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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND
HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY

Freud and Said

Contrapuntal Psychoanalysis
as Liberation Praxis
Robert K. Beshara
Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History
of Psychology

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Department of Psychology
York University
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 Robert K. Beshara

Freud and Said

Contrapuntal Psychoanalysis
as Liberation Praxis
Robert K. Beshara
Northern New Mexico College
Española, NM, USA

Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History of Psychology

ISBN 978-3-030-56742-2 ISBN 978-3-030-56743-9 (eBook)
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In memory of my grandmother Teta Aida Youssef (1927 –2018)
 Preface

On May 20th, 2020, my wife and I received a direct death threat that
was addressed to me personally by a David P. on Zoom chat during my
moderation of Theodore Richards’s Q & A after his keynote speech.
The context was a ten-day virtual conference titled The Psychology of
Global Crises, of which I was one of the co-organizers. I reported the
death threat to the Santa Fe Police Department and to the FBI. David P.
hacked into the Zoom meeting without leaving a digital trace; he or she
is clearly a professional Zoombomber. Some of my relatives and friends
tried to comfort me by saying that it is probably a troll, but do trolls send
direct death threats to particular individuals or do they engage in general
trolling? Others told me that I must have been doing something right
with my antiracist research if I am upsetting right-wingers, but that does
not comfort me as a measure of my work’s success. I cannot deny the
traumatic effect of this threat on my psyche; it has changed my horizon.
I currently live with this implicit awareness that someone out there in the
world knows where I live and wants to kill my wife and me.
On May 25th, 2020, in Minneapolis, George Floyd was killed
by police officer Derek Chauvin, a Trump-supporter who was once

vii
viii Preface

photographed wearing a “Make America White Again” red cap. Chauvin

murdered Floyd by taking a knee on his neck and choking him to
death. Many activists on social media juxtaposed the NFL’s, and the
wider (white) public’s, ostracization of Colin Kaepernick for taking a
knee during the national anthem as a gesture of solidarity against police
violence with the police’s lethal form of taking a knee, which seems to be
more ideologically acceptable. One of Floyd’s final words were, “I can’t
breathe!” These words echo the words of Eric Garner, who, in 2014, was
also chocked to death by the police in New York. They are the words of
countless other Black victims of police violence.
The killing of George Floyd was not only a manifestation of personal
violence, but also of structural violence. Without the eradication of
the structural violence of racism, there can never be positive peace or
social justice. For this reason, the murder of George Floyd, as a tipping
point, instigated nationwide protests, on the next day, against police
violence. Reading about, and seeing videos of, these protests on social
media are on my mind as I write this preface. One of the central topics
of my book is racialized capitalism, which is also the context for this
current moment of revolt: “Colonial domination via police power inau-
gurated an explicitly racial capitalism in which Black, Brown and Indige-
nous suffering and death [serves] ruling class interests” (Correia & Wall,
2018, Location No. 177).
The spectralization of anti-Black police violence is problematic on
many fronts. Amateur videos of Black men being murdered by the
police engage their viewers through a perverse enjoyment, which ideolog-
ically position the viewers as peeping toms and Black men as disposable.
The positioning of Black men as disposable erases Black men ontologi-
cally, for living Black men are only comprehended in relation to these
hyper-mediated images of dead and dying Black men. These videos,
which Killer Mike characterized as “murder porn,” provide enjoyment
for conservative racists (i.e., segregationists) and are also a show of force
for everyone else, that is, liberals who think they are non-racists (i.e.,
assimilationists).
It is worth mentioning here that the ongoing militarization of the
police in the United States is a direct function of the training that
they receive from the Israeli Defense Forces. In other words, US
 Preface ix

police officers are receiving a specific form of tactical training, that

is, apartheid policing, which can be understood through the lens of
Paul Virilio’s (1983/2008) concept of “endo-colonization.” For example,
Ajamu Baraka (2020) reads the deployment of the National Guard as
endo-colonization: “The U.S. government is deploying the army (that
is what the national guard is) against its own citizens. Isn’t that now
when someone calls for regime change if that was happening in another
nation?” Apartheid policing affords a framing of police violence as
structural violence:

these exchanges with the Israeli military, police, and intelligence agencies
reinforce American law enforcement practices of: Expanding surveillance:
Including comprehensive visual monitoring in public places and online,
and the heightened infiltration of social movements and entire commu-
nities; Justifying racial profiling: Marking Black and Brown people as
suspect, particularly Arabs and Muslims, and refining the policies, tactics,
and technologies that target communities and social movements that
seek racial justice; Suppressing public protests through use of force: Treating
protestors as enemy combatants and controlling media coverage of state
violence. (RAIA & JVP, 2018, p. 2, emphasis in original)

Slavoj Žižek’s (2008) term for structural violence is objective violence,

which for him has two dimensions: symbolic violence and systemic
violence. These two dimensions can help us make sense of the widespread
phenomenon of police violence, which also has two dimensions. We
all experience the symbolic violence of policing through these horrific
videos that are virally shared on social media, so we can also think of
symbolic violence as virtual violence. However, those who are rendered
sub-human, within the apparatus of racialized capitalism, are the only
ones who directly experience the systemic violence of policing, which for
them is actual violence.
More than fifty years ago, Martin Luther King Jr. (1968) uttered the
following words, which resonate today and testify to the importance of
our continuing struggle for social justice:

a riot is the language of the unheard . And what is it that America has
failed to hear? It has failed to hear that the plight of the Negro poor has
x Preface

worsened over the last few years. It has failed to hear that the promises
of freedom and justice have not been met. And it has failed to hear that
large segments of white society are more concerned about tranquility and
the status quo than about justice, equality, and humanity. And so in a real
sense our nation’s summers of riots are caused by our nation’s winters of
delay. And as long as America postpones justice, we stand in the position
of having these recurrences of violence and riots over and over again.
Social justice and progress are the absolute guarantors of riot prevention.
(emphasis added)

Seventeen years ago, this is what one of the chief architects of the Iraq
War, Donald Rumsfeld (2003), said about looting during the first year of
the war; it is interesting to juxtapose his words about Iraqis to the current
US opposition to endo-colonization:

while no one condones looting, on the other hand, one can understand the
pent-up feelings that may result from decades of repression and people who
have had members of their family killed by that regime, for them to be taking
their feelings out on that regime …Think what’s happened in our cities
when we’ve had riots, and problems, and looting. Stuff happens! But in
terms of what’s going on in that country [Iraq], it is a fundamental misun-
derstanding to see those images over, and over, and over again of some
boy walking out with a vase and say, “Oh, my goodness, you didn’t have a
plan.” That’s nonsense. They know what they’re doing, and they’re doing
a terrific job. Andm [sic] it’s untidy, and freedom’s untidy, and free people
are free to make mistakes and commit crimes and do bad things. They’re also
free to live their lives and do wonderful things, and that’s what’s going to
happen here. (emphasis added)

On May 29th 2020, this is what US president, Donald Trump,

tweeted about the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protestors: “These THUGS
are dishonoring the memory of George Floyd, and I won’t let that
happen. Just spoke to Governor Tim Walz and told him that the Military
is with him all the way. Any difficulty and we will assume control but,
when the looting starts, the shooting starts. Thank you!” (emphasis added)
Trump (2020) characterized BLM protestors as “THUGS,” which
according to John McWhorter “is a polite way of using the ‘N-word’” (as
 Preface xi

cited in Eubanks, 2020). Also, with the phrase “when the looking states,
the shooting starts,” Trump (2020) was indexing Walter Headley’s (police
chief of Miami) 1967 very same words, who further added during a press
conference that he did not mind “being accused of police brutality” (as
cited in Eubanks, 2020).
BLM—the largest movement in US history (Buchanan, Bui, & Patel,
2020)—is a movement with a pluriversal dimension, particularly when
we see international solidarity among Indigenous, Black, and Brown
subjects. The clearest example of this is the 2015 Black Statement on
Solidarity with Palestine, which is echoed by Nick Estes (2019) who
writes, on behalf of the Red Nation: “Palestine is the moral barometer
of Indigenous North America.” In this book, I explore the pluriversality
of BLM in contrast to the provincial logic of All Lives Matter.
Another context informing the writing of my book is being under
lockdown because of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has dispropor-
tionally impacted Indigenous, Black, and Brown folks in the US as a
function of structural racism (Sequist, 2020). What is crystal clear in this
political moment of revolt is the difference between freedom and liber-
ation. For instance, many (if not most) conservatives are against phys-
ical distancing guidelines and lockdown measures claiming that they are
authoritarian in nature and that perhaps COVID-19 is exaggerated (if
not a hoax), but these same people who feel oppressed by guidelines that
are there to keep them safe are ambivalent about the freedom of non-
whites in the face of police violence. All of this is, of course, unfolding
amid the 2020 US presidential non-election, wherein the nationalist Law
and Order discourse is on full display to unify Trump’s base. I say non-
election because Joe Biden does not offer a real (read: antiracist) alterna-
tive to Trump from the Democratic side when he tells his followers: “if
you have a problem figuring out whether you’re for me or Trump, then
you ain’t black” (as cited in Bradner, Mucha, & Saenz, 2020). Other
relevant contextual moments include: the US leaving the World Health
Organization and Trump designating ANTIFA as a terrorist organiza-
tion. What is the logical implication of the US State designating an
anti-fascist, anarchist movement as a terrorist organization?
xii Preface

Another significant aspect of this difficult period is the racialization

and politicization of COVID-19 as a way of smearing China’s reputa-
tion, which, of course, results in anti-Asian racism here in the US: “1500
reports of incidents of racism, hate speech, discrimination, and physical
attacks against Asians and Asian-Americans” have been documented by
Human Rights Watch (2020). Calling COVID-19 the “Chinese virus”
is similar to characterizing the 1918 flu pandemic as the “Spanish flu,”
which was a function of how “wartime censors minimized reports of the
illness while the Spanish press did not” (Brown, 2020). Here is how the
racializing and politicizing rhetoric of COVID-19 works:

The expressions “Chinese virus” and “Wuhan virus” personify the threat.
Personification is metaphorical: its purpose is to help understand some-
thing unfamiliar and abstract (i.e., the virus) by using terms that are
familiar and embodied (i.e., a location, a nationality or a person). But
as cognitive linguists George Lakoff and Mark Johnson have long shown,
metaphors are not just poetic tools, they are used constantly and shape
our world view. The adjective “Chinese” is particularly problematic as
it associates the infection with an ethnicity. Talking about group iden-
tities withan [sic] explicitly medical language is a recognized process of
Othering (here and here), historically used in anti-immigrant rhetoric and
policy, including toward Chinese immigrants in North America. This type
of language stokes anxiety, resentment, fear, and disgust toward people
associated with that group. (Viala-Gaudefroy & Lindaman, 2020)

In addition to anti-Asian racism, we are witnessing a new class config-

uration, wherein essential workers are the new proletariat and those
working from home are the new bourgeoisie. We are additionally seeing
a rise in the targeting of reporters in the US, which is yet another sign
for anti-democratic forces being on the rise:

Across the country journalists have been targeted by police, facing arrest,
detention, and violence, including being pepper sprayed and shot by
rubber bullets. Journalists were targeted by police in the Ferguson protests
in 2015 and during the civil rights era, and that pattern of violence and
arrests continued into this weekend’s protests”. (Burns, 2020)
 Preface xiii

Property rights over human rights (Kovel, 1970/1984, p. 16) is the

logic driving mythic violence under racialized capitalism. Divine violence
follows the obverse logic: human rights over property rights. This is the
struggle, which is unfolding before our very eyes. I write this book, as a
form of scholar-activism, in this context and on the basis of these experi-
ences, as a small contribution to the slow but inevitable actualization of
social justice.

Española, USA Robert K. Beshara

Acknowledgments This project would not have been possible if it were

not for the support of: Thomas Teo, Ian Parker, Hatem Bazian, María-
Constanza Garrido Sierralta (Cony), Grace Jackson, Beth Farrow, Jo O’Neill,
Zobariya Jidda, Alberto Hernandez-Lemus, Michael Kim, Tommy J. Curry,
and Northern New Mexico College.

References
Baraka, A. [@ajamubaraka]. (2020, May 30). Twitter [Tweet]. Retrieved from
https://twitter.com/ajamubaraka/status/1266945898384416770.
Black for Palestine. (2015). Black statement of solidarity with Palestine. Retrieved
from https://www.blackforpalestine.com/read-the-statement.html.
Bradner, E., Mucha, S., & Saenz, A. (2020, May 22). Biden: ‘If you have a
problem figuring out whether you’re for me or Trump, then you ain’t black’.
CNN [Atlanta]. Retrieved from https://www.cnn.com/2020/05/22/politics/
biden-charlamagne-tha-god-you-aint-black/index.html.
Brown, M. (2020, March 23). Fact check: Why is the 1918 influenza virus
called ‘Spanish flu’? USA Today. Retrieved from https://www.usatoday.com/
story/news/factcheck/2020/03/23/fact-check-how-did-1918-pandemic-get-
name-spanish-flu/2895617001/.
Buchanan, L., Bui, Q., & Patel, J. K. (2020, July 3). Black Lives Matter may
be the largest movement in US history. The New York Times. Retrieved
from https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/07/03/us/george-floyd-pro
tests-crowd-size.html.
xiv Preface

Burns, K. (2020, May 31). Police targeted journalists covering the George
Floyd protests. Vox [New York]. Retrieved from https://www.vox.com/identi
ties/2020/5/31/21276013/police-targeted-journalists-covering-george-floyd-
protests.
Correia, D., & Wall, T. (2018). Police: A field guide. New York, NY: Verso.
Estes, N. (2019, September 7). The liberation of Palestine represents an alterna-
tive path for native nations. Retrieved from https://therednation.org/2019/
09/07/the-liberation-of-palestine-represents-an-alternative-path-for-native-
nations/.
Eubanks, O. (2020, May 29). The history of the phrase ‘when the looting
starts, the shooting starts’ used by Trump. ABC News [New York].
Retrieved from https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/history-phrase-looting-sta
rts-shooting-starts-trump/story?id=70950935.
Human Rights Watch. (2020, May 12). COVID-19 fueling anti-Asian racism
and xenophobia worldwide. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/
05/13/covid-19-fueling-anti-asian-racism-and-xenophobia-worldwide#.
King, M. L. (1968, March 14). The other America. Retrieved from https://www.
gphistorical.org/mlk/mlkspeech/.
Kovel, J. (1970/1984). White racism: A psychohistory. New York, NY: Columbia
University Press.
RAIA, & JVP. (2018). Deadly exchange: The dangerous consequences of American
law enforcement trainings in Israel . Retrieved from https://deadlyexchange.
org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Deadly-Exchange-Report.pdf.
Rumsfeld, D. (2003, April 11). DoD news briefing—Secretary Rumsfeld and
Gen. Myers. Retrieved June 29, 2020, from https://archive.defense.gov/Tra
nscripts/Transcript.aspx?TranscriptID=2367.
Sequist, T. D. (2020). The disproportionate impact of Covid-19 on communi-
ties of color. NEJM Catalyst Innovations in Care Delivery, 1(4).
Trump, D. J. [@realDonaldTrump]. (2020, May 28). Twitter [Tweet]. Retrieved
from https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1266231100780744704.
Viala-Gaudefroy, J., & Lindaman, D. (2020, April 21). Donald Trump’s ‘Chinese
virus’: The politics of naming. Retrieved from https://theconversation.com/
donald-trumps-chinese-virus-the-politics-of-naming-136796.
Virilio, P. (1983/2008). Pure war (M. Polizzotti, Trans.). S. Lotringer (Ed.).
Los Angeles, CA: Semiotext(e).
Žižek, S. (2008). Violence: Six sideways reflections. New York, NY: Picador.
 Contents

1 Post-/De-colonial Psychoanalysis: Critical Border

Psychology 1

2 Beginnings 89

3 Orientalism 113

4 Freud and the Non-European 131

5 Contrapuntal Psychoanalysis as Liberation Praxis 149

Index 203

xv
 List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 The semiotic square 19

Fig. 1.2 The four discourses 73
Fig. 5.1 Horizontal semiosis 191

xvii
 1
Post-/De-colonial Psychoanalysis: Critical
Border Psychology

Critical psychologists draw on a number of theoretical resources (e.g.,

feminism, poststructuralism, psychoanalysis, Marxism, etc.) in their
critiques of mainstream (Euro-American) psychology. The central debate
in critical psychology is whether critical psychology is providing a vision
of a more ethical way of doing psychology, one that is grounded in
history, philosophy, theory, qualitative methodology, etc.; or is critical
psychology the negation of psychology proper? I live on both sides of the
debate, but my preference on most days is for the latter position because
I am a transdisciplinarian at heart—being not only a scholar-activist,
but also a fine artist. In my approach, which I am calling critical border
psychology (cf. Mignolo, 2007), I draw on postcolonialism/decoloniality
along with Freudo-Lacanian psychoanalysis in an effort to imagine a
pluriversal psychology grounded in liberation praxis (Beshara, 2019a);
contrapuntal psychoanalysis is one such an attempt. Some of the crit-
ical psychologists who have paved the way for this kind of work include:
Ian Parker (Parker & Siddiqui, 2019), Thomas Teo (2005), Tod Sloan
(1996), Sunil Bhatia (2018), Erica Burman (2019), and Derek Hook
(2008).

© The Author(s) 2021 1

R. Beshara, Freud and Said, Palgrave Studies
in the Theory and History of Psychology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56743-9_1
2 R. K. Beshara

From Decolonial Psychoanalysis

to Contrapuntal Psychoanalysis
This book is a sequel to Decolonial Psychoanalysis: Towards Critical Islam-
ophobia Studies (Beshara, 2019b). In Decolonial Psychoanalysis, I analyzed
the ideology of (counter)terrorism-Islamophobia/Islamophilia through
the lens of critical psychology, while drawing in particular on psycho-
analysis and decoloniality (Mignolo, 2007) as theoretico-methodological
tools. I ended Decolonial Psychoanalysis with the question of liberation
praxis, which I aspire to explore further in this book through what
I will be describing as contrapuntal psychoanalysis, which is a kind of
psychoanalysis as liberation praxis that accounts for both (post)colonial
psychoanalysis and decolonial psychoanalysis in an effort to theorize
oppressor/oppressed subjectivities in order to practice liberatory subjec-
tivities. The challenge of liberation praxis is whether it is possible to
theorize and practice psychoanalysis exterior to ideology? Or, even,
whether it is possible to imagine a world without psychoanalysis (Spivak,
1994)?
In this book, while I will not be revisiting my analysis of
the specific ideology of (counter)terrorism-Islamophobia/Islamophilia
per se, I continue to be concerned, however, with the overall
ideology of (post)modernity-(post)coloniality; or how the violent logic
of (post)coloniality (e.g., Islamophobia/Islamophilia) fantasmatically
sustains the oppressive rhetoric of (post)modern discourses (e.g., the War
on Terror). Another name for this ideology is racialized capitalism, which
as a modern world-system explains everything, in the case of the US,
from the genocide of Indigenous peoples and the transatlantic slave trade
to Jim Crow and New Jim Crow. Liberation praxis is the attempt to think
and act exterior to racialized capitalism; contrapuntal psychoanalysis is
one such attempt.

Racialized Capitalism
Racialized capitalism (Cole, 2016), however, is more than a modern
ideology; it is equally a colonial materiality. For this reason, I conceive
 1 Post-/De-colonial Psychoanalysis … 3

of racialized capitalism as a dispositif , or an apparatus, in Michel

Foucault’s (1980) sense of the term: “a thoroughly heterogeneous
ensemble consisting of discourses, institutions, architectural forms, regu-
latory decisions, laws, administrative measures, scientific statements,
philosophical, moral and philanthropic propositions–in short, the said
as much as the unsaid” (p. 194). This apparatus goes by other names,
such as “racial capitalism” (Burden-Stelly, 2020; Gilmore, 2020; Kelley,
2017; Robinson, 1983) and “racist capitalism” (Desmond, 2019). For
Cedric J. Robinson (1983):

Racism, I maintain, was not simply a convention for ordering the rela-
tions of European to non-European peoples but has its genesis in the
“internal” relations of European peoples. As part of the inventory of
Western civilization it would reverberate within and without, transfer-
ring its toll from the past to the present. In contradistinction to Marx’s
and Engels’s expectations that bourgeois society would rationalize social
relations and demystify social consciousness, the obverse occurred. The
development, organization, and expansion of capitalist society pursued
essentially racial directions, so too did social ideology. As a material force,
then, it could be expected that racialism would inevitably permeate the
social structures emergent from capitalism. I have used the term “racial
capitalism” to refer to this development and to the subsequent structure
as a historical agency. (p. 2)

The racial axis is the central feature of racialized capitalism, which is

a European modern/colonial project that can be traced back to 1492
(Dussel, 1995, p. 12). Here’s Aníbal Quijano’s (2000) explication of the
racial axis in the coloniality of power:

What is termed globalization is the culmination of a process that began

with the constitution of America and colonial/modern Eurocentered capi-
talism as a new global power. One of the fundamental axes of this model
of power is the social classification of the world’s population around the
idea of race, a mental construction that expresses the basic experience
of colonial domination and pervades the more important dimensions of
global power, including its specific rationality: Eurocentrism. (p. 533)
4 R. K. Beshara

In racialized capitalism, racism is certainly the most oppressive struc-

tural element of the apparatus, but it often intersects with two other
axes: labor and sex. Quijano (2000) argues that the “idea of race,
in its modern meaning, does not have a known history before the
colonization of America” (p. 533). However, Geraldine Heng (2018)
asserts that England is the first racial state in premodernity with its
1290 Edict of Expulsion, which was a royal decree expelling all Jews
from the Kingdom of England. Colonialism and racism did undoubt-
edly exist in the premodern world (Heng, 2018), but the novelty of
racialized capitalism, as a modern world-system, was and continues to
be its accelerated global systematization of imperialism, colonialism,
racism/classism/sexism, and capitalism in the name of civilization. Civi-
lization is savage, but it projects its savagery onto the Other as a defense
mechanism:

The civilized white man retains an irrational nostalgia for the extraor-
dinary times of sexual licentiousness, orgies, unpunished rapes, and
unrepressed incest. In a sense, these fantasies correspond to Freud’s life
instinct. Projecting his desires onto the black man, the white man behaves
as if the black man actually had them. (Fanon, 1952/2008, pp. 142–143)

The signifier ‘race’ can be traced back to the Arabic word ra’s (‫)رأس‬,
which means head, beginning, or origin. James Sweet (1997) even makes
the following argument: “The racist ideologies of fifteenth-century Iberia
grew out of the development of African slavery in the Islamic world as
far back as the eighth century” (p. 145). This is a fair critique, which will
necessitate an analysis of the Aristotelian notion of natural slavery:

For the slave the result was a state of social death in which all rights
and sense of personhood were denied. The appearance of this form of
slavery [i.e., chattel slavery] in the ancient Mediterranean has led to the
dominant modern view that Greece and Rome offer the first examples in
world history of what can be called genuine slave societies. (Bradley &
Cartledge, 2011, p. 1)
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Where is Boy Blue?
Boy Blue, are you asleep?
Where are you, Boy Blue?
Oh, there you are! I see you.
You are under the big haystack.
Come to my birthday party, Boy Blue.

Mother made me a big birthday cake.

She made two little cakes.
One is for you, Boy Blue.
The other is for Lady Doll.
Here, Boy Blue! This is for you.
There, Lady Doll! That is your cake.
Down, Rover! Down!
Here is some cake for you.
This cake is for Pussy Cat.

“Look, Mary!” said Grandma.

“This is the way to weave.
Weave over and under.
Weave round and round.
Take the basket, Mary.
You may weave it.”
After a time Mary said,
“Here is my basket.
See, Grandma! Isn’t it a pretty one?

This is Father’s birthday, Grandma.

I made this basket for his birthday.
Father will like my pretty basket.”
“Come to the meadow,” said Grandma.
“We will get some flowers.
You can put them in your basket.”

“Oh, Grandma! See all the pretty flowers!

Here are red flowers, and yellow flowers, and blue
flowers.
Dear little yellow flowers,
I will put you into my basket.
Dear little blue flowers,
I will put you into my basket.
Father loves all the pretty flowers.
This basket is for his birthday.”
 THE BRAMBLE BUSH
Here we go round the bramble bush,
The bramble bush, the bramble bush;
Here we go round the bramble bush
On a cold and frosty morning!
This is the way we wash our clothes,
Wash our clothes, wash our clothes;
This is the way we wash our clothes
On a cold and frosty morning!

This is the way we dry our clothes,

Dry our clothes, dry our clothes;
This is the way we dry our clothes
On a cold and frosty morning!

This is the way we iron our clothes,

Iron our clothes, iron our clothes;
This is the way we iron our clothes
On a cold and frosty morning!

This is the way we bake our bread,

Bake our bread, bake our bread;
This is the way we bake our bread
On a cold and frosty morning!

This is the way we sweep the house,

Sweep the house, sweep the house;
This is the way we sweep the house
On a cold and frosty morning!
 ACTION SENTENCES

Play “Here we go round the bramble bush.”

Go round and round.
Wash the clothes.
Dry the clothes.
Get the basket.
Put the clothes in the basket.
Iron the clothes.
Plant the wheat.
Take the wheat to the mill.
Grind the wheat.
Bake the bread.
Get the broom.
Sweep the house.
Put the broom away.

How do you do, Mary?

I have come to play with you.
How do you do, Helen?
I can not come out to play.
This is my wash day.
I am washing Lady Doll’s clothes.
You may help me, Helen.
You may wash Lady Doll’s clothes.
I will wash Boy Blue’s clothes.

This is the way we dry our clothes.

Put Lady Doll’s clothes on that bush.
I will put Boy Blue’s clothes here.
The warm sun will dry them.
The wind will help.
By and by they will be dry.
Then we will iron our clothes.
The clothes are dry, Helen.
Put the clothes in this basket.
Grandma and I made this basket.
We will take the clothes to the playhouse.
Then we will iron them.
Do you know how to iron, Helen?
See! This is the way to iron.
You may iron Boy Blue’s clothes.
I will iron Lady Doll’s clothes.

Little Jack Frost went up the hill.

“See!” said little Jack Frost.
“I will turn the trees red, yellow and brown.”
Little Jack Frost went into the woods.
“There!” said little Jack Frost. “The nuts are ripe.”
Little Jack Frost went over the meadow.
“It is cold,” said the grass and the flowers.
“Go to sleep,” said little Jack Frost.
The snow will keep you warm.
Look! Down comes the white snow.
“It is warm, so warm,” said the grass and the
flowers.
“Good-by, little Jack Frost! Good-by!”

“Come to the window,” said Father.

“Here are some snow stars.
Catch them if you can.”
“I can catch them,” said Mary.
“See, I have some snow stars.
They are on my dress.
How pretty they are!”
“Look at the snow stars,” said Father.
“Can you see the points?”
“I see six points,” said John.
“Yes,” said Father.
“Every snow star has six points.”
Blow, wind, from the north.
Blow the pretty, white snow.
Blow, wind, from the south.
Blow the birds and flowers.
Blow, wind, from the east.
Blow rain for the wheat.
Blow, wind, from the west.
Blow the nuts from the trees.

Point to the north.

Point to the south.
Point to the east.
Point to the west.
What can the north wind do?
What can the south wind do?
What can the east wind do?
What can the west wind do?
Good morning, bright Sun!
I see you over the hill-top.
You are big and round and yellow.
I love you, bright Sun!
You are warm, so warm that Baby can go out to
play.
Little Jack Frost will run away.
North Wind will not blow to-day.
Come over the hill-top, bright Sun.
Baby and I will go out to play.

Good night, dear Sun.

Thank you for a pleasant day.
Baby is asleep in her cradle.
Rover is asleep in the barn.
The pretty flowers are asleep.
They are under the soft, warm snow.
The little birds are far away.
Do they sing to you in the south?
Where do you sleep, dear Sun?
Do you sleep behind the hill-top?
Good night! I am going to sleep.
Come again in the morning.
Good night, dear Sun! Good night!
REFERENCES TO THE MANUAL.
Primer Manual
Page Page
5 Run. Jump. Hop 28
6 Run and jump 31
7 I can sing 32
8 Can you sing? 34
9 I have a dog 34
15 Apostrophe s (’s) 69
19 I see a little girl 41
21 Play you are blackbirds 42
22 Two little blackbirds 43
24 See-saw 47
26 Rock-a-by, baby 45
31 Little Robin Redbreast 51
43 Do you know how the farmer? 52
45 Do you know? 52
45 Observation Game 52
48 Blow, wind! Blow! 52
62 The Rain 53
72 Greeting 53
80 With a “Baa! Baa!” 53
WORD LIST
5 sing
run
jump
hop
6 and
7 I can
Rover
Kitty
8 see
you
the bird
9 a dog
have
to
me
10 like
pretty
fly
11 boys
girls
little
may
12 ball
roll
catch
13 play
with
baby
it
14 sister
has
blue
eyes
15 Mary
this
is
16 John
brown
big
17 what
do
18 my
doll
she
19 dress
named
he
20 frog
come
21 black
are
22 (In Rhyme)
two
sat
upon
hill
one
was
Jack
other
Jill
away
again
23 they
24 (In Rhyme)
saw
here
we
go
down
way
town
25 father
oh
fun
26 (In Rhyme)
rock-a-by
tree-top
in
when
wind
blows
cradle
will
bough
breaks
fall
all
27 nest
not
28 mother
sleep
dear
29 make
her
30 (In Rhyme)
Robin
 Redbreast
Pussy Cat
went
ran
said
if
31 look
tell
at
32 song
your
33 three
of
eggs
34 for
am
35 get
put
36 (In Rhyme)
Hickory
Dickory
Dock
mouse
clock
struck
37 tick-tock
time
38 nut
then
39 plant
grow
be
40 squirrel
round
41 some
eat
43 (In Rhyme)
know
how
farmer
corn
field
reaps
his
takes
mill
miller
grinds
44 sun
rain
45 no
yes
46 help
Helen
47 an ear
yellow
48 (In Rhyme)
that
send
us
hot
morn
baker
49 hear
50 clip-clap
turn
morning
51 grandpa
 fast
good
52 kite
made
over
53 high
as
54 (In Rhyme)
pat-a-cake
bake
man
just
mark
B
56 then
57 call
58 (In Rhyme)
Peep
wades
water
climbs
hillside
deep
poor
but
59 star
so
60 too
61 going
bow-wow
meow
who
62 (In Rhyme)
umbrellas
 raining
around
ships
sea
63 pitter-patter
green
grass
out
64 keep
dry
65 day
grandma
house
66 (In Rhyme)
thank
pleasant
cow
milk
soak
bread
every
night
warm
sweet
pure
white
67 drink
says
68 things
love
69 churn
cream
butter
70 (In Rhyme)