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Before and After Babel
 Before and After Babel
Writing as Resistance in Ancient Near Eastern
Empires

MARC VAN DE MIEROOP

 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Van de Mieroop, Marc, author.
Title: Before and after Babel : writing as resistance in ancient Near
Eastern empires / Marc Van De Mieroop.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2023] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022029901 (print) | LCCN 2022029902 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780197634660 (hardback) | ISBN 9780197634684 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Cuneiform writing—History. |
Writing—Middle East—History—To 1500.
Classification: LCC PJ3211.V36 2023 (print) | LCC PJ3211 (ebook) |
DDC 492/.1—dc23/eng/20220920
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022029901
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022029902

DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197634660.001.0001
For Hector, who will always be remembered
 Contents

Illustrations

Introduction

PART I: The Babylonian Cosmopolis: The Cuneiform Sign

1. Reading Gilgameš in the Zagros Mountains: The Eighteenth
Century BC
2. In the Spell of Babylonian Writing
3. Mystery Guardians of an Ancient Tradition
4. The Height of Cosmopolitanism: Reading Gilgameš in Hattusas
Coda

PART II: The Vernacular Millennium: The Tower of Babel

5. Scrupulous Continuity
6. Luwian: The Ephemeral Success of a Non-Cosmopolitan
Tradition
7. Vernaculars That Changed the World: Phoenician and Aramaic
8. From Minority Languages to World Literatures: The Hebrew
Case
9. From Minority Languages to World Literatures: The Greek Case
10. The Vernacular and Its Consequences
Epilogue: Clash of Cosmopoleis?

Notes
Bibliography
Index
 Illustrations

Map I.1 The ancient Near East

Figure 1.1 Babylonian school tablet from the early second
millennium
Figure 2.1 An Old Assyrian loan document from Kaneš
Figure 3.1 A bilingual prayer from Sippar-Amnanum
Map II.1 The western Near East in the first millennium
Figure 5.1 Cuneiform and alphabetic scribes
Figure 6.1 Shell inscribed with Luwian hieroglyphs
Figure 7.1 Brick inscribed with the name of Adad-nadin-aḫḫe
Figure 9.1 A 5th-century Attic painted amphora inscribed with
names of the characters depicted
Figure 10.1 The Kilamuwa stele
 Introduction

HISTORIANS OF ANTIQUITY would be out of a job were it not for the

written word. From their perspective, writing was one of the most
important inventions in world history—had it not been created, we
could still study people of the distant past, but we would not know
their names and most of their thoughts, and numerous other aspects
of their existence would be so unclear to us that we could not apply
most methods of historical analysis to them. From the perspective of
the ancient people, too, writing was a critical invention. Even if few
of them knew how to write, for those who did it provided
opportunities unimaginable otherwise. Beyond its very practical
applications, writing opened up intellectual prospects and pathways.
It allowed scholars to speculate, to communicate and record ideas.
Not all languages were written down, however. Potentially scribes
had many options, but they were not allowed to use them all if they
wanted to be taken seriously. Only certain languages were
considered suitable for intellectual pursuits, as is still true today
when no one publishes scholarly research in colloquial idioms.
Throughout history not all scripts had the same status either: cursive
scripts are not considered suitable for monumental inscriptions, for
example. A present-day parallel may be that no academic publication
would accept a contribution in which emojis make its point.
The choices of languages and scripts are not inconsequential. For
modern historians they determine what they can investigate through
written remains—some scripts remain undeciphered and some
languages incomprehensible. Moreover, throughout history when
scribes utilized certain languages and scripts, they became part of
specific traditions that could extend back millennia in time and
carried much intellectual baggage. It is thus important for us to
understand what scripts and languages the people we study used
and why. This book investigates these matters in the long history of
the ancient Near East, exceedingly well documented with hundreds
of thousands of manuscripts. They stretch in time from the fourth
millennium BC to the first centuries AD, in space from the eastern
Mediterranean to western Iran. In this vast domain we can recognize
multiple attitudes toward the uses of languages and scripts—
attitudes that give us insight into these ancient people’s thoughts
that go much deeper than what they expressed with the words they
wrote down.
This book will contrast two distinct approaches toward the writing
down of languages in this long time frame and wide geography. On
the one hand, there was the shared use of the Babylonian languages
—Sumerian, Akkadian, and their combination in bilingual texts—all
written in the same cuneiform script across many regions and by
people who spoke a wide variety of languages. This was a
cosmopolitan tradition with roots in the southern region of Iraq
today, but scribes from all over the Near East maintained and
developed it. Over many dozens of generations they copied out and
rewrote texts that were in foreign languages, one of them already a
dead language early in this sequence. On the other hand, there was
a wide variety of languages with several linguistic backgrounds,
spoken and written down regionally and in multiple scripts. Those
were the vernaculars of the eastern Mediterranean with a great
diversity of texts written in each of the individual cases, some of
them with ephemeral existences, others with a very long-term
impact on world literature. This book will argue for an evolution in
the attitudes of writers toward these systems with radical differences
between the second and first millennia BC. In the earlier millennium
no one who wrote a work of high literary or scholarly value would
think of doing so in anything but the cosmopolitan Babylonian idiom;
in contrast, in the later millennium numerous vernacular systems
existed alongside the cosmopolitan one which survived in the
imperial centers of Mesopotamia alone. A major question will be
what caused the change in behavior and what the consequences
were.
The existence of cosmopolitan and vernacular writings is not
unparalleled in world history. My work here owes much to that of
Sheldon Pollock in his studies of two other examples, somewhat later
in history than what I study here, in the first millennium AD: the
Sanskrit and Latin cosmopoleis and the vernaculars that succeeded
them. I use the terms “cosmopolitan” and “vernacular,” which can be
employed in different contexts, as he does, that is, applied to literate
culture and irrespective of the geopolitical circumstances. In a
cosmopolitan system people with different cultural backgrounds,
speaking diverse languages and living in distinct political formations
share the same language and script for their written
communications. In contrast, vernaculars make use of individual
languages and oftentimes scripts to record all types of writing.
Those are not limited to documenting speech but also enable high
literary and scholarly creativity. The vernaculars exist in a context
that includes the cosmopolitan and interact with it.1 Very
importantly, these usages are all the outcome of choices made
consciously. It is not the case that one is elite, the other popular, but
the same kind of people—in the cases studied here, those attached
to courts and government institutions—decide which system to use.
It should be clear that the evidence we will deal with does not reveal
the conditions among the populations in general. One of the
remarkable aspects of the eastern Mediterranean world, today and in
the past, is the diversity of languages its inhabitants actively use. I
will repeat that throughout the book in order to counteract groups
like Daesh but also its critics, who try to erase that fact and whose
rewriting of history has penetrated the world’s perception of the
region. Although the polyglot situation I will describe in the distant
past was surely not the same as now, the general setting of people
living in the same region and using multiple languages and scripts is.
But while we may have access to all levels of society today if we
make the effort, that is not true for the past when only written
remains inform us. And those of the periods discussed here are all
the products of small segments of the populations, the literate men
and women, some with basic levels of education, others with much
more advanced ones. Not only the Babylonian cosmopolitan system
was one of high culture, so were the vernaculars.
The Sanskrit and Latin cases show different reasons for the
existence of cosmopolitan systems and for the appearance of
vernacular ones. The ancient Near Eastern situation has its own
distinctive features, the bilingualism of the cosmopolitan tradition a
very major one. I aim to demonstrate in the first part of this book
how the Babylonian cosmopolis functioned as a truly “international”
(an anachronistic term in a period without nations) system with
active participation and input of many different people. In the
second part, I will describe the emergence of some of the
vernaculars (not all as there were too many and the evidence on
them can be too scanty to allow for substantive conclusions) and
their relationship to the cosmopolitan tradition that continued to
exist, as well as what the consequences of their appearance were.
My discussion will deal with many texts, cultures, and traditions that
have been the subject of numerous investigations and have
provoked much scholarly debate. While my bibliography is already
very long, I cannot say that I have been able to consult all this work
and integrate it here. Some colleagues may feel slighted, which was
not my intention. Obviously there will be people who disagree with
my interpretations while others will feel that my discussions are too
superficial. My aim is to stimulate further debate by combining topics
often studied independently is a wider context, and I welcome
elaborations including those that prove me wrong.
I could not resist to call the book Before and After Babel, using
the probably somewhat hackneyed biblical reference to “the
confusion of tongues.” It is especially appropriate for this study,
however, because the story in the biblical book of Genesis
dramatically explains how humankind came to use multiple
languages. The story focuses on Babel, the city of Babylon, and its
tower, which stand as the icons of Babylonian culture. I will focus
here on that other cultural icon of Babylonia, the cuneiform script.
While at one time every Near Eastern literate intellectual understood
that script, that was no longer the case when Genesis was written.
How could that have happened?
Without having planned this, it became clear to me while writing
the various chapters of this book that the Epic of Gilgameš provides
the clearest example of how people throughout Near Eastern history
changed their attitudes toward what to write and how. I do not want
to repeat here the idea, popular a century ago, that Gilgameš
inspired the stories of Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Paul—a theory
elaborated at length by Peter Jensen in his monumental Das
Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur (1906–1928). But Gilgameš was
a central character in the literary imagination of the ancient Near
East. Stories about him certainly circulated in writing in the early
second millennium ascribing a remarkable array of adventures and
accomplishments to him. After an Akkadian-writing author at that
time molded them into a whole that we now call the Babylonian Epic
of Gilgameš, discarding some earlier ideas but also enriching the
character with new aspects, the text was copied and elaborated by
numerous ancient Near Eastern authors over many centuries.
Manuscripts with sometimes surprisingly new variants continue to
appear. This was not the preserve of Babylonians; authors from
Anatolia, Syria, and the Levant engaged with the epic, modified it,
excerpted it, and translated it. And once cuneiform was no longer
the dominant script, people referred to elements of it in a variety of
languages. They did not translate passages, but reformulated them
to fit new contexts and ideologies or simply mentioned characters
from the epic. Gilgameš started out as a truly cosmopolitan text,
shared by all those who knew cuneiform. Every author contributed in
shaping this text, which was alive and never finished, and as a study
of the evolution of the epic now decades old pointed out, each of
these versions should be “taken seriously as a piece of literature in
its own right.”2 But it was also a text that was so famous in the
ancient Near East that writers who did not use cuneiform knew
about elements of it and reacted to it. The memory of the main
character and some others in the epic lingered for a long time in the
later Near East. Thus I decided to refer to the epic at least once in
every chapter (whenever possible) as a narrative strategy. This book
is not an analysis of Gilgameš and its history, but the epic is just one
illustration of the long history of interaction with and manipulation of
texts that was common practice in the ancient Near East.
That is the aim of this book: I want to shed light on a millennia-
long tradition about how and what to write, a tradition that upheld a
system of thought inherently connected to the script. While it
dominated the entire Near East for more than a thousand years, it
lost that power later on. But that did not mean that its presence was
not acknowledged or inconsequential. When competing, less
encompassing systems emerged, they did so in dialogue with it. For
a full understanding of the literate cultural history of the ancient
Near East—which gave rise to traditions that had a massive impact
on the later world—we need to understand this interplay between
the cosmopolitan and the vernacular.
I started to think about elements of this book when I was invited
to participate at a conference the Center for Canon and Identity
Formation at the University of Copenhagen organized in 2010 and
only afterward realized the scale of the project. Throughout the
subsequent decade I brought up aspects of it to many people,
whose comments influenced the final outcome without either they or
I being fully conscious of it, as all of the discussions were in informal
settings. I hope my friends and colleagues with whom I chatted over
the years do not feel snubbed if I do not mention them by name.
Writing a book takes time and the American Council of Learned
Societies helped me find it when it enabled me to extend a
sabbatical leave in 2016–2017 for another semester. At the same
time, my home institution, Columbia University, remained an ideal
supporter of this type of research through its leave policies and
other assistance. Paradoxically perhaps, the COVID-19 epidemic
stirred me to work hard on finishing the book, a process whose final
stages OUP’s Stefan Vranka skillfully and enthusiastically guided. I
am grateful to all people and institutions named and unnamed for
their generous help. I dedicate this book to Hector, who came into
our lives right after the manuscript was finished and tragically left us
much too soon thereafter—it will always remind me of him.
 PART I

The Babylonian Cosmopolis

The Cuneiform Sign

In those days the lands of Šubur and Hamazi, twin-tongued Sumer—the great
country of princely order—, Akkad—the country that has everything befitting
—, and the land of Martu—where one lies in green pastures—, the whole
universe of people entrusted to him, addressed the god Enlil in a single
language.
Back then, because of the contests between lords, princes and kings, Enki—
because of the contests between lords, princes and kings, Enki—, the lord of
abundance, who speaks the truth, the wise lord who looks after the land, the
leader of the gods, chosen for his wisdom, the lord of Eridu, put foreign
languages in their mouths, while the language of mankind had been one.

These words written on a clay tablet sometime in the early centuries

of the second millennium BC are part of the epic we call Enmerkar
and the Lord of Aratta, a story that recounts the contest between
Enmerkar, the king of the southern Babylonian city Uruk in modern
Iraq, and the unnamed lord of Aratta, a city in modern Afghanistan.
While Enmerkar bluntly demanded submission, his distant rival
replied with seemingly impossible requests, such as a delivery of
grain in nets. Yet Enmerkar always found solutions. The hero of the
tale is the herald, also nameless, who made seven trips carrying
messages back and forth. Framing these travels are two passages
that form a pair. In the first, just quoted, the author looked back at a
golden age when everyone—in the north and the east, in Sumer and
Akkad, and in the west—spoke the same language. Because lords,
princes, and kings squabbled, Enki, the god of wisdom had changed
that, and now there were foreign tongues.
 The counterpart to this passage comes when the herald prepared
for his final trip to present the lord of Aratta with a counterchallenge.
Enmerkar’s words were so complex that he was unable to memorize
them. So Enmerkar invented writing:

Those were his words, but their content was too deep. The herald could not
repeat them as the words were too heavy. Because the herald could not
repeat them as the words were too heavy the lord of Kulab (that is, Uruk)
patted some clay and placed the words on it as if it were a seal. Before that
day no one put words on clay. Now, when the sun rose on that day, it was so.
The lord of Kulab placed his words on clay—so it was!1

Putting his words on clay, Enmerkar wrote cuneiform, the script also
used for all the epic’s manuscripts. With this act he outwitted his
opponent, reversing the confusion with which Enki had ended the
golden age: a single system of writing became the means of
communication everywhere. And that system was cuneiform, the
script with signs made up of a combination of wedges impressed on
clay.
Cuneiform is perhaps the most iconic feature of ancient
Babylonian culture. People there and throughout the Near East
utilized it from the mid-fourth millennium BC to the first century AD to
record a gigantic mass of writings the known remains of which
number more than a million today. They impressed the signs on clay
tablets or in wax spread onto wooden and ivory boards, carved them
into stone, engraved them in metal, and tattooed them onto the
skins of people and animals. The texts record a multitude of
languages: Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Hurrian, Urartian, Elamite,
and others, and render what people said or some literalized version
of it. They all wrote cuneiform, however, and with the script’s
invention it became possible once again for all the world’s people to
use the same system to address the main god of the Sumerian
pantheon, Enlil.
But to those who knew cuneiform writing well it was much more
than a record; it was not secondary to speech but primary to it. As
the epic states, its messages were deeper than could be rendered in
speech. Each sign had the potential to reveal more than its first
reading. It was polyvalent in that it could be pronounced differently,
read as an entire word or as a syllable, substituted by other signs,
and manipulated in other ways. Its meaning was never fixed; on the
contrary, it had to be explored, expanded, and explained to reveal
insights that were only present in the written word, much richer than
the spoken one. The cuneiform sign was not just iconic for the way
it looked but also for the intellectual value it had for the ancient
Babylonians. It was the path to truth.
When Enmerkar’s epic was composed, it was indeed the case that
everyone who wrote—all over the world from the perspective of
someone living in Babylonia—did so in the cuneiform script and
typically in the Sumerian and Akkadian languages, distinct yet like
twins in their use. Sumer was indeed “twin-tongued.” By adopting
the writing system, people from all over the Near East became part
of Babylonia’s world and its intellectual practices. They contributed
to them by expanding the procedures within new cultural spheres
and for different languages and thus, together with their colleagues
in Babylonia, established a truly cosmopolitan system. Describing
and analyzing this cosmopolis is the subject of Part I of this book.
MAP I.1 The ancient Near East.
 1
Reading Gilgameš in the Zagros Mountains
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY BC

ON SEPTEMBER 6, 1884, the 49-year-old Christian clergyman-scholar

and editor of a religious newspaper, William Hayes Ward, set out
from New York on an expedition to southern Iraq to identify an
archaeological site that the Americans could explore there. His
travels took him through London, Paris, Munich, Vienna, Budapest,
and Constantinople to meet with scholars and study collections of
antiquities before he entered the world of the former ancient Near
East itself by crossing southern Turkey and northern Iraq, and he
reached Baghdad on New Year’s Eve. On the road he saw with envy
what the famous British and French explorers Layard, Botta, and
Place had unearthed in Nineveh, Kalhu, and Dur-Šarrukin. He
pushed on farther south than those Assyrian capitals, however,
despite warnings of the dangers he would face—and once a herd of
wild boars did block his expedition’s path—and that Ottoman Turkish
government control was virtually absent there. He wanted to reach
the four oldest cities of Babylonia, if not the world, according to
chapter 10 of the book of Genesis, based on a translation then in
standard use: Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh in the land of Shinar.
Following Henry Rawlinson, he identified the last city with Niffer, a
vast set of mounds, which he mistakenly claimed no archaeologist
had previously touched, and after he returned to New York on June
20, 1885, he urged his colleagues and financial sponsors to excavate
the site as America’s entry into Near Eastern archaeology. His
fundraising efforts were successful: in 1888 the University of
Pennsylvania started work there, which lasted until 1900—between
1949 and 1990 the University of Pennsylvania and the Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago followed up the early
excavations with 19 further seasons. The site turned out to be a
goldmine, providing rich documentation on an important southern
Mesopotamian city from the sixth millennium BC to the 8th century
AD. The modern name Niffer or Nuffar still preserves its ancient
designation, Nibru in Sumerian, Nippuru in Akkadian. I will refer to it
here as Nippur, following usual scholarly practice.1

Schooling at Nippur
Among the tens of thousands of cuneiform tablets and fragments
the archaeologists found at Nippur over the many seasons of
excavations were thousands from the 18th century BC that contain
literary and scholarly writings. The early members of the project had
a vicious debate—masking major personality clashes and a struggle
for control over a new scholarly discipline—over whether or not
these constituted a temple library, a collection of literature and
scholarship like the one of King Assurbanipal the British had
discovered in Nineveh. Today everyone agrees they are the products
of schooling, which in the first centuries of the second millennium BC,
a period we refer to as Old Babylonian, took place in private
residences. Sometimes the students went to the houses of priests
and other educated people; at other times it seems that tutors came
to the students. The teachers were otherwise engaged in business
and administration, and it was their skills as writers that they passed
on. When they were priests, for example, they were the members of
the temple staff who kept the accounts—priesthood was not just a
cultic activity; it involved practical tasks such as the administration of
the temple’s assets. The type of education they provided was
essentially homeschooling probably for some of their own children as
well as a few others from the neighborhood. They taught young
boys and some girls how to read and write by copying out a
curriculum of increasingly complicated scholarly and literary texts in
the Sumerian language, which was no longer spoken at the time.
The number of manuscripts from Nippur is gigantic and dominates
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