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The Belt and Road
Initiative in South–
South Cooperation
l i sh e ng
dm i t r i f e l i x d o n a sc i m e n t o
The Belt and Road Initiative in South–South
Cooperation
Li Sheng · Dmitri Felix do Nascimento
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
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The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore
189721, Singapore
Preface
v
vi PREFACE
the global economy? Why did the investment model of western devel-
opment cooperation organizations fail to achieve their goals? Why does
the BRI try to provide different answers than those of the Washington
Consensus? Will we see a reemergence of SSC after the creation of the
BRI? By presenting these questions, we will try to bring out the specifici-
ties of the meanings that the BRI has exercised in the multilateralism of
political relations and in the interrelations of the interests of the countries
that comprise it.
In chapter 2, The Belt and Road Initiative: China’s New Role in
Geopolitics and Security, we will elaborate on what conceptions were put
forward to characterize the BRI as a security and geopolitical risk and
what changes in liberal hegemony are implied by the expansion of the
BRI. We will address the security consideration of the BRI for China and
analyze the related perceptions and responses of China’s rivals, the United
States and NATO, whose understanding of the BRI will greatly influence
its development. We will describe the interpretation that US political and
military agents have formulated of the BRI and how Americans see the
BRI as a threat and not an instrument of cooperation. The dilemma of
the security issue in BRI countries with internal conflicts, the potential
risks in the geographical environment of China, and the BRI prospects in
the post-COVID-19 world are also discussed.
In chapter 3, BRI and the Economic Corridors: Opportunities for Devel-
opment, we describe an overview of the development of the BRI and
the six economic corridors it comprises: the China–Mongolia–Russia
Economic Corridor (CMREC), the New Eurasian Land Bridge (NELB),
the China–Central Asia–West Asia Economic Corridor (CCWAEC), the
China–Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor (CIPEC), the China–
Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and the Bangladesh–Chinese–
India–Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIMEC). Different perceptions
of the BRI are analyzed at length, such as from Russia in relation to the
Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the European Union (EU). Specif-
ically, we examine the fragmentation of northern and southern Europe
with the countries that are part of the BRI in the mechanism of Central
and Eastern European countries (16 + 1), as examples.
In chapter 4, Technological and Financial Integration in the BRI , we
will address the problem of the gaps of development in technology and
finance for developing countries. The role of New Development Banks
(NDBs) and Asia Infrastructure and Investment Banks (AIIB) in the
financial architecture of investments for the development of the BRICS
viii PREFACE
ix
x CONTENTS
Index 233
List of Charts
xi
CHAPTER 1
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and South-South Cooperation (SSC)
mirror each other in the current international environment and develop-
ment cooperation system. On the one hand, China’s foreign policies are
deeply shaped by the Third World’s historical experience of being invaded
and dominated by western powers, which can still be observed today in
China’s relations with countries in the Global South. This point of view
is key for comprehending China. Moreover, as neoliberalism has declined
in the last decade, China and its developmental pathways are regarded as
alternatives by an increasing number of countries in the Global South.
In this context, the BRI has become a vital topic for understanding the
future of the Global South and SSC. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze
the relationship between China’s BRI and SSC. This chapter will explain
their interconnections and try to show that the BRI is an example of SSC
with Chinese characteristics by introducing the evolution of SSC and the
BRI in the context of the theoretical frameworks of international relations
and International Political Economy.
1.1 Introduction
Throughout history, the journey to national development and prosperity
has not been an easy one, especially for countries in the Global South
that have suffered colonial exploitation for centuries. The South here is
not an exclusively geographical term. In the discourse of international
geopolitics, the countries in the world tend to be categorized into “the
West” and “the Non-West” and “the South” and “the North” to indicate
their degree of development and geographic power relations from a global
perspective. The North refers to those nations with developed economies
and industrial bases, but they are not necessarily located in the geographic
north. In contrast, as a binary opposition to the North, the South
broadly refers to nations in the regions of Asia, Africa, Oceania, and Latin
America that are confronting a series of shared problems such as undevel-
oped economics and marginalized politics in the international community.
Those problems are deeply rooted in their historical experience, including
colonialism. This colonial background not only identifies those coun-
tries as “the South” or “the Global South” but also “the Third World,”
“Developing Countries” and even countries that are “underdeveloped,”
“premodern” and “backward.” According to the South Commission, the
majority of the planet’s countries are in the South, with populations that
take up four-fifths of the world and that are endowed with rich natural
resources and large territory; nevertheless, existing on the periphery of the
developed countries of the North, the benefits of prosperity and progress
have largely bypassed them.1
For centuries, the Global South has suffered from underdevelopment.
During the hundred years before the middle of the twentieth century,
most of the countries in the South were under the yoke of western colo-
nialism. They have continued to be in an unfavorable position, constantly
haunted by colonial legacies, even though colonialism was largely aban-
doned with the ending of imperial games following WWII. After the
colonial era, the countries of the South are commonly deficient in financial
support, technological capabilities, and discourse power in the interna-
tional system. Driven by historical experience and common problems,
countries in the South are striving for paths to national development
and prosperity. On the one hand, with the bitter historical memories of
1 For more details about the definitions of “the countries in the South,” please refer to
Burnell, P. (2017). Politics in the developing world. Oxford University Press; Dados, N., &
Connell, R. (2012). The global south. Contexts, 11(1), 12–13; Modi, R. (Ed.). (2011).
South-South Cooperation (pp. 1–26). Palgrave Macmillan; Slater, D. (2008). Geopolitics
and the postcolonial: Rethinking North–South relations . Wiley; The South Centre. (1990).
The Challenge to the South: The Report of the South Commission. Oxford University Press.
1 THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) … 3
being invaded and exploited, they have been aware of the deficiencies of
colonialism and war as approaches to wealth accumulation. On the other
hand, being disadvantaged, the countries of the South want to join forces
in a united front to pursue their common interest. In such circumstances,
South-South Cooperation emerged.
South-SSC is an international regime originally designed for inter-
state cooperation among countries in the Global South. It is still the
core of the various definitions of SSC. According to the United Nations
Office for South-South Cooperation (UNOSSC), SSC is a “broad frame-
work of collaboration among countries of the South in the political,
economic, social, cultural, environmental, and technical domains.”2 The
basis of the framework is diverse, from bilateral, regional, intraregional
to interregional, under which “developing countries share knowledge,
skills, expertise, and resources to meet their development goals through
concerted efforts.” The form of SSC includes “increased volume of
South-South trade, South-South flows of foreign direct investment,
movements toward regional integration, technology transfers, sharing of
solutions and experts, and other forms of exchanges.”3 The Department
of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations (UNDESA) gives
a different explanation:
by the state.5 Kevin Gray and Barry K. Gills also hold a similar idea
regarding SSC as an organizing concept, combining a set of practices in
pursuit of these historical changes through a vision of mutual benefit and
solidarity among the disadvantaged of the world system. It is worth high-
lighting in their explanation that SSC conveys the hope that development
may be achieved by the poor themselves through their mutual assis-
tance to one another, and the whole world order transformed to reflect
their mutual interests vis-à-vis the dominant Global North. Significantly,
SSC is endowed with a dual economic and political nature, considering
the historical experiences of the Third World.6 As Gosovic emphasizes,
SSC is also “a political project of emancipation, liberation, political, and
economic independence, of transcending the unidirectional links with the
North and vestiges of the colonial era, and of gaining influence and voice
in world affairs by pooling forces and acting collectively.”7
Admittedly, SSC reflected the common interests of countries in the
South, especially in the first two decades after WWII. With the support of
the United Nations, SSC has been expanded in more fields. However, it is
also an uneasy journey to have more development for SSC, especially after
the new millennium. On the one hand, the emergence of untraditional
security after the end of the Cold War has shaken global stability and
triggered a series of conflicts, both domestically and regionally. On the
other hand, rapid globalization has further enlarged the gap between the
North and the South, creating more obstacles to poverty eradication. As
a result, both countries in the South and SSC are currently confronting
severe challenges.
As a member of the Third World as well as a victim of colonialism and
imperialism, China deeply understands the eagerness for national devel-
opment of the countries in the South. Since 1949, China has attached
high importance to relations with countries of the South and SSC. For a
long time, China has defined itself as “a staunch supporter, active partic-
ipant and key contributor of South-South Cooperation” and committed
to “further expand South-South Cooperation, to promote joint efforts
5 Chaturvedi, S., Fues, T., & Sidiropoulos, E. (2012). Development cooperation and
emerging powers: New partners or old patterns? Zed Books.
6 Gray, K., & Gills, B. K. (2016). South–South cooperation and the rise of the Global
South. Third World Quarterly, 37 (4), 557–574.
7 Gosovic, B. (2016). The resurgence of South–South cooperation. Third World
Quarterly, 37 (4), 733–743.
1 THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) … 5
8 For more details about China’s latest foreign policies on the international development
cooperation, please refer to: The State Council of PRC. (2021). China’s International
Development Cooperation in the New Era.
9 Fowdy, T. (2020). South-South Cooperation is how we should understand China’s BRI
diplomacy. CGTN.
6 L. SHENG AND D. F. DO NASCIMENTO
After WWII, the decline in the western empires triggered the broad
liberalization movement in the Third Word, including Asia, Africa, and
Latin America. As a result, a number of new countries emerged in the
former colonial regions and began to act as independent actors in the
arena of international politics. However, these countries of the South
were still highly constrained in their journey to national development and
prosperity. On the one hand, they had been deeply exploited by colo-
nialism, which trapped them in a situation of poverty, premodernization
and preindustrialization. On the other hand, the post-war arrangements
failed to break the old economic order completely. The former colonies
were still deeply dependent on the north and stuck in an unfavorable posi-
tion. With the common predicament of underdevelopment and the goal
of national development, the countries in the South realized that only by
joining with other countries in the Global South could they truly become
independent actors in the global arena and achieve meaningful change
in international political and economic inequalities. In such a context,
countries in the South began to collaborate and establish mechanisms and
organizations for development cooperation.
The Bandung Conference is a vital milestone of SSC. However, the
date that marks the true beginning of SSC may be earlier. The starting
point of SSC could be 1945, the year WWII ended, because of two
historical events. One event is the establishment of the Arab League that
same year, which accelerated the independence of Middle East countries.
The other event is the Colombo Plan of 1950, a regional organization
established by the UK under the British Commonwealth to maintain its
relevance in the Asia–Pacific. However, it also promoted development
cooperation among the countries in Southeast Asia and South Asia.11
In 1955, the first Asian-African Conference was held in Bandung,
Indonesia, which was also named the Bandung Conference. It was the first
conference in history completely held and delegated by countries in the
South, assembling leaders from 29 countries whose combined population
made up approximately two-thirds of the world. The People’s Republic of
China was one of the participants. With the common hope of accelerating
cooperation among the nations of the Third World and reducing their
dependence on western countries, the delegates signed a communique
that set a series of concrete goals, including the promotion of economic
and cultural cooperation, protection of human rights and the principle
of self-determination, a call for an end to racial discrimination wherever it
occurred, and a reiteration of the importance of peaceful coexistence. The
Bandung Conference is a milestone of SSC, laying the political, economic,
cultural, and legal foundations for the so-called Spirit of Bandung and
what became the Third World project.
The Bandung Conference and the Bandung Spirit laid the foundation for
further collaboration and cooperation in politics and economics among
the countries of the South. Against the background of the Cold War,
to promote global peace and not be forced to take sides in the contest
between the two superpowers, the NAM was organized in 1961 dedi-
cated to the independence and security of the Third World. The NAM
continued the Spirit of Bandung, as captured by Yugoslav President Tito:
“Every country, regardless of their socioeconomic system, must daily
increase and broaden its economic cooperation.” Additionally, principles
such as “abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defense to
serve the particular interests of any of the big powers” were highly stressed
during the summit. In 1964, the G77, an intergovernmental organization
under the United Nations System, was established, which included most
developing counties in the world at that time. The G77 is named after
the number of countries present at the founding of the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). It called for the
establishment of a New International Economic Order (NIEO) and was
designed to serve the common economic interests of developing coun-
tries and improve the negotiating capacity of the countries in the South
and promote SSC as a means for development.12
The 1970s was a great optimistic period for SSC. On the one hand, as
the prices of raw materials continued to increase, the revenue of the coun-
tries of the South improved accordingly.13 With the economic resurgence,
the trade volume among the countries of the South increased, making up
half of the world’s total trade volume.14 As a result of economic growth,
SSC was further developed in politics and cultures. On the other hand,
the increased activism of the G-77 and NAM during this period led to the
adoption of the UN General Assembly of Resolutions on the New Inter-
national Economic Order (NIEO) and new forms for technology transfer
between countries.
At the same time, a series of UN branches were established to promote
SSC, such as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD) and the UN Fund for Science and Technology in Devel-
opment (UNFSTD). The authors believe that in this period, the three
pillars of SSC were constructed, and they remain significant today. The
first is the non-aligned movement continuing the Spirit of Bandung with
the principles of non-interference, self-determination, etc. It reflects the
political demands of the Third Word. In contrast, the other two pillars are
more focused on the economic interests of the Global South: the G77 and
UNCTAD. Each contributed to the conceptions, principles, and norms
that we can find today in the BRI.
The 1980s was a dark period for developing countries. As the prices of
primary commodities dropped, the revenue of the Global South widely
suffered heavy losses. At the same time, as the result of nation-building,
many developing countries, Africa and Latin America in particular, were
trapped in heavy debt and negative growth. To seek financial assistance,
many countries in the South had no choice but to turn to the West and
commit to shifting their development paradigm to that of the Bretton
Woods system, which wrecked their national stability.15 Moreover, under
the transition from the bipolar contest to US hegemony, a series of mili-
tary conflicts and wars broke out in the Middle East. Later, Southeast
Asia was severely affected by the 1997 financial crisis following the period
of economic prosperity. Worse still, developed countries’ gain from free
14 Sheng, L., & do Nascimento, D. F. (2021). A brief history of trade wars. In Love
and trade war (pp. 1–46). Palgrave Macmillan.
15 Sheng, L. (2012). Dealing with financial risks of international capital flows: A
theoretical framework. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 25(3), 463–474.
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the Divine Teacher and the listener who was drinking in
such soul-absorbing truths!
Percival. Can you not read sorrow and shame on his half-
averted face?
Percival. Mary would not turn from him; she would utter no
word of reproach: she would raise her tearful eyes, and give
the penitent Peter a look which would remind him of that
which he had last seen on the sacred face of her Son.
CHAPTER X.
The Legend of the Roman Soldier.
I HAD fastened up several of Percival's pictures on the wall
of the room which he now occupied; and in which he
received frequent visits from my aunt. On one occasion the
following conversation was held between them.
Marcus was startled at the word. "What! Are you one of the
followers of Him who died on Calvary?" cried the soldier,
drawing back, and surveying almost with fear one whom by
a slight exertion of his giant strength, he could have dashed
to the ground. "If you be a disciple of Christ, far from
staying the execution of justice, you will slay me yourself,
and trample my blood under your feet! Take yon sword, and
strike home!"
Asahel, such was his name, obeyed the sign, and prepared
himself to listen.
But for some minutes only deep groans were heard from
the unhappy Roman, who seemed to shrink from beginning
his terrible confession. At last, averting his eyes, he thus
began:
"I did not!" cried Marcus fiercely. "I was not base enough for
that. When I looked at that calm majestic Sufferer, I
thought Him more kingly in His robe of mockery, than
Pontius Pilate in all his state!"
"When I heard the yelling of the savage mob, thirsty for
blood, I said to myself, 'Were I in the place of our Governor,
those slaves might shout as they pleased, I would never
give Him up, innocent as He is, to fanatic priest or frantic
people! I would not so play the coward!'"
The soldier's head sank on his broad breast, and the strong
man wept.
"Christ said, 'Father, forgive them; for they know not what
they do!'" said Asahel, softly.
"Oh that I had done that!" cried the Christian Jew, bursting
into tears. "Blessed man! Thou wert the only one, then, to
relieve the Saviour's dying anguish!"
"I was one of that three thousand," said the converted Jew.
"I believed, and I was forgiven. The blood which flowed on
the cross was a full, sufficient, atonement even for guilt
such as mine."
"And will it avail even for me?" exclaimed Marcus, the first
ray of hope glimmering on the midnight of his despair.
"Did Christ not pray for thee, O brother? And art thou not
already forgiven?"
CHAPTER XI.
Asleep.
I SHALL ever remember that evening: what followed
impressed it so deeply on my mind.
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