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Caste Panchayats
and Caste Politics
in India
Anagha Ingole
Caste Panchayats and Caste Politics in India
“Scholars have waited long and keenly for a book-length treatment of the subject
of caste panchayats. Their expectations could not have been more substantially
fulfilled. This is a work that combines real historical depth of learning with acute
theoretical analysis. It is highly instructive and illuminating not only on the nature
and function of caste panchayats, but on the wider details of caste’s relation to
politics and, quite generally, on the claims of Indian political modernity.”
—Akeel Bilgrami, Sidney Morgenbesser Professor of Philosophy, Professor,
Committee on Global Thought, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA
Caste Panchayats
and Caste Politics
in India
Anagha Ingole
Department of Political Science
University of Hyderabad
Hyderabad, Telangana, India
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Singapore Pte Ltd.
The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore
189721, Singapore
Acknowledgments
I owe fond gratitude to my all women research team at the Dr. Babasaheb
Ambedkar Research and Training Institute, Pune and to the then Director
of the Institute, D. R. Parihar for understanding my interest in the caste
panchayats of Maharashtra and helping me in the initial stages of this
project. Special thanks to Rohini, Amruta and Kavita who accompanied
me to Mahad to meet and interview the aggrieved members ostracized
by their caste panchayats. I believe a sincere thanks is in order to those
many men and women who trusted us with their experiences and let us
in into their world. I would also like to thank Krishna Chandgude and
Avinash Patil from ANIS for agreeing to share their experiences about the
institutional aspects of caste panchayats in Maharashtra, often over lengthy
telephone calls.
I must also mention the help I received from the staff of the Central
library at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi as well as the librarians
and staff at the Lehman library and the Butler library at the Columbia
University, New York. The financial and institutional support extended
by the Fulbright Nehru fellowship has facilitated this work. Sarika who
dug out and scanned several articles from the Anthropological Survey of
India volumes and earnestly sent them to me when I could not travel to
Delhi deserves a special mention. I would also like to thank Nachiket for
underlining the pervading upper caste sensibility in the critiques of the
caste panchayats while commenting on an earlier piece I wrote on the law
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
References 185
Index 195
vii
CHAPTER 1
1 Goals
In 2015, as part of a research project I attended the ‘Jaat Panchayat
Moothmaati Abhiyan’1 organized by the Andhashraddha Nirmoolan
Samiti 2 (ANIS) in Mahad, a city in the Konkan region of Maharashtra.
The meeting was attended by several people who were facing harassment
and expulsion (outcasting) from members of their own caste. This was
done on the diktats of bodies called ‘caste panchayats’. They shared their
travails with fellow victims from different parts of the state and made
appeals to the state officials present, to help them overcome the various
inhuman punishments meted out to them by these panchayats. One thing
that was common in all of their appeals was that they all wanted to be
‘readmitted’ to their caste. Even after interviewing around 90 people
who had launched collective or individual complaints to the police, and
discussing the issue at length with activists working in the field, and being
involved with the drafting process of the Prohibition of Social Boycott Act
which was later adopted by the Government of Maharashtra, I felt my
3 Unlike what is often believed, caste panchayats do not always have a village as its
location or sphere of organization and influence. Their influence often existed and, in
some cases, continues to exist over its members across a group of villages and even in the
cities. These panchayats move with their populations and have persisted uninterruptedly
among the nomadic castes/tribes (Chavhan 2013; Hayden 1999). They have had textual
sanction and sanction through religious and state practices since early times, and evidence
suggests their prevalence in most parts of India from the south to the north (Altekar
1927; Gnanambal 1973; Chowdhry 1997; Gune 1953; Jha 1970). The most conclusive
records for caste panchayats are found in Yajnavalka Smriti written around 1st c. CE,
which mentions three tribunals of puga, sreni and kula. It describes the puga as the
village court and the sreni as the guild court (Altekar 1927: 47). The third and most
prevalent was the kula—translated as ‘family court’—an assembly of the caste and kin.
This caste court was the most accessible and popular court. As centralization of power for
revenue collection increased among the kingdoms, the caste panchayats were given state
legitimacy by bringing them formally under the higher courts—the religious court, the
Brahmasabha and the royal court, the Rajasabha. These bodies today exist in reformed
avatars retaining and revising the details of caste loyalty and its enforcement.
1 INTRODUCTION: STUDYING CASTE PANCHAYATS 5
4 The Manoj–Babli murder case took the country by storm in 2007 when mutilated
bodies of a young couple who had consensually married were found in a water canal in
Hissar district of Haryana. It was later found that the couple was murdered at the orders
of the Khap panchayats of the Jats of Karoda village of Haryana with the complicity of
the policemen assigned to protect them.
1 INTRODUCTION: STUDYING CASTE PANCHAYATS 7
some 1000 such crimes are reported every year in India.5 In the year
2015 an increase of 796% in incidents of honour killings backed by caste
panchayats was reported in the five states of Gujarat, Maharashtra, Uttar
Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Punjab.6 It should be emphasized that
most of these cases are never reported and thus the actual incidents are
likely to be measurably higher. Finally, sociological scholarship on caste in
India has, through extensive field studies, argued—and to some extent
demonstrated—that there is no one uniform caste system in India and
that each region may be said to have its own caste system. This may give
the impression that caste panchayats, as they exist, in different parts of
the country, lack any uniform features. However, though they do seem to
vary considerably—changing the scope of their functions and reach across
time and regions—we can nevertheless identify an overarching common-
ality, especially of the method of enforcing allegiance of caste members
through social boycott in order to preserve caste endogamy. Despite
multiple local and state-level factors and/or their combination, the caste
panchayat emerged as a fairly common institution, which has preserved
itself in a variety of forms through time.
For all these reasons, it will be good to first get clear on the changes
and the continuities of the caste panchayat in its long history and expound
how the interaction of the state and the governance of caste has shaped it.
Once these continuities through the changes have been specified, we will
be in a better position for the pursuit of the second goal of the book, the
elaboration of the details of what has been preserved in them over time
as enforcers of caste allegiance.
But quite apart from motivating, as I just have, the order in which I
will proceed, I would like, in the rest of this long section of the Introduc-
tion, to present a broadly brushed theoretical framework for the details in
the chapters to follow. This framework is intended to present the grounds
for claiming that the book’s topic of caste panchayats is a significant one,
if we are to understand the nature of caste in the past and the present.
As I said, the topic of caste panchayats has been a neglected one in the
scholarly literature of the past few decades and it only came to wide
5 http://hbv-awareness.com.
6 Times of India, September 22, 2018. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/hon
our-killings-more-than-300-cases-in-last-three-years/articleshow/65908947.cms.
8 A. INGOLE
The first thesis is that caste panchayats and their activities are not system-
atic symptoms of Hinduism, they are not fundamentally to be characterized
as features of the Hindu caste system—that is to say, they are community
bodies whose emergence and existence has always been a contingent and
arbitrary accrual to primordial groups such as castes (Altekar 1927). This
view is echoed in much of the recent historical narratives around caste in
the subcontinent that looks at these bodies as manifestations of the ‘rank-
boundary’ mechanisms7 present in most primordial groups (Guha 2013).
I would argue that this is a slightly simplistic view of the caste panchayats
and does not keep faith with the course they have taken in India. Though
I am not of the view that caste panchayats are defining of ‘Hinduism’ (a
8 Expiation was a grant of pardon or atonement which was mandatory for any caste
member who was ostracized by their caste panchayat to be accepted back into the caste.
The grant of expiation was often granted in written after the concerned individual had
performed the penance as directed by the brahman guru.
9 It might be useful here to state in more detail the way in which purity and pollution
feature at the inter-caste level as well as at the intra-caste level. Inter-caste pollution occurs
when there is transgression by touch, exchange of food, bodily substances, etc., of the
hierarchical boundaries of caste. This is a very familiar and well-known aspect of caste
because there is no understanding what the caste hierarchy is without understanding this
point. Intra-caste pollution is a much more theoretically interesting phenomenon. It arises
when caste members do not practice their caste code properly. It may be easiest to explain
it with examples. So take, for instance, a codified requirement within a caste, of a certain
ritual to be followed by family members when there is a death (or indeed, a birth) in the
family. Episodes of death and birth upset the equilibrium of the caste’s ecosystem, as it
were, and the code requires a ritual restoration of the equilibrium. A family’s failure to
carry out those rituals renders the family polluted. In general, breaches of everyday caste
10 A. INGOLE
2.
norms, renders the offender polluted. It is polluting for a Brahmin, for example, to return
to the life of the household (grihastaashrama) after having taken the vow of abstinence
(sanyasaashrama). It makes a potter (khumbhar) equally polluted if he fails to perform
a proper ritual before he begins making a pot. In both cases, these caste men would
become outcasts in their respective groups and would be ostracized until the prescribed
penance and expiation is granted. When it comes to intra-caste purity, therefore, it is
not the purity that is limited to the exclusivity of the caste gene pool. Rather purity
and pollution are constituted by the everyday and lifelong normative practices of a caste.
What makes this notion of purity/pollution theoretically extremely interesting is that the
normative principles which practices must confirm to constitute what will count as pure
and what will count as polluted. Unlike as in the inter-caste case, it is not as if there is
a pre-given notion of purity and pollution (a notion that is constituted by the fact that
caste is an exclusivist hierarchical system) and the norms are tracking this pre-given notion
of purity and pollution. Rather the norms dictate what is pure and polluted because the
norms dictate what caste members must do and failure to do it generates the pollution.
This contrast is a bit like the famous contrast in Plato’s Euthyphro when Socrates asks
‘whether the gods love the pious because it is pious or whether the pious is pious because
it is loved by the gods. The point is that in the intra-caste case something is polluted
because it is declared to be polluted by the caste’s norms. It is not as if pollution is defined
by something other than the intra-caste norms (like the exclusivism of the stratified gene
pools that is inherent in the idea of caste hierarchy) and the norms are merely tracking
that already understood notion of purity and pollution. Scholarship on caste has not
sufficiently noted this important and interesting contrast. I will return to it later in the
book.
1 INTRODUCTION: STUDYING CASTE PANCHAYATS 11
10 The village servant system was a system organized around the dominant cultivating
caste in a village which would act as a patron (jajman) caste whereas all the other castes
were to provide services specific to their castes as servants of the dominant caste. The
servant castes were typically those of the carpenter, smith, barber, the scavenger, etc., who
served the needs of the jajman households throughout the year in exchange of a small
share of produce of grains and crops during the harvest. The share and quality of produce
was determined by the rank of the caste in the hierarchy.
11 For a brief exposition of such depositions, see chapter 2.
12 A. INGOLE
3.
4.