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The Bible in History
The Bible in History
How the Texts Have Shaped the Times
Second Edition
DAVID W. KLING
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the
University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing
worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and
certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.
© Oxford University Press 2023
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in
writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under
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reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department,
Oxford University Press, at the address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same
condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Kling, David W., 1950- author.
Title: The Bible in history : how the texts have shaped the times / David W. Kling.
Description: Second edition. | New York, NY, United States of America : Oxford University
Press, [2023] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022027337 (print) | LCCN 2022027338 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780197669075 (pb) | ISBN 9780197525364 (hb) | ISBN 9780197525388 (epub) |
ISBN 9780197525395
Subjects: LCSH: Bible—Influence. | Church history.
Classification: LCC BS538.7 .K55 2022 (print) | LCC BS538.7 (ebook) |
DDC 220.09—dc23/eng/20220810
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022027337
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022027338
“The Four Moments of Lectio Divina” from Sacred Reading: The Art of Lectio Divina by
Michael Casey. Liguori Publications, 1995. Used by permission. All rights reserved.
Unless otherwise noted or within a quoted source, all Scripture quotations contained herein
are from the New Revised Standard Version Bible, copyright © 1989, Division of Christian
Education of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the United States of America.
Used by permission. All rights reserved.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197525364.001.0001
To the memory of Gordon S. Kling, Sr. and E. Regina Kling
Contents
Introduction
1. “Follow Me”: Anthony and the Rise of Monasticism
2. “Upon This Rock”: Peter and the Papacy
3. “Let Him Kiss Me with the Kisses of His Mouth!”: Bernard and
the Song of Songs
4. “The Righteous Will Live by Faith”: Luther’s Search for a
Gracious God
5. “Love Your Enemies”: Anabaptists and the Peace Tradition
6. “Let My People Go”: Exodus in the African American Experience
7. “Filled with the Holy Spirit”: The Roots of Pentecostalism
8. “One in Christ Jesus”: Women’s Ministry and Ordination
9. “Go and Make Disciples of All Nations”: The Great Commission
and the Modern Protestant Missionary Movement
10. “Men Committed Shameless Acts with Men”: The Homosexual
Debate in Our Time
Conclusion
Notes
General Index
Index of Scripture
Preface to the Second Edition
When The Bible in History was first published over fifteen years ago
(2004), I had no idea that I was adding to an ensuing surge of
articles, monographs, books series, and encyclopedias dedicated to
the reception of the Bible. One large-scale project had already been
in the works—InterVarsity Press’s Ancient Christian Commentary on
Scripture (2002–), to be followed by its new companion series,
Ancient Christian Texts (2009–). Two other projects, more extensive
in geographical and chronological reach, included the Wiley-
Blackwell Bible Commentaries (2004–), whose editors claimed that
the series was “the first to be devoted primarily to the reception
history of the Bible;” and The Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its
Reception (2009–), “the first-ever and only comprehensive reference
work on the Bible and its reception.” This mammoth project of thirty
projected volumes (twenty-one currently published) is edited by a
team of international scholars and involves nearly four thousand
authors. De Gruyter also publishes a book series (Studies of the
Bible and Its Reception) and the Journal of the Bible and Its
Reception. In addition, a multivolume series from 2000 to 2013
emerged from the Society of Biblical Literature, “Romans Through
History and Cultures” seminar/consultation.1 Single-volume edited
works published in the last decade include A Concise Dictionary of
the Bible and Its Reception (Westminster John Knox, 2009), The
Oxford Handbook of the Reception History of the Bible (2011),
Reception History and Biblical Studies: Theory and Practice
(Bloomsbury, 2015), The Oxford Handbook of the Bible in America
(2017), The Bible in American Life (Oxford, 2017), and The Cultural
Reception of the Bible (Four Courts Press, 2018).
Although ostensibly the “first ever,” the recent proliferation of
published works on the history of biblical interpretation and its allied
partner, reception history, is not a new phenomenon.2 Biblical
interpretation and the reception of the Bible have been present in
some form for as long as there has been a Christian tradition. But
why the extraordinary focus of scholarly inquiry today? I offered my
own personal reasons in the Introduction to this book, but I was
unaware of other factors that may have been at play. I did mention
that biblical scholars, mining the historical critical method for its
remaining nuggets of insight, turned to reception history as a new
and compelling area of research. Yet there are other reasons, at
least some of which lie beyond interests purely academic. In his
General Introduction to the Ancient Christian Commentary on
Scripture, Thomas Oden maintained that a “revitalization of Christian
teaching” could come from an examination of ancient biblical
commentators.3 Here, the past becomes a useable resource. On the
other end of the spectrum, the postmodern ethos, which recognizes
that historical and personal contexts shape different readings of
texts, has undoubtedly contributed to the upsurge in reception
history. Here, the present is a discomfiting resource. Finally, the
digital revolution has made possible the proliferation of published
works, including books and articles on the history of interpretation
and reception history. A generation ago, it might have taken weeks
or months to secure an author for a single encyclopedia entry; it
now takes only a few days or a week. In short, because the
publishing process is much more efficient these days, the market has
enjoyed a considerable benefit.
Whatever the reasons for this publishing profusion, I am complicit
by adding two new chapters to this second edition. The first
additional chapter, focusing on what became known in the
nineteenth century as the “Great Commission” text in Matthew
28:18–20, considers the various interpretative emphases before,
during, and after the text emerged as the iconic text of missionary
motivation in the modern period. The second chapter takes up the
divisive and ongoing issue of the Bible and male homosexuality. In
this case, there is not a single text that I examine (although Romans
1:26–27 is crucial), but several Old and New Testament texts that
allude (or may allude) to male homosexual practices. Both chapters
engage the subtitle of this book, “how the texts have shaped the
times,” but, as I contend in the chapter on male homosexuality, the
“times” have had an enormous impact on shaping the interpretation
of the texts, and hence, on the continuing disputes over the
meaning of those texts.
As in the first edition, I have incurred multiple debts in seeing this
second edition to completion. Once again, I thank the team at
Oxford University Press—especially the now-retired executive editor,
Cynthia Read, who endorsed this second edition with the same
enthusiasm as the first; and her successor, Theo Calderara, who has
overseen this book to publication. Closer to home, my colleague and
longtime friend, Daniel Pals, provided his usual keen insights and
sparkling editorial hand to these new chapters. Even closer yet, my
wife, Barbara, remains a constant source of love and support.
These chapters were researched and written from 2020 to 2021,
the years of the COVID-19 pandemic. The only social reprieve during
several months of isolation was the “COVID Crowd” of Dan, Phyllis,
and Katie Pals; colleague Dexter Callender; daughter Hannah Kling
and her husband, Nicholas Kuntz; and my wife, Barbara. I thank
them for reinforcing the truism that indeed, we are social animals in
need of the company of others.
The first edition of The Bible in History was dedicated to my
parents. This second is dedicated to their memory.
Acknowledgments
As the reader will observe from textual references and endnotes, this
work is greatly indebted to the scholarship of others. It is also
indebted to the suggestions, insights, and assistance of numerous
other people. Apart from my own earlier ruminations on this project
(discussed in the Introduction), an impetus for this book came in
1994 from John Corrigan, whose manuscript draft of the
“Christianity” section in the subsequently published Jew, Christians,
Muslims: A Comparative Introduction to Monotheistic Religions
(Prentice-Hall, 1998) I was asked to review. Corrigan’s attention to
the role of Scripture in the history of Christianity, though not
extensive, meshed with my own embryonic thoughts about the role
of Scripture in Christian history. I wondered, could a more
comprehensive story of the Bible’s influence in Christian history be
told in a way that would at once blend history and hermeneutics?
Could I offer some insight into why a particular biblical text came to
the fore, was given a particular interpretation, and subsequently
influenced the course of Christian history? What follows, of course, is
an answer to these and many other questions raised by the readers
and listeners of presentations of this book in its various stages of
development.
I first tried out the general shape of this book in two settings—
ecclesiastical and academic. For listening patiently to
underdeveloped ideas and prodding greater clarity of expression, I
thank the participants in a 1996 adult education class at Immanuel
Presbyterian Church (Miami) and students in a 1998 fall seminar at
the University of Miami. Among the latter, I gratefully acknowledge
the indulgence of Glaister Brown, Scott Chadda, Jessica Gilbride,
Kateri Hilton, Nathan Novak, Kristen Oostdyk, Jenny Reider, and
Renata Schwedhelm. Another student, Sarah Thompson Chule,
rendered helpful bibliographic assistance and commented on several
chapters. Thanks also to Alex Cuenca, my student assistant, for
reconfiguring the manuscript to conform to the guidelines of Oxford
University Press.
A number of colleagues, known and unknown to me personally,
took time away from their own work to lend assistance. For adding
conceptual clarity to this project, I thank Mark Noll and several
anonymous readers for Oxford University Press. Henry Green, Dexter
Callender, Nancy Hardesty, Daniel Pals, Willard Swartley, and Michael
Westmoreland-White offered bibliographic suggestions and/or
clarifications on portions of chapters. Bernard McGinn, Mickey
Mattox, Douglas Sweeney, Martin Marty, J. Denny Weaver, Stuart
Murray, Arnold Snyder, Will Coleman, and Douglas Jacobsen read
and commented upon individual chapters. I have also benefitted
from conversations with long-time friends Bruce Hultgren and David
and Margo Miller.
To three scholars and friends who read the entire manuscript, I
express my heartfelt thanks. In his usual timely and efficient manner,
Craig Blomberg offered balanced judgments and bibliographic
suggestions. I am especially grateful to two colleagues in the
Department of Religious Studies at the University of Miami. With the
eye of an assiduous editor, Stephen Sapp combed through the entire
manuscript and saved me from infelicities in grammar and diction.
John Fitzgerald plunged me deeper into the complex world of biblical
scholarship, offered extensive, thought-provoking comments, saved
me from embarrassing blunders, and heightened my respect for his
own field of biblical studies.
The staffs of several libraries answered queries and offered much-
needed assistance. Thanks to the library personnel and specialists at
St. John Vianney College Seminary (Miami), Western Michigan
University, Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary, and especially
the University of Miami, whose staff processed hundreds of
interlibrary loan requests.
Several other people and institutions deserve special thanks for
their encouragement and largesse. I probably would not have
written this book if it were not for Cynthia Read of Oxford University
Press, whose enthusiastic endorsement of this project in its
prospectus stage enabled me to work with the confidence that what
I was doing would eventually appear in print. I could have not
sustained this project without the financial assistance of several
granting agencies. The University of Miami supported this work
through a summer Max Orovitz Research Grant and a General
Research Grant for travel. I am especially grateful to the Lilly
Endowment–funded Louisville Institute for its generous Christian
Faith and Life Sabbatical Grant that enabled me to devote the 1999–
2000 academic year to this project.
Family members did not contribute anything directly to this work,
but I have been sustained by their love in the realization that the
meaning of human relationships far exceeds the meaning of texts.
Parents-in-law Gordon and Phyllis Bacon deserve special recognition
for their care and support through the years. Thanks to my children
—Elizabeth Corson, Justin Kling, Phillip Kyrk, and Hannah Kling—for
enriching life in so many ways and offering a welcomed respite from
“another day at the office.” A thank you hardly expresses
appreciation to my wife, Barbara, who has graced my life and on
numerous occasions adjusted her busy schedule to accommodate
my scholarship.
This book is dedicated to parents whose call to serve and minister
in the Christian church inspired me in the pursuit of another, though
not unrelated, calling. It is to them that I owe my first exposure to
the Bible.
Abbreviations
AB Anchor Bible
ABR American Benedictine Review
ACW Ancient Christian Writers: The Works of the Fathers in Translation.
Edited by J. Quasten et al. 55 vols. New York: Newman; Mahwah, N.J.:
Paulist, 1946–.
ANF Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers Down to
A.D. 325. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. 10 vols.
1885–96. Reprint, Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1978–79.
ANTC Abingdon New Testament Commentaries
BNTC Black’s New Testament Commentaries
BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester
CFS Cistercian Fathers Series
CGR Conrad Grebel Review
CH Church History
CS Cistercian Studies
CSS Cistercian Studies Series
CWS Classics of Western Spirituality: A Library of the Great Spiritual Masters.
Mahwah, N.J.: Paulist, 1978–.
FC Fathers of the Church
FCB Feminist Companion to the Bible
GNC Good News Commentary
HTR Harvard Theological Review
IB Interpreter’s Bible. Edited by G. A. Buttrick et al. 12 vols. New York:
Abingdon, 1951–57.
IBCR International Bulletin of Missionary Research
ICC International Critical Commentary
ITC International Theological Commentary
JAAR Journal of the American Academy of Religion
JAH Journal of American History
JBC Jerome Biblical Commentary. Edited by Raymond E. Brown et al.
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1968.
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JES Journal of Ecumenical Studies
JETS Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society
JPT Journal of Pentecostal Theology
JPTSS Journal of Pentecostal Theology Supplement Series
JR Journal of Religion
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament
JSNTSS Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
LCC The Library of Christian Classics. Edited by J. Baillie et al. 26 vols.
Philadelphia: Westminster, 1953–66.
LCL Loeb Classical Library
LQ Lutheran Quarterly
LW Luther’s Works, American Edition. Edited by Jaroslav Pelikan, vols. 1–30;
Helmut T. Lehman, vols. 31–55. St. Louis: Concordia, and Philadelphia:
Fortress (formerly Muhlenberg Press), 1955–86.
MFC Message of the Fathers of the Church
MQR Mennonite Quarterly Review
MS Monastic Studies
NCB New Century Bible (Commentary)
NICNT New International Commentary on the New Testament
NICOT New International Commentary on the Old Testament
NIGTC New International Greek Testament Commentary
NPNF A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian
Church. Edited by Philip Schaff et al. 2 series (14 vols. each). 1887–94.
Reprint, Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1952–56.
NTM New Testament Message
OTG Old Testament Guides
OTL Old Testament Library
Pneuma Pneuma: Journal for the Society of Pentecostal Studies
PSB Princeton Seminary Bulletin
SAC Studies in Antiquity and Christianity
SP Sacra Pagina
SEC Studies in Early Christianity: A Collection of Scholarly Essays. Edited by
Everret Ferguson. 18 vols. New York: Garland, 1993.
StPatr Studia Patristica
ThTo Theology Today
TLS Theology and Life Series
TNTC Tyndale New Testament Commentaries
TOTC Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries
TPINTC TPI New Testament Commentaries
TS Theological Studies
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WC Westminster Commentaries
Introduction
The basic idea for this book originated in the classroom. During my
teaching career, I have taught in two kinds of educational
environments: one a private, nonsectarian university, the other a
variety of Christian settings, including a Protestant college, a Catholic
seminary, and a number of Protestant churches. In my experience,
students in both groups labor under misapprehensions that,
although quite different, are related. On the one hand, university
students may learn something from a course in the history of
Christianity, but when the last assignment is completed and the final
exam taken, they have little knowledge of the Bible’s relationship to
developments in the history of Christianity. Ironically, it is as if the
Christian faith, often labeled a “religion of the book,” were bereft of
a guiding sacred text throughout its history. On the other hand,
although students in Christian educational settings have a working
knowledge of the Bible, they have little understanding of how
various biblical texts have been interpreted and applied throughout
history. For them there is a different irony: it is as if the Christian
faith, often called a “historical religion,” were devoid of twenty
centuries of history. And so the idea occurred to me, now expressed
in the pages that follow, to make some attempt to bridge the gap
between Scripture and its place in the history of Christianity.
Given the specialties and subspecialties of the field, historians of
Christianity seldom venture into the discipline of biblical scholarship.
In fact, a perusal of general works on the history of Christianity turns
up limited references to the impact of the Bible as a formative
influence in Christian history. Apart from a discussion of the
formation and role of sacred texts as they relate to the early
Christian community and a comment on Luther’s “evangelical
breakthrough” in his reading of Romans 1:17, few narratives on the
history of Christianity consider specific biblical texts in any depth.
Biblical scholars, although they are attuned to historical
developments, typically focus on the original Sitz im Leben—the life
setting in which the text was produced and used—rather than on the
appropriation and application of a text in subsequent history.
Several consequences arise from detaching biblical texts from
their application in diverse historical contexts. For one, such neglect
creates a false impression that sacred texts are static, stable entities,
that they function independently of time and place. But this has
never been so. First, the Bible itself is embedded in a variety of
cultural contexts and reflects the influences of its social settings.
Second, because of the changing nature of life itself, nearly every
generation of Christians has reinterpreted Scripture (with varying
degrees of self-awareness) in order to make the Bible relevant to
their concerns. This interpretive task is precisely what the
hermeneutical enterprise endeavors: to understand how a biblical
text is to be interpreted and applied in the present-day situation.1 In
the words of Paul Ricoeur, “Hermeneutics is the very deciphering of
life in the mirror of the text.”2 We decipher life by carrying on a
dialogue with the text about our world and its world.
Consider the example of Anthony, the subject of the first chapter.
After hearing the words of Jesus, “If you wish to be perfect, go, sell
your possessions, and give the money to the poor, and you will have
treasure in heaven,” this obscure Egyptian Christian in the late third
century took this advice with a literal-minded passion. He gave away
his possessions, left the civilized world, headed to the desert, and
became the putative founder of the monastic movement.
Throughout the centuries, however, other Christians have
understood Jesus’ words to the rich young man quite differently,
and, in fact, some see in Anthony a perversion of Jesus’ intent. No,
they argue, Anthony was more influenced by his surroundings (e.g.,
a general ascetic environment) than he was by a correct reading of
the text. What, then, was the rise of monasticism? A continuation of
themes adumbrated in the New Testament, an unwitting concession
to the ascetic milieu of the ancient world, or some combination?
Such questions prompt other questions engaged throughout this
book. Why do particular texts become the focus of attention? What
factors give rise to a new understanding of a text? What traditions or
pre-understandings does an interpreter bring to the text? How do we
understand the interaction between text—be it in oral form as in
Anthony’s case or in written form as in Luther’s—and the interpreter?
Who discerns the correct meaning of a text—the learned, the pious,
the ecclesiastical authorities, the poor, the marginalized? Is there a
single meaning, or are there multiple meanings to the text?3
As a work of both history and biblical studies, this book addresses
the history of ten texts—in some cases a single text, in others
clusters of related texts, and in still others, whole chapters or large
portions of a particular book in the Bible. Although I discuss my
criteria for choosing particular texts later, the necessary limitation of
texts indicates that this study is intentionally episodic, illustrative,
and selective rather than exhaustive or comprehensive in scope.
Dozens, even hundreds, of texts have exerted influence in the
history of Christianity (though exactly how one measures influence is
not easy to define). In tracing the history of ten texts, I offer not so
much an introduction to the history of biblical interpretation as “the
operation of taking soundings”4 or identifying certain texts at certain
moments in history that resonate (“sound”) in the lives of individuals
and extend to a larger Christian community. Each chapter is shaped
roughly like an hourglass. That is, I trace the history of a text on
either side of a particular episode in which the text undergoes an
innovative interpretation. This critical juncture—the neck of the
hourglass—becomes the primary focus of attention in each chapter.
As noted, the concerns of this book address a wide audience of
nonprofessionals (students, informed laypeople) and scholars. For
the uninitiated in the academic guild, as well as for instructors who
may wish to use this book as a supplement to other reading or to
assign only selected chapters, I have sought to provide sufficient
historical background so that each chapter stands alone as a discrete
unit. Where possible, I have also sought to avoid the technical
language and apparatus that characterize contemporary biblical
studies.
At the same time, by undertaking an interdisciplinary study of
history, theology, and biblical studies, I hope to offer scholars new
ways of thinking about the function of sacred texts within the
cultural communities that engage and appropriate them. Historians,
biblical scholars, theologians, and ethicists will obviously find some
things that are familiar to them, but this work of synthesis is
intended to broaden their interdisciplinary horizons. For example,
this project extends the previous work of Gerhard Ebeling, Karlfried
Froelich, Ulrich Luz, Roland Murphy, and recent scholars (primarily
biblical) who have expressed a renewed appreciation for the
Wirkungsgeschichte, or history of the effects that Scripture has
produced in many contexts throughout the history of Christianity.5
My work differs from theirs, however, in its focus on the role of a
biblical text in a particular historical episode; that is, a historical
event or development is the framework for the understanding and
application of a biblical text.
Ebeling envisioned the history of Christianity as the complex
interplay of self-understanding and biblical interpretation, but as
Froelich has remarked, “There seems to be no comprehensive
attempt anywhere to write church history from the angle of the
history of the exposition of Scripture. Ebeling himself . . . never
tackled the task.”6 After working on this project for a number of
years, I think I know why. The task is simply too daunting. The
influence of hundreds of texts upon thousands of individuals and
groups over the course of two thousand years is a challenge too big
for any one individual to comprehend.
In its attention to “hourglass episodes,” this book proceeds
chronologically. I have applied three criteria in selecting such
episodes.
1. Significance. The primary criterion of selection is the extent to
which an interpretation or application of a biblical text significantly
shaped or was invoked as a critical text in the subsequent history of
Christianity. I am not suggesting that great shifts in the Christian
church necessarily turn on important biblical texts, for great shifts
tend to be attitudinal and general in scope. As the historian Edmund
Morgan observes, “Change in Christian thought, even so radical a
change as in the Reformation, has usually been a matter of
emphasis, of giving certain ideas a greater weight than was
previously accorded them or of carrying one idea to its logical
conclusion at the expense of another.”7 During such upheavals, a
specific scriptural text is cited (e.g., Luther’s use of Rom. 1:17),
brought to bear on the situation, and accorded a special status,
often thereby assuming a paradigmatic quality. Reasonable people
will disagree about what events I deem significant—perhaps more
about what I have left out than what I have included—but my list
generally accords with the consensus of other historians of
Christianity and biblical scholars concerned with the history of texts.
Space limitations required eliminating a number of texts and
episodes of comparable significance to those that are included.8
2. Diversity of traditions and texts. I have taken into account the
major Christian traditions, though with different degrees of emphasis
roughly proportionate to my assessment of each tradition’s historical
impact. I have also selected a variety of settings among diverse
peoples, although emphasis is given to American developments for
reasons of my own academic expertise and the intended reading
audience. In addition, I have chosen a variety of scriptural genres
such as narrative, poetry, and didactic literature.
3. Interpretive strategy and varied themes. I have selected
incidents that demonstrate a cross section of exegetical and
hermeneutical approaches, be they simplistic or sophisticated.
Moreover, I have chosen episodes that illustrate the varied
application of scriptural texts in matters related to church polity
(chapters 2, 8), theology (chapter 4), missiology (chapter 9), ethics
(chapters 1, 5, 6, 10), and religious experience (chapters 3, 7).
Some texts have been a source of comfort; others have been a
source of social transformation; still others have been the basis of
revolutionary behavior.
As I have intimated, this book is less concerned with the most
accurate or latest critical understanding of a sacred text than with
the way a text was appropriated by an individual or a community.
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Though he was a man of birth and education, he had bound
himself to a woman who possessed neither, and who was
equally deficient in the amiability and goodness of disposition
which might have done much to make amends for a lack of
the rest.
Mrs. Evans was equally vulgar and purse-proud. She did not
hesitate to put her husband in mind of his indebtedness to her
wealth, or even to hint that she might have bestowed it and
herself better than upon him.
Joyce, though the only daughter of Mr. Evans' only sister, was
not likely to be welcomed by a lady who owned that there was
"nothing she detested like poor relations."
Mrs. Evans said this to her husband, and his reply did not
improve her temper.
"True; poor Mirlees paid with his life for his meddling. But
after all, it is by these poor, foolish, unbusiness-like men that
the clever ones make their money."
Mrs. Evans was like many others who, when wishing to justify
what conscience tells them is wrong, fly to the Bible to see if
they can find a text to justify the course they are taking.
When Mr. Evans named these facts, his wife interrupted him
by asking—
"Where was the use of saving and pinching if the man must
throw it all away at last?"
Mrs. Evans said "I," but the look at her husband meant "you,"
and was intended to remind him of his indebtedness.
On this occasion, Mr. Evans felt the need for diplomacy. Joyce
Mirlees must come to The Chase with the consent of its
mistress; so he was fain to assent to his wife's praise of her
father's business qualities, to pass over her taunts without
notice; and thus he gained his end—after a fashion. Joyce was
to come until work of some kind could be found for her under
another roof.
The Misses Evans expressed their opinion that Joyce would be
fit for nothing.
"She will not suit for a governess," said Augusta, who was a
brilliant pianist. "Music is an essential, and Joyce can neither
play nor sing fit to be heard."
Such were the people to whom and the home to which Joyce
Mirlees came after her father's death.
The girl knew enough of her aunt and cousins to prevent her
from expecting much tenderness or sympathy; but she was
pained, and her uncle annoyed, to find that they were all out
when she arrived at The Chase, though Mrs. Evans knew well
at what time to expect the travellers.
Sarah always protested that she was turned out of her old
home. "I'd rather have served Mr. Mirlees and my darling for
nothing. But they turned me out, 'for my good,' they said."
"I see now what I could never understand before. I could not
believe I was sent here for my good; but I believe it now,
darling. I was sent before, in a little way, like Joseph was, to
do good to them that sold him for a slave. And I can be of use
to you, though I'm only a servant."
To Joyce, the clasp of those loving arms was indescribably
comforting, and she found that Sarah was the only person on
whom she could rely for open, hearty sympathy.
The orphan girl was soon weary of her position, and, writhing
under the slights she had received, would have been thankful
to earn her bread by any honest means rather than continue
to receive what was so grudgingly bestowed. She wished to
please Mrs. Evans and to gain the affection of her cousins, but
every effort seemed vain. Had there been young children in
the house, her time would have been occupied, but there were
none. Her cousins desired no such companion as herself; and,
as Mr. Evans' niece, she could not very well be entirely
ignored. But there was a tacit understanding between mother
and daughters that Joyce should be "kept in her place," whilst
Joyce herself, with a sore heart and memories of a happy, if
comparatively humble, home, vainly wished that she had any
definite place to fill and work to do.
CHAPTER II.
"I HAVE not a friend here but you, Sarah. I must leave this
miserable place," said Joyce, between her sobs.
"If you were a married man with a wife and daughters, you
would not find it easy to run away from your home ties,
though they may feel a little tight sometimes. And what could
you do, dearie, if you left The Chase?"
The girl glanced down at her poor, coarse black gown and
burst into tears. It had been bought only as a makeshift, in
the small country town near her old home, and her uncle had
said, "Your aunt will see that you are properly provided as
soon as we reach The Chase. She would not care for Welton
dressmaking or materials."
But this first purchase proved the only one. When Mr. Evans
said that Joyce would need other and better dresses, he was
answered promptly enough.
The girl uttered the last word somewhat scornfully, but Sarah,
with her usual good sense, replied—
"Of course you will. What mother would trust her most
precious jewels to a stranger without knowing anything about
her? The nurse comes next to the mother herself with young
children, and she cannot be too particular about the character
of one."
"I had given very little, Sarah. I had not much to give."
"Not in money, dearie. But gold and silver are not everything.
You had put in your little in that way, and a great deal that
was more precious still—time and work. You had walked many
a mile and pleaded for the poor with the rich, and induced
them to give what you could not. And who could withstand
you? Not those you had spent your life amongst."
"Yes, and it saved the mistress four weeks' board wages she
must have paid me if I had been at The Chase. I can see
round a corner, dearie, though you cannot always. Never
mind, it was a happy, blessed Christmas, and worth more than
a year's wages to be with my own precious nursling."
"No more did any of us. Well, your father acted for the best,
and you have happy years to look back on—years when you
made poor homes brighter, and cheered downcast souls with
words of love and hope. Now you must think of this. You are
not forgotten at Welton. Every one loves you there; but they
don't know how you are fixed. Depend on it they say, 'What a
good thing it was that Miss Joyce had a grand rich uncle to
take care of her when her father died!' They pray for you, and
look to see you again some day. Better still, God never
forgets. Think of this, my darling, you who cared for God's
poor to the very outside of your power. He will care for you
and repay you. As surely as the harvest follows seed-time, so
surely will you, in His good time, receive full measure back for
what you have meted out to others."
"Is she home, dearie? She was abroad somewhere when your
father was taken."
"Yes; but she returned. I heard from her ten days ago. I have
told her just enough to show her that The Chase will never be
a home for me. She urges me to go to her for a long visit, and
says, that being alone, my presence would cheer her greatly."
"But you can have anything, if you will let me get you thirty or
fifty pounds of my savings. You may take all I have, for that
matter, only you would not need that, I know."
Joyce threw her arms round Sarah's neck and kissed her
passionately.
"Bless you, and thank you a thousand times!" she cried. "But I
would not rob you of your hard earnings for the world. Do you
think when the relatives on whom I have a claim care nothing
about my clothes, I could bear to spend on myself what you
have earned by years of toil?"
"No matter. The one mourning suit will do for Sundays, and
light printed gowns will befit a nurse-girl. I have turned one
white muslin into aprons, which will do beautifully over my
two plain cashmere frocks. As to the outside mourning, what
does it mean in many cases? My aunt and cousins are wearing
what they call mourning for my father, gowns of costly
material laden with crape and jet. Did they put it on because
they cared for my father? No, Sarah; and they long to throw it
off as soon as they think society would see them do it without
remark. One day, when my aunt was specially kind, she said:
'These gowns will come in for you, Joyce, when my girls are
done with them.' I should not have minded wearing them, if
only my aunt had offered them in real kindliness. But my
mourning is no matter of outside show. Why should I care
about externals? My Father in heaven knows."
"But stay a while at Fernsclough, darling; Mrs. Caruth was
always fond of you."
"Oh, Miss Joyce. That I should live to hear you speak like
that!" said Sarah, in a tone of deep distress.
"I can only say, may God bless and guard you, my darling!
And mind, if you want me, I will come to you at any time,
night or day, for only a word."
CHAPTER III.
JOYCE had always plenty of time to herself, for when aunt and
cousins were out driving or visiting she had to choose
between solitary walks in the grounds or the society of Sarah
Keene and a seat beside her ironing table, her uncle being
often from home.
Mr. Evans did not say these words, but as he repeated them to
himself, a picture came to mind, and words from the most
touching of all parables spoke to his heart.
Joyce began a sentence but could not finish it, for her heart
was too full to permit her to continue without breaking down
utterly.
"Unless the connection had lived quite near them, and every
one knew of it. Was that what you were going to say?" asked
Mrs. Evans.
"But those are coloured. Respect for your relatives and for
society demands that you wear black during at least a year,
for your father. As to your cousins' dresses, they would not go
to Russell whilst nearly as good as new; but I presume your
pride will not let you be seen in them, though you have never
been used to anything so handsome before."
"The dresses are very good," said Joyce; "but you will not see,
and society does not know me. Has not my uncle told you that
I am going to leave The Chase?"
"Going to leave! And pray where are you going? It is just like
your uncle to know of your plans and say nothing, but I
consider it disgraceful of you to act in such an underhand way,
especially after having had such a home as this." And Mrs.
Evans waved her hand, as if to indicate that all around her
had been as much for Joyce's use and comfort as for her own.
"I do not want to seem ungrateful," replied the girl. "I have
been sheltered here, and I have had far more dainty food than
I needed, and been surrounded with many more beautiful
things than my eye was ever accustomed to before. Yet,
forgive me for saying it, I have not been happy. Nobody loves
me, nobody wants me here, and I am very lonely. Perhaps, if
my cousins and I had seen a good deal of each other when we
were children, it would have been different; but I was really
almost a stranger when I came. I hoped they would have liked
me, but being relatives always at a distance from each other
is not like growing up as playfellows and friends. I suppose
people cannot like each other just because they wish to do,
and Adelaide and Augusta have so many friends of their own
without me. So I thought it would be better for me to try and
obtain a situation—and work for my bread. I should like to feel
that I have a place to fill, and something to do; to know that I
am wanted, if only by little children. I have obtained a
situation to which I shall go in two days. My uncle knows
about it, but he only heard the particulars just before he was
called from home so suddenly yesterday, and I suppose he
had not time to tell you. He does not blame me for wishing to
be independent of help and owe my livelihood to my own
exertion. He has always been very good to me."
"I should have thought the fact of your being Mr. Evans' niece
would have been recommendation enough. Pray what kind of
situation have you engaged to fill? I must say, however, that
had you wished to be useful to those who have the first claim
upon you, I have just indicated a way in which you could be
so, and without leaving The Chase."
She was not wholly sorry in thinking of the decisive step Joyce
had taken. It would give her a good excuse for severing all
connection with so undesirable a relative. But there was one
drawback to her self-gratulation. If any of her fashionable
neighbours were to hear that Mr. Evans' niece had taken such
a situation, it would be too dreadful. They would not, perhaps,
draw so nice a distinction as she had done, and despite the
fact that the connection was only by marriage, Joyce might be
regarded as her relative also. There was no getting over the
fact that she was first cousin to Adelaide and Augusta.
"If that girl's surname had been the same as ours, I would
have taken steps to assume a different one, at whatever
cost."