rackety, young private of the
Warwickshire, hundreds of voices joined chorusing:

'Merrily, my lads, so ho!

They may talk of a life at sea,
But a life on the land
With sword in hand
Is the life, my lads, for me!'

But there was one young soldier whose voice failed him in the chorus,
and whose eyes rested on Stoke Point and the mouth of the Yealm till these
and other familiar features of the coast melted into the widening Channel.

Dulcie was roused to exertion from the stupor of grief that had come
upon her by tidings that a situation had been found for her as companion—
one in which she would have to make herself useful, amiable, and agreeable
in the family of a lady of rank and wealth, to whom she would be sent by
influential friends of Mr. Pentreath in London.

The poor girl thought tearfully how desolate was her lot now, cast to
seek her bread among utter strangers; and if she became ill, delicate, or
unable to work, what would become of her?

Her separation from Florian seemed now greater than ever; but, as Heine
has it:

'Tis but the old, old story,

Yet it ever abideth new;
And to whomsoever it cometh
The heart it breaks in two.'

To leave Revelstoke seemed another wrench.

 Dulcie had been born and bred there, and all the villagers in Revelstoke
loved and knew Lawyer Carlyon well, and were deeply interested in the
future of his daughter; thus, on the day of her departure no one made any
pretence of work or working. Heads were popping out and in of the
windows of the village street all morning, and a cluster—a veritable crowd
—of kindly folks accompanied Mr. Pentreath and the weeping girl to the
railway station, for she wept freely at all this display of regard and
sympathy, especially from the old, whom she might never see again.

When the train swept her away, and she lost sight of the last familiar
feature of her native place, a strange and heavy sense of utter desolation
came over poor Dulcie, and but for the presence of other passengers she
would have stooped her head upon her hot hands and sobbed aloud, for she
thought of her dead parents—when did she not think of them now?

'Oh!' exclaims a writer, 'if those who have loved and gone before us can
see afar off those they have left, surely the mother who had passed from
earth might tremble now for her child, standing so terribly alone in the
midst of a seething sea of danger and temptations?'
 CHAPTER XVII.

AT CRAIGENGOWAN.

With the new understanding—the tacit engagement that existed between

herself and Vivian Hammersley—Finella writhed with annoyance when
privately and pointedly spoken to on the subject of her 'cousin' Shafto's
attentions and hopes.

'Grandmamma,' said she to Lady Fettercairn, 'I don't see why I may not
marry whom I please. I am not like a poor girl who has nothing in the
world. Indeed, in that case I am pretty sure that neither you nor cousin
Shafto would want me.'

'She must settle soon,' said Lady Fettercairn, when reporting this plain
reply to Lady Drumshoddy. 'I certainly shall not take her to London again,
yet awhile.'

'You are right,' replied that somewhat grim matron; 'and when once this
Captain Hammersley, who, to my idea, is somewhat too èpris with her, is
gone, you can easily find some pretext for remaining at Craigengowan; or
shall I have her with me?'

'As you please,' replied Lady Fettercairn, who knew that the
Drumshoddy mènage did not always suit the taste of Finella; 'but I think she
is better here—propinquity and all that sort of thing may be productive of
good. I know that poor Shafto's mind is quite made up, and, as I said before,
she must settle soon. We can't have twenty thousand a year slipping out of
the family.'

Finella thought little of their wishes or those of Shafto. She thought only
of that passionate hour in the lonely drawing-room, where she was alone
with Vivian, and his lips were pressed to hers; of the close throb of heart to
heart, and that the great secret of her young girl's life was his now and hers
no longer, but aware of the opposition and antagonism he would be sure to
encounter just then, she urged upon him a caution and a secrecy of the
engagement which his proud spirit somewhat resented.

He thought it scarcely honourable to take advantage of Lord Fettercairn's

hospitality, and gain the love of Finella without his permission; but as both
knew that would never be accorded—that to ask for it would cut short his
visit, and as he was so soon going on distant service, with Finella he agreed
that their engagement should be kept a secret till his return.

And to blind the eyes of the watchful or suspicious he actually found

himself flirting with one of the Miss Kippilaws, three young ladies who
thought they spoke the purest English, though it was with that accent which
Basil Hall calls 'the hideous patois of Edinburgh;' and, perceiving this, Lady
Fettercairn became somewhat contented, and Finella was excessively
amused.

Not so the astute Shafto.

'It is all a d——d game!' muttered that young gentleman; 'a red herring
drawn across the scent.'

'Why do you look so unhappy, dearest?' asked Finella one evening, when
she and her lover found themselves alone for a few minutes, during which
she had been contemplating his dark face in silence.

'My leave of absence is running out so fast—by Jove, faster than ever
apparently now!'

'Is that the sole reason?' asked the girl softly and after a pause, her dark
eyes darkening and seeming to become more intense.

'No,' he replied, with hesitation.

'Tell me, then—what is the other?'

'You know how I love you——'

'And I—you.'
 'But in one sense my love is so liable to misconstruction—so hopeless of
proof.'

'Hopeless, Vivian—after all I have admitted?' she asked reproachfully.

'I mean because I am almost penniless as compared to you.'

'What does that matter? Surely I have enough for two,' said she,
laughing.

'And I fear the bitter opposition of your family.'

'So do I; but don't mind it,' said the independent little beauty.

'I have heard a rumour that one of the Melforts who made a pure love-
marriage was cut off root and branch.'

'That was poor Uncle Lennard, before I was born. Well—they can't cut
me off.'

'They will never consent; and when I am far away, as I soon shall be, if
their evil influence——'

'Should prevail with me? Oh, Vivian!' exclaimed the girl, her dark eyes
sparkling through their unshed tears. 'Think not of their influencing me, for
a moment.'

'Thank you a thousand times for the assurance, my love. It was vile of
me to think of such things. I have a sure conviction that your cousin Shafto
dislikes me most certainly,' said Hammersley, after a pause.

'I don't doubt it,' said she.

'They mean you for him.'

'They—who?'

'Your grandparents.'
 'I know they do—but don't tease me by speaking of a subject so
distasteful,' exclaimed Finella, making a pretty moue expression of disdain.

He pressed a kiss on her brow, another on her hair, and his lips quickly
found their way to hers, after they had been pressed on her snow-white
eyelids.

'I love you with my whole heart, Finella,' he exclaimed passionately.

'And I you,' said the artless girl again, in that style of iteration of which
lovers never grow weary, with an adoring upward glance, which it was a
pity the gathering gloom prevented him from seeing.

As they walked slowly towards the house, she quickly withdrew her
hands, which were clasped clingingly to his arm, as Shafto approached
them suddenly. He saw the abrupt act, and drew his own conclusions
therefrom, and, somewhat to Finella's annoyance, turned abruptly away.

'So that is the amiable youth for whom they design you,' said he in a
whisper.

'Did I not say you were not to speak of him? To tell you the truth, I am at
times somewhat afraid of him.'

'My darling—I must give you an amulet—a charm against his evil
influence,' said Hammersley, laughing, as he slipped a ring on her wedding-
finger, adding, 'I hope it fits.'

'What is this—oh, Vivian! actually a wedding-ring—but I cannot wear,

though I may keep it.'

'Then wear this until you can, when I return, darling,' said he, as he
slipped a gemmed ring on the tiny finger, and stooping, kissed it.

'My heart's dearest!' cooed the girl happily. 'Well, Vivian, none other
than the hoop you have now given me shall be my wedding-ring!'

Had Lady Fettercairn overheard all this she would have had good reason
to fear that Finella's twenty thousand a year was slipping away from the
Craigengowan family, all the more so that the scene of this tender interview
was a spot below the mansion-house, said to be traditionally fatal to the
Melforts of Fettercairn, the Howe of Craigengowan—for there a terrible
adventure occurred to the first Lord, he who sold his Union vote, and of
whom the men of the Mearns were wont to say he had not only sold his
country to her enemies, but that he had also sold his soul to the evil one.

It chanced that in the gloaming of the 28th of April, 1708, the first
anniversary of that day on which the Scottish Parliament dissolved to meet
no more, he was walking in a place which he had bought with his Union
bribe—the Howe of Craigengowan, then a secluded dell, overshadowed by
great alders and whin bushes—when he saw at the opposite end the figure
of a man approaching pace for pace with himself, and his outline was
distinctly seen against the red flush of the western sky.

As they neared each other slowly, a strange emotion of superstitious awe

stole into the hard heart of Lord Fettercairn. So strong was this that he
paused for a minute, and rested on his cane. The stranger did precisely the
same.

The peer—the ex-Commissioner on Forfeited Estates—'pulled himself

together,' and put his left hand jauntily into the silver hilt of his sword—a
motion imitated exactly, and to all appearance mockingly, by the other,
whose gait, bearing, and costume—a square-skirted crimson coat, a long-
flapped white vest, black breeches and stockings rolled over the knee, and a
Ramillie wig—were all the same in cut and colour as his own!

Lord Fettercairn afterwards used to assert that he would never be able to

describe the undefinable, the strange and awful sensation that crept over
him when, as they neared each other, pace by pace, he saw in the other's
visage the features of himself reproduced, as if he had been looking into a
mirror.

A cold horror ran through every vein. He knew and felt that his own
features were pallid and convulsed with mortal terror and dismay, while he
could see that those of his dreadful counterpart were radiant with spite and
triumphant malice.