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Copyright © 2023 by Susan Hendricks

Cover design by Sara Pinsonault

Cover photograph: Bridge © TT News Agency / Alamy Stock Photo
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Name: Hendricks, Susan, 1973– author.

Title: Down the hill: my descent into the double murder in Delphi /
Susan Hendricks.
Description: New York City: Hachette Books, 2023. | Includes
bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2023021514 | ISBN 9780306830242 (hardcover) |
ISBN 9780306830259 (trade paperback) | ISBN 9780306830266
(ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Murder—Investigation—Indiana—Delphi. | Williams,
Abigail, 2003–2017. | German, Liberty, 2002–2017.
Classification: LCC HV8079.H6 H46 2023 | DDC
363.25/95230977294—dc23/eng/20230601
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023021514

ISBNs: 9780306830242 (hardcover); 9780306830266 (ebook)

E3-20230906-JV-PC-COR
 Contents

Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Foreword by Kelsi German Siebert

1. The Day Everything Changed

2. On the Set
3. Arrival in Delphi
4. The Bridge
5. A Killer in the Room
6. Abby and Libby
7. The Hunt for “Bridge Guy”
8. CrimeCon
9. Armchair Detectives
10. Back to the Beginning
11. Catfished: Kegan Kline and @anthony_shots
12. “Today Is the Day”
13. Captured, the Press Conference
 14. “Bloodlust”
15. Investigative Insights with Paul Holes
16. A Closer Look into the Criminal Mind with Dr. Ann Burgess
17. The Next Chapter

Photos
Acknowledgments
Discover More
Advance Praise for Down the Hill
A Note on Sources
Notes
To Abby and Libby and their families
Explore book giveaways, sneak peeks, deals, and more.

Tap here to learn more.

 Foreword
by Kelsi German Siebert

Growing up, it was Libby and me against the world. During and after
our parents’ divorce, we never knew whose house we would be at
when, and eventually moved in with our grandparents. Throughout
all of this, Libby was my constant. We went through every high and
every low together. I always thought that it was inevitable that she
would be with me through everything life brought our way. That was
until February 13, 2017, when life as I knew it came crashing down
and turned into the kind of nightmare that, until that moment, the
people in small-town Delphi had only heard about on television.
Up to that point in our lives, Libby was the one I would go to
when I needed someone to talk to and confide in. I would share
everything with her, as she did with me. I spent the first year after
her death trying to learn how to move forward in life without her.
What was I going to do now that my whole world felt and looked so
different? At seventeen, I had no idea how to cope with a traumatic
loss, or even loss in general for that matter. The one thing I did
know was that Libby would want me to move forward by living my
life and not letting her murderer take mine also. I knew I had to do
this to honor her life and memory.
Even though I was well aware that this was what my sister would
want for me, I couldn’t stop the continual roller-coaster ride of
emotions. During the year that followed, I was scared to sleep in my
own room alone, I quit my job because I was so uncomfortable
walking to my car by myself at night, and I stopped parking in the
student parking lot at school because I knew that after swim
practice there would be more people walking to the front lot than
the back. The knowledge that the person who had cold-heartedly
murdered two teenagers in broad daylight was still out there
somewhere, living their life as if nothing had happened, took hold of
me and led me to a dark place, a place I prayed I was strong
enough to stay away from. It was as though I had lost myself, and
the person I had normally turned to for comfort and support in these
times was now gone.
I felt incredibly alone. At that point, it seemed like no one in the
world understood what I was feeling. My family constantly assured
me that I could talk to them, but I worried that anything I said
would only add to their grief. I couldn’t find a counselor who knew
how to help me work through the trauma I had experienced. My
friends wanted to help, but the advice they gave me felt empty;
even though they meant well, I knew they couldn’t possibly
understand the emotions I was going through. I hit rock bottom with
seemingly no way out. All I could do was hold on to my faith and
pray that Christ would lead me through these fires and help me to
find peace.
After over a year of fighting what seemed like a never-ending
battle, my family and I were invited to CrimeCon to speak about
Abby and Libby’s case. Up until that point, I had stayed silent and
had never given any thought to putting myself out there to help in
the public efforts to solve the girls’ case. Before going into the event
I had only planned on sitting back at the booth and handing out
fliers—which is what I ended up doing. Even so, this event ended up
being a turning point for me.
At CrimeCon 2018, I met Michelle Cruz—her sister, Janelle Cruz,
was murdered by the Golden State Killer—along with several of the
other sister survivors. These women inspired me; they still do. I
watched in awe as they shared their stories without fear and
celebrated the capture of their sister’s killer. On the last day of the
event, I found the courage to go up to Michelle and ask for her help.
She told me to put myself out there and to never stop fighting for
answers. She gave me the push I needed to break out of my shell
and fight for my sister through social media.
Within days of starting a Twitter account for the case, I gained
thousands of followers who wanted to join my family and me in our
fight for justice. Making the decision to put myself out there, I
became an advocate and, in the process of doing interviews and
podcasts, I made many new friends. Several of the people I met
through my account had also been affected in some way by violent
crimes. Some of them had also lost siblings to homicide, and we
were able to talk about our experiences and understand each other’s
feelings. For the very first time, I felt like I had a community that
understood what I was going through. My prayers had finally been
answered.
In the years that followed this conference, I have witnessed the
best and the worst of humanity.
Social media, I have learned, is a double-edged sword. It can be
a wonderful tool, sharing necessary information quickly and
efficiently with the public. But it can also be filled with some users
spouting hatred and untruths, ruining innocent people’s lives. It was
heartbreaking to read the constant speculation of what might have
happened to the girls.
Luckily, there have been so many people who have supported our
cause and wanted to help. I have always been a believer that good
outweighs bad, and the world has shown that to be true. The people
of Carroll County poured their love over us and the investigative
team like no one could have ever expected. Strangers from around
the world, like Michelle Cruz, Sarah Turney, Sheryl McCollum, and
Susan Hendricks—to name a few, it would take dozens of pages to
name them all—have stood by our side through all the ups and
downs of the investigation to see justice through to the end.
My relationship with Susan has been particularly special. One of
the first times my family met Susan, I accompanied her and the HLN
crew to Monon High Bridge. I had met her previously and it was
obvious to us how much she cared. But on this particular visit, it was
even more evident. As we walked out to the bridge, we made casual
conversation. I joked that they were overdressed in their winter
coats; it wasn’t that cold but, because they were used to the
weather back in Atlanta, they had to buy warmer clothes upon their
arrival in Indiana. Susan was emotional, even more so the closer we
got to the beginning of the bridge. She kept reminding me that she
wanted to make sure she covered Abby and Libby’s story well,
making sure the world knew that they were real girls, and that I was
comfortable throughout the process. Over the years of knowing her,
she has never failed at this. She is constantly reminding us of how
much Abby and Libby—as well as our families—have impacted her
life, how this has become so much more than just another story. I
don’t know that she realizes that she has done the same for us.
Susan is one of several people who have shown us compassion and
empathy in her reporting. She truly is one of the good ones and I
am forever grateful for her and the friendship we have gained with
her.
I have learned so much in the years that I have spent advocating
for Libby, for Abby, and for others. One day I hope I am able to
share some of these experiences with the world in more depth, but,
for now, here are just a few of the lessons that had the biggest
impact on me: I have learned how to have faith and to always
remain hopeful, even when life feels hopeless. I have learned to
stand up for the voiceless because I have a voice to use. I have
learned to never stop fighting for what matters. And, most of all, I
have learned that I am not defined by the trauma I have lived
through. And neither are you.
Moving forward looks different as we reach this next chapter in
the case. I have taken time to process the arrest, awaiting answers
that will eventually come, and it has been a much-needed break. I
am finding new ways to be a part of this community that has had
my back for so long while I’ve worked to find myself again. Now, as
a wife and mother, I will finally be living the life Libby would want
me to live. I am no longer stuck in 2017 as I had been for so long.
I may not have all the answers or know what the next step is, but
what I do know is this: Life has a funny way of making sure you
have exactly what you need when you need it most, especially in
your darkest and most lonely days. You are not defined by what has
happened to you.
 1

The Day Everything Changed

When Kelsi woke up on the morning of Monday, February 13,

2017, it seemed to be a day just like any other—well, almost. The
unusually warm winter in Delphi, Indiana, had brought in fewer
snowstorms than administrators had predicted earlier in the
academic year, leaving unclaimed snow days in its wake, to the joy
of teachers and students alike. On this snow-free “snow day”
Monday, the morning rippled with glimmering promise and endless
possibilities—a free day with no classes, volleyball practice, or
softball.
And yet the day would forever be etched in young Kelsi’s mind for
a very different reason, with every choice, every step, every hint
from her senses playing repeatedly in a torturous, menacing loop. It
was the last day she would ever see her sister alive.
Thinking back on that morning now, years later, Kelsi is haunted
most by the sounds that she once took for granted: the merry noises
of her younger sister, fourteen-year-old Libby, running down the
stairs with her best friend, thirteen-year-old Abby, while her
grandmother Becky was in the kitchen working; the slight whispering
and girlish giggling as the two young teens gossiped at the kitchen
table as Kelsi and Libby’s father, Derrick, made the girls breakfast.
It seems almost cruel now, the simplicity of this former morning
routine, carried out by a loving family unaware that their lives would
never be the same. Her grandfather Mike had already left for work
by the time the rest of the house woke up, but he didn’t give it a
second thought; he was comforted by the parental confidence and
sense of ease that he’d get to see Libby and hear all about her day
with Abby later on at dinnertime, as he had every evening before.
With the afternoon quickly approaching, Libby and Abby debated
how they should spend the rest of their long weekend. There were
plenty of options; they had friends they could call, to laugh the rest
of the day away; they could hang out with Kelsi, if she wasn’t too
busy; and, of course, they knew all the local hangout spots and trails
they could wander.
In the end, Libby and Abby arrived at a solution that many other
teens just like them have turned to countless times: they would
create an adventure for themselves.
Their lips curling with mischief and unadulterated delight, the
girls built up the courage to ask Becky to drive them to the local
trails. Becky responded that she couldn’t take the girls right away—
she was too busy working through her daily to-do list—but added
that they could help her by completing some quick chores before
they headed out for the afternoon. After cleaning up a bit, Libby and
Abby asked Kelsi whether she wanted to go with them as they
explored a popular local hiking trail nearby.
Although she was seventeen and already had a social life and
responsibilities of her own, Kelsi took her role as a big sister
seriously and enjoyed spending time with Libby and her friends.
Feeling slightly guilty, since she had been saying “no” or “I’m busy,
sorry” too often lately, Kelsi readily agreed to give the girls a ride to
the trailhead, but she unfortunately couldn’t join them this time—she
had to work.
The girls jumped up and down gleefully. Libby grabbed her sister
for a big hug, and she’d thank her from the kitchen, through the
front door, and all the way to Kelsi’s car. In the background of this
exchange, Becky, like generations of doting grandparents before her,
reminded Libby, “Take a sweatshirt!”
Libby shrugged it off, and Becky repeated, “Libby, it might get
chilly. Take a sweatshirt!”
 “Grandma.” Libby smiled back at her lovingly. “It’s OK.”
“OK. Be safe,” Becky replied with an exasperated sigh. “I love
you.”
“Love you too! See you later!” Libby cried with a toothy smile
streaking across her rosy cheeks.
Becky shut the door behind them, chuckling to herself, already
thinking about what the girls might like for dinner that night when
they got back. Their family always said I love you in place of
goodbye. Every single time. Just in case something happened. Of
course, they never expected anything actually would happen; it was
almost as if this precaution could shield them from misfortune.
Overjoyed by the sea of possibilities in front of them, Libby and
Abby jumped into Kelsi’s car—Libby in the front, Abby in the back.
They rolled down the windows and turned on the radio as Kelsi
drove down Delphi’s main road, toward High Bridge.
“Turn it up!” Libby yelled. “This is my favorite song!”
“Heathens” by Twenty One Pilots blasted through the speakers as
Libby sang along with the melody:

All my friends are heathens, take it slow

Wait for them to ask you who you know
Please don’t make any sudden moves
You don’t know half of the abuse

The car ride was a quick one, with barely enough time to even
finish the song; after all, the start of the Monon High Bridge Trail
was only about five minutes away from their home. Kelsi slowed the
car down to a halt as Libby and Abby clamored to undo their seat
belts and bolted out of the car.
As the two girls headed toward the trail, Kelsi reminded them to
stay warm, yelled out a quick goodbye, and told her sister she loved
her. Watching as they scampered down the path, she couldn’t help
but smile, wishing she could be as young and carefree as her
younger sister when she was already bogged down with work and
assignments for school. As Kelsi plays the day over in her mind, this
memory cuts off abruptly somewhere around a quarter to two, when
she pulled her car back out and drove away—1:49 p.m., to be exact.
Now, whenever she thinks of her sister, she’ll remember watching
Libby and Abby grow smaller and fainter in the rearview mirror,
perfectly preserved for just a moment in time.

AFTER LIBBY AND ABBY SET OFF ON THE TRAIL, MUCH OF THEIR FINAL HOURS
REMAINS A MYSTERY. For those who are unfamiliar with the rough
terrain of Delphi’s woods, the trail might appear to be a labyrinth
with a monster or some other untold danger lurking in the shadows,
nestled within a thick cover of ancient trees and malevolent,
mangled branches. But all Libby and Abby saw before them was the
start of an exciting day. They knew the twists and turns of those
trails like the freckles and scars on the backs of their hands; the
forest had never posed a threat to a local before, and it seemed
unlikely today would be any different. Their final conversations with
each other are deeply embedded in those same woods, secret
murmurings that echo wordlessly within the hollows of tall sycamore
and cottonwood trees.
When the girls reached the Monon High Bridge, they stopped to
take a snapshot of the massive structure, much like dozens of other
locals had done before. The bridge was a common feature in
pictures taken by teens who’d grown up in the area; it had even
gained a reputation as a popular backdrop for high schoolers posing
before senior prom. Though the slats were old and the beams
weathered with age, local kids knew that crossing the bridge was
easy, really: just follow a few simple steps, walk slowly, and keep
your eyes on the old rail bridge below your feet so you don’t fall
through one of the many sizable gaps.
For a visitor approaching it for the first time, however, High
Bridge would appear terrifying. Looming 63 feet above the ground
and spanning 1,300 feet in length, with a creek running beneath it,
the course of split boards feels weary, old, uninviting. It seems near
impossible that the rusted train tracks atop the bridge could carry
the load of a full train if it were commanded to do so today; the old
iron beams that hold the structure true seem to tremble beneath
your feet, daring you to misstep.
But again, Libby and Abby—buoyed by the boldness of youth—
felt no fear, and so, at 2:07 p.m., Libby took a quick picture of her
best friend boldly walking across the bridge on her Snapchat app
and posted it, as if unknowingly declaring to their whole social
network that they were young and invincible.
In the moments after that image was uploaded, the girls were
approached by a strange man. From the start, his demeanor was
troubling, his stature stocky and almost hunched. His face was
covered by an old hat, and he walked with his hands stuffed into the
pockets of his worn blue jacket. Alarmed, Libby began to secretly
record the man using her phone, hidden within her clothing. This
layer of static shrouds the recording to this day, taunting us and
whispering in the cracks of the last conversation between the soon-
to-be murderer and the girls.
A little after 3:00 p.m., Libby’s father, Derrick, pulled into one of
the parking areas and waited for the girls to emerge from the trail.
After waiting for a bit, he called Libby’s cell phone at 3:11 p.m. No
answer, no response. By 3:30 p.m., knowing it wasn’t like Libby to
ignore his texts and calls, Derrick exited his car and began searching
along the trails for her and Abby, worried one or both of them might
be injured. Reaching the point where the trails intersected, Derrick
spotted a man in a flannel shirt and stopped him to ask whether
he’d happened to see two young girls. He said he hadn’t, but he
mentioned that he’d seen a couple on the bridge not long ago.
Derrick continued down the trail to the creek and called his mom,
Becky. He was growing increasingly concerned after not being able
to find or even reach the girls via phone. On his way back up the
trail, Derrick tried not to run through all the nightmare scenarios in
his mind, but he still wondered aloud where the girls were and what
could have happened to them. Reluctantly, Derrick started his car
and backed away from the pickup spot, checking his rearview mirror
in hopes that Libby and Abby would run up, waving for him to turn
back—that he was making a big deal out of nothing.
Meanwhile, Tara, Libby’s aunt, was with her mother, Becky,
around the time Derrick had called. Both Tara and Becky started
repeatedly calling and texting Libby. As four o’clock approached,
Becky and Tara grew more and more anxious and decided to head
over to the trail to help look for them. As Tara later recalled, there
were two different paths that Abby and Libby could have taken if
they’d attempted to get home on their own. “So we drove both
routes that they could have taken… and no girls. By this time, we
were really quite concerned because we had [covered] the whole
trail area where they should have been.”
Becky called her husband, Mike, who was at work in Lafayette, to
let him know what was going on. Immediately, Mike clocked out of
work early and drove to the trail to help Becky, calling Kelsi along the
way. Kelsi called out of work as well and headed straight to the trail.
Now sick with worry, the family members volleyed theories back
and forth: Had the girls decided to go somewhere else? Were they at
some other friend’s house? Had something happened to them while
on the trail? Could one of them have possibly fallen off the bridge?
Delphi was a simple, uneventful town; nothing happened there. It
was unfathomable that something—or someone—more sinister was
to blame.
A little after five o’clock that evening, Mike contacted the police.
As he remembered it, within ten to fifteen minutes of his call, the
entire town of Delphi was lit up with flashlights. Abby and Libby
were now officially reported missing, and their loved ones’ worries
continued to escalate. Desperate for answers, Becky called AT&T
and begged them to get someone to ping Libby’s phone so that they
could find the girls more easily—to no avail.
Becky had also been trying to get ahold of Anna, Abby’s mom,
and was just about to drive over to her work when Anna finally
answered and learned that her baby girl was missing. By six o’clock,
the Carroll County Sheriff’s Office, the Delphi Fire Department, and
the Delphi police were all involved in the investigation. Eager to add
more eyes and ears to the search effort, family members reached
out for aid across social media, and what seemed like the entire
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Don Joachim de Viana told me, that when he received orders to
leave the missions, a great number of Indians, discontented with the
life they led, were willing to follow him. He opposed The Indians
it, but could not hinder seven families from appear
accompanying him; he settled them at the disgusted with
the
Maldonados, where, at present, they are patterns of administration
industry and labour. I was surprised at what he told of the Jesuits.
me concerning this discontent of the Indians. How is
it possible to make it agree with all I had read of the manner in which
they are governed? I should have quoted the laws of the missions as
a pattern of an administration instituted with a view to distribute
happiness and wisdom among men.
Indeed, if one casts a general view at a distance upon this magic
government, founded by spiritual arms only, and united only by the
charms of persuasion, what institution can be more honourable to
human nature? It is a society which inhabits a fertile land, in a happy
climate, of which, all the members are laborious, and none works for
himself; the produce of the common cultivation is faithfully conveyed
into public storehouses, from whence every one receives what he
wants for his nourishment, dress, and house-keeping; the man who
is in full vigour, feeds, by his labour, the new-born infant; and when
time has consumed his strength, his fellow-citizens render him the
same services which he did them before. The private houses are
convenient, the public buildings fine; the worship uniform and
scrupulously attended: this happy people knows neither the
distinction of rank, nor of nobility, and is equally sheltered against
super-abundance and wants.
The great distance and the illusion of perspective made the
missions bear this aspect in my eyes, and must have appeared the
same to every one else. But the theory is widely different from the
execution of this plan of government. Of this I was convinced by the
following accounts, which above a hundred ocular witnesses have
unanimously given me.
Accounts of the The extent of country in which the missions are
interior situated, contains about two hundred leagues north
government. and south, and about one hundred and fifty east and
west, and the number of inhabitants is about three hundred
thousand; the immense forests afford wood of all sorts; the vast
pastures there, contain at least two millions of cattle; fine rivers
enliven the interior parts of this country, and promote circulation and
commerce throughout it. This is the situation of the country, but the
question now is, how did the people live there? The country was, as
has been told, divided into parishes, and each parish was directed
by two Jesuits, of which, one was rector, and the other his curate.
The whole expence for the maintenance of the colonies was but
small, the Indians being fed, dressed, and lodged, by the labour of
their own hands; the greatest costs were those of keeping the
churches in repair, all which were built and adorned magnificently.
The other products of the ground, and all the cattle, belonged to the
Jesuits, who, on their part, sent for the instruments of various trades,
for glass, knives, needles, images, chaplets of beads, gun-powder
and muskets. Their annual revenues consisted in cotton, tallow,
leather, honey, and above all, in maté, a plant better known by the
name of Paraguay tea, or South-Sea tea, of which that company had
the exclusive commerce, and of which likewise the consumption is
immense in the Spanish possessions in America, where it is used
instead of tea.
The Indians shewed so servile a submission to their rectors, that
not only both men and women suffered the punishment of
flagellation, after the manner of the college, for public offences, but
they likewise came of themselves to sollicit this chastisement for
mental faults. In every parish the fathers annually elected
corrégidors, and their assistants, to take care of the minutiæ of the
government. The ceremony of their election was performed on new
year’s day, with great pomp, in the court before the church, and was
announced by ringing of bells, and the playing of a band of music.
The newly elected persons came to the feet of the father rector to
receive the marks of their dignity, which however did not exempt
them from being whipped like the others. Their greatest distinction
was that of wearing habits, whereas, a shirt of cotton stuff was the
only dress of the other Indians of both sexes. The feasts of the
parish, and that of the rector, were likewise celebrated by public
rejoicings, and even by comedies, which probably resembled those
ancient pieces of ours, called mystéres or mysteries.
 The rector lived in a great house near the church; adjoining to it
were two buildings, in one of which were the schools for music,
painting, sculpture, and architecture; and likewise, work-houses of
different trades; Italy furnished them with masters to teach the arts,
and the Indians, it is said, learn with facility: the other building
contained a great number of young girls at work in several
occupations, under the inspection of old women: this was named the
guatiguasu, or the seminary. The apartment of the rector
communicated internally with these two buildings.
This rector got up at five o’clock in the morning, employed an hour
in holy meditation, and said his mass at half past six o’clock; they
kissed his hands at seven o’clock, and then he publicly distributed an
ounce of maté to every family. After mass, the rector breakfasted,
said his breviary, conferred with the corregidors, four of whom were
his ministers, and visited the seminary, the schools, and the work-
shops. Whenever he went out, it was on horseback, and attended by
a great retinue; he dined alone with his curate at eleven of the clock,
then chatted till noon, and after that, made a siesta till two in the
afternoon; he kept close in his interior appartments till it was prayer
time, after which, he continued in conversation till seven in the
evening; then the rector supped, and at eight he was supposed to be
gone to bed.
From eight of the clock in the morning, the time of the people was
taken up either in cultivating the ground, or in their work-shops, and
the corregidors took care to see them employ their time well; the
women spun cotton; they got a quantity of it every Monday, which
they were obliged to bring back converted into spun yarn at the end
of the week; at half an hour past five in the evening they came
together to say the prayers of their rosary, and to kiss the hands of
their rector once more, then came on the distribution of an ounce of
maté and four pounds of beef for each family, which was supposed
to consist of eight persons; at the same time they likewise got some
maize. On Sundays they did no work; the divine worship took up
more time; they were after that allowed to amuse themselves with
plays as dull as the rest of their whole life.
Consequences From this exact detail it appears that the Indians
drawn from it. had in some manner no property, and that they were
subject to a miserable, tedious uniformity of labour and repose. This
tiresomeness, which may with great reason be called deadly or
extreme, is sufficient to explain what has been told to us, that they
quitted life without regret, and died without having ever lived or
enjoyed life. When once they fell sick, it seldom happened that they
recovered, and being then asked whether they were sorry to be
obliged to die, they answered, no; and spoke it as people whose real
sentiments coincide with their words. We can no longer be surprised,
that when the Spaniards penetrated into the missions, this great
people, which was governed like a convent, should shew an ardent
desire of forcing the walls which confined them. The Jesuits
represented the Indians, upon the whole, as men incapable of
attaining a higher degree of knowledge than that of children; but the
life they led, prevented these grown children from having the
liveliness of little ones.
Expulsion of The society were occupied with the care of
the Jesuits extending their missions, when the unfortunate
from the events happened in Europe, which overturned the
province of
Plata.
work of so many years, and of so unwearied
patience in the new world. The court of Spain having
resolved upon the expulsion of the Jesuits, was desirous that this
might be done at the same time throughout all its vast dominions.
Cevallos was recalled from Buenos Ayres, and Don Francisco
Buccarelli appointed to succeed him. He set out, Measures
being instructed in the business which he was taken at the
intended for, and with orders to defer the execution court of Spain
for this
of it till he received fresh orders, which would soon purpose.
be sent him. The king’s confessor, the count
d’Aranda, and some ministers, were the only persons to whom this
secret affair was entrusted. Buccarelli made his entry at Buenos
Ayres in the beginning of 1767.
Measures When Don Pedro de Cevallos was arrived in
taken by the Spain, a packet was dispatched to the marquis of
governor- Buccarelli, with orders both for that province, and for
general of the
province.
Chili, whither he was to send them over land. This
vessel arrived in Rio de la Plata in June, 1767, and
the governor instantly dispatched two officers, one to Peru, and the
other to Chili, with the dispatches from court, directed to them. He
then sent his orders into the various parts of his province, where
there were any Jesuits, viz. to Cordoua, Mendoza, Corrientes,
Santa-Fé, Salta, Montevideo, and Paraguay. As he feared, that
among the commanders of these several places, some might not act
with the dispatch, secrecy, and exactness which the court required,
he enjoined, by sending his orders to them, that they should not
open them till on a certain day, which he had fixed for the execution,
and to do it only in the presence of some persons, whom he named,
and who served in the highest ecclesiastical and civil offices, at the
above-mentioned places. Cordoua, above all, interested his
attention. In that province was the principal house of the Jesuits, and
the general residence of their provincial. There they prepared and
instructed in the Indian language and customs, those who were
destined to go to the missions, and to become heads of colonies;
there their most important papers were expected to be found. M. de
Buccarelli resolved to send an officer of trust there, whom he
appointed the king’s lieutenant of that place, and on whom, under
this pretext, he sent a detachment of soldiers to attend.
It now remained to provide for the execution of the king’s orders in
the missions, and this was the most critical point. It was dubious
whether the Indians would suffer the Jesuits to be arrested in the
midst of the colonies, and this violent step must at all events have
been supported by a numerous body of troops. Besides this, it was
necessary, before they thought of removing the Jesuits, to have
another form of government ready to substitute in their stead, and by
that means to prevent confusion and anarchy. The governor resolved
to temporize, and was contented at that time to write to the missions,
that a corregidor and a cacique from each colony should be sent to
him immediately, in order to communicate the king’s letters to them.
He dispatched this order with the greatest quickness, that the
Indians might already be on the road, and beyond the missions,
before the news of the expulsion of the Jesuits could reach thither.
By this he had two aims in view; the one, that of getting hostages of
the fidelity of the colonies, when the Jesuits would be taken from
thence; the other, that of gaining the affection of the principal
Indians, by the good treatment he intended for them at Buenos
Ayres, and of instructing them in the new situation upon which they
would enter; for, as soon as the restraint would be taken away, they
were to enjoy the same privileges, and have the same property as
the king’s other subjects.
The secret is Every measure was concerted with the greatest
near being secrecy, and though people wondered that a vessel
divulged by an should arrive from Spain without any other letters
unforeseen
accident.
than those for the general, yet they were very far
from suspecting the cause of it. The moment of the
general execution was fixed to the day when all the couriers were
supposed to have arrived at their different destinations, and the
governor waited for that moment with impatience, when the arrival of
the two xebecs[56] of the king from Cadiz, the Andaluz and the
Adventurero, was near making all these precautions useless. The
governor-general had ordered the governor of Montevideo, that in
case any vessels should arrive from Europe, he should not allow
them to speak with any person whatsoever, before he had sent him
word of it; but one of the two xebecs being in the forlorn situation we
have before mentioned, at the entrance of the river, it was very
necessary to save the crew of it, and give her all the assistance
which her situation required.
Conduct of the The two xebecs had sailed from Spain, after the
governor- Jesuits had been arrested there, and this piece of
general. news could by no means be prevented from
spreading. An officer of these ships was immediately sent to M. de
Buccarelli, and arrived at Buenos Ayres the 9th of July, at ten in the
evening. The governor did not lose time, he instantly dispatched
orders to all the commanders of the places, to open their former
packets of dispatches, and execute their contents with the utmost
celerity. At two of the clock after midnight, all the couriers were gone,
and the two houses of the Jesuits at Buenos Ayres invested, to the
great astonishment of those fathers, who thought they were
dreaming, when roused from their sleep in order to be imprisoned,
and to have their papers seized. The next morning an order was
published in the town, which forbade, by pain of death, to keep up
any intercourse with the Jesuits, and five merchants were arrested,
who intended, it is said, to send advices to them at Cordoua.
The Jesuits are The king’s orders were executed with the same
arrested in all facility in all the towns. The Jesuits were surprised
the Spanish every where, without having the least notice, and
towns.
their papers were seized. They were immediately
sent from their houses, guarded by detachments of soldiers, who
were ordered to fire upon those that should endeavour to escape.
But there was no occasion to come to this extremity. They shewed
the greatest resignation, humbling themselves under the hand that
smote them, and acknowledging, as they said, that their sins had
deserved the punishment which God inflicted on them. The Jesuits
of Cordoua, in number above a hundred, arrived towards the end of
August, at the Encenada, whither those from Corrientes, Buenos
Ayres, and Montevideo, came soon after. They were immediately
embarked, and the first convoy sailed, as I have already said, at the
end of September. The others, during that time, were on the road to
Buenos Ayres, where they should wait for another opportunity.
Arrival of the On the 13th of September arrived all the
caciques and corregidors, and a cacique of each colony, with
corregidors at some Indians of their retinue. They had left the
Buenos Ayres
from the
missions before any one guessed at the reason of
missions. their journey there. The news which they received of
it on the road had made some impression on them,
but did not prevent their continuing the journey. The only instruction
which the rectors gave their dear proselytes at parting, was, to
believe nothing of what the governor-general should tell them:
“Prepare, my children,” did every one tell them, “to hear many
untruths.” At their arrival, they were immediately sent to the
governor, where I was present at their reception. They entered on
horseback to the number of a hundred and twenty, and formed a
crescent in two lines; a Spaniard understanding the language of the
Guaranis, served them as an interpreter. The They appear
governor appeared in a balcony; he told them, that before the
they were welcome; that they should go to rest governor-
general.
themselves, and that he would send them notice of
the day which he should fix in order to let them know the king’s
intentions. He added, in general, that he was come to release them
from slavery, and put them in possession of their property, which
they had not hitherto enjoyed. They answered by a general cry, lifting
up their right hands to heaven, and wishing all prosperity to the king
and governor. They did not seem discontented, but it was easy to
discover more surprize than joy in their countenance. On leaving the
governor’s palace, they were brought to one of the houses of the
Jesuits, where they were lodged, fed, and kept at the king’s
expence. The governor, when he sent for them, expressly mentioned
the famous Cacique Nicholas, but they wrote him word, that his great
age and his infirmities did not allow him to come out.
At my departure from Buenos Ayres, the Indians had not yet been
called to an audience of the general. He was willing to give them
time to learn something of the language, and to become acquainted
with the Spanish customs. I have been several times to see them.
They appeared to me of an indolent temper, and seemed to have
that stupid air so common in creatures caught in a trap. Some of
them were pointed out to me as very intelligent, but as they spoke no
other language but that of the Guaranis, I was not able to make any
estimate of the degree of their knowledge; I only heard a cacique
play upon the violin, who, I was told, was a great musician; he
played a sonata, and I thought I heard the strained founds of a
serinette. Soon after the arrival of these Indians at Buenos Ayres,
the news of the expulsion of the Jesuits having reached the
missions, the marquis de Buccarelli received a letter from the
provincial, who was there at that time, in which he assured him of his
submission, and of that of all the colonies to the king’s orders.
Extent of the These missions of the Guaranis and Tapes, upon
missions. the Uruguay, were not the only ones which the
Jesuits founded in South America. Somewhat more northward they
had collected and submitted to the same laws, the Mojos, Chiquitos,
and the Avipones. They likewise were making progresses in the
south of Chili, towards the isle of Chiloé; and a few years since, they
have opened themselves a road from that province to Peru, passing
through the country of the Chiquitos, which is a shorter way than that
which was followed till then. In all the countries into which they
penetrated, they erected posts, on which they placed their motto;
and on the map of their colonies, which they have settled, the latter
are placed under the denomination of Oppida Christianorum.
 It was expected, that in seizing the effects of the Jesuits in this
province, very considerable sums of money would be found:
however, what was obtained that way, amounted to a mere trifle.
Their magazines indeed were furnished with merchandizes of all
sorts, both of the products of the country, and of goods imported
from Europe. There were even many sorts which could not have a
sale in these provinces. The number of their slaves was
considerable, and in their house at Cordoua alone, they reckoned
three thousand five hundred.
I cannot enter into a detail of all that the public of Buenos Ayres
pretends to have found in the papers of the Jesuits; the animosity is
yet too recent to enable me to distinguish true imputations from false
ones. I will rather do justice to the majority of the members of this
society, who were not interested in its temporal affairs. If there were
some intriguing men in this body, the far greater number, who were
sincerely pious, did not consider any thing in the institution, besides
the piety of its founder, and worshipped God, to whom they had
consecrated themselves, in spirit and in truth. I have been informed,
on my return to France, that the marquis de Buccarelli set out from
Buenos Ayres for the missions, the 14th of May, 1768; and that he
had not met with any obstacle, or resistance, to the execution of his
most catholic majesty’s orders. My readers will be able to form an
idea of the manner in which this interesting event was terminated, by
reading the two following pieces, which contain an account of the
first scene. It is a narrative of what happened at the colony of
Yapegu, situated upon the Uraguay, and which lay the first in the
Spanish general’s way; all the others have followed the example of
this.
Translation of a letter from a captain of the grenadiers of the
regiment of Majorca, commanding one of the detachments of the
expedition into Paraguay.
Yapegu, the 19th July, 1768.
Account of the “Yesterday we arrived here very happily; the
governor- reception given to our general has been most
general’s entry magnificent, and such as could not be exported from
into the
missions.
so simple a people, so little accustomed to shows.
Here is a college, which has very rich and numerous
church ornaments; there is likewise a great quantity of plate. The
settlement is somewhat less than Montevideo, but more regularly
disposed, and well peopled. The houses are so uniform, that after
seeing one, you have seen them all; and the same, after you have
seen one man and woman, you have seen them all, there being not
the least difference in the manner in which they are dressed. There
are many musicians, but they are only middling performers.
“As soon as we arrived near this mission, the governor-general
gave orders to go and seize the father provincial of the Jesuits, and
six other fathers, and to bring them to a place of safety. They are to
embark in a few days on the river Uraguay. However, we believe
they will stay at Salto, in order to wait till the rest of their brethren
have undergone the same fate. We expected to make a stay of five
or six days at Yapegu, and then to continue our march to the last
mission. We are very well pleased with our general, who has
procured us all possible refreshments. Yesterday we had an opera,
and shall have another representation of it to-day. The good people
do all they can, and all they know.
“Yesterday we likewise saw the famous Nicolas, the same whom
people were so desirous to confine. He was in a deplorable situation,
and almost naked. He is seventy years of age, and seems to be a
very sensible man. His excellency spoke with him a long time, and
seemed very much pleased with his conversation.
“This is all the news I can inform you of.”

Relation published at Buenos Ayres of the entry of his excellency

Don Francisco Buccarelli y Ursua, in the mission of Yapegu, one
of those belonging to the Jesuits, among the nations of
Guaranis, on his arrival there the 18th of July, 1768.

“At eight o’clock in the morning, his excellency went out of the
chapel of St. Martin, at one league’s distance from Yapegu. He was
accompanied by his guard of grenadiers and dragoons, and had
detached two hours before the companies of grenadiers of Majorca,
in order to take possession of, and get ready every thing at the river
of Guavirade, which must be crossed in canoes and ferries. This
rivulet is about half a league from the colony.
 “As soon as his excellency had crossed the rivulet, he found the
caciques and corregidors of the missions, who attended with the
Alferes of Yapegu, bearing the royal standard. His excellency having
received all the honours and compliments usual on such occasions,
got on horseback, in order to make his public entry.
“The dragoons began the march; they were followed by two
adjutants, who preceded his excellency; after whom came the two
companies of grenadiers of Majorca, followed by the retinue of the
Caciques and Corregidores, and by a great number of horsemen
from these parts.
“They went to the great place facing the church. His excellency
having alighted, Don Francisco Martinez, chaplain of the expedition,
attended on the steps before the porch to receive him; he
accompanied him to the Presbyterium, and began the Te Deum;
which was sung and performed by musicians, entirely consisting of
guaranis. During this ceremony, there was a triple discharge of the
artillery. His excellency went afterwards to the lodgings, which he
had chosen for himself, in the college of the fathers; round which the
whole troop encamped, till, by his order, they went to take their
quarters in the Guatiguasa, or la Casa de las recogidas, house of
retirement for women[57].”
Let us now continue the account of our voyage; in which the detail
of the revolution that happened in the missions, has been one of the
most interesting circumstances.
 CHAP. VIII.
Departure from Montevideo; run to Cape Virgin; entrance into the Straits; interview
with the Patagonians; navigation to the isle of St. Elizabeth.

Nimborum in patriam, loca soeta furentibus austris. Virg. Æneid.

Lib. I.

The Etoile The repair and loading of the Etoile took us up all
comes down October, and cost us a prodigious expence; we were
from Baragan not able to balance our accounts with the provisor-
to Montevideo.
general, and the other Spaniards who had supplied
our wants, till the end of this month. I paid them with the money I
received, as a reimbursement for the cession of the Malouines,
which I thought was preferable to a draught upon the king’s treasury.
I have continued to do the same in regard to all the expences, at the
various places we had occasion to touch at in foreign countries. I
have bought what I wanted much cheaper, and obtained it much
sooner by this means.
Difficulty of this The 31st of October, by break of day, I joined the
navigation. Etoile, some leagues from the Encenada; she
having sailed from thence for Montevideo the preceding day. We
anchored there on the third of November, at seven 1767.
in the evening. The necessity of finding out a November.
channel, by constant soundings, between the Ortiz sandbank, and
another little bank to the southward of it, both of which have no
beacons on them, makes this navigation subject to great difficulties:
the low situation of the land to the south, which therefore cannot be
seen with ease, increases the difficulties. It is true, chance has
placed a kind of beacon almost at the west point of the Ortiz bank.
These were the two masts of a Portuguese vessel, which was lost
there, and happily stands upright. In the channel you meet with four,
four and a half, and five fathoms of water; and the bottom is black
ooze; on the extremities of the Ortiz-bank, it is red sand. In going
from Montevideo to the Encenada, as soon as you have made the
beacon in E. by S. and have five fathoms of water, you have passed
the banks. We have observed 15′ deg. 30. min. N. E. variation in the
channel.
Loss of three This small passage cost us three men, who were
sailors. drowned; the boat getting foul under the ship, which
was wearing, went to the bottom; all our efforts sufficed only to save
two men and the boat, which had not lost her mooring-rope. I
likewise was sorry to see, that, notwithstanding the repairs the Etoile
had undergone, she still made water; which made us fear that the
fault lay in the caulking of the whole water-line; the ship had been
free of water till she drew thirteen feet.
Preparation for We employed some days to stow all the victuals
leaving Rio de into the Boudeuse, which she could hold, and to
la Plata. caulk her over again; which was an operation, that
could not be done sooner, on account of the absence of her
caulkers, who had been employed in the Etoile; we likewise repaired
the boat of the Etoile; cut grass for the cattle we had on board; and
embarked whatever we had on shore. The tenth of November was
spent in swaying up our top-masts and lower yards, and setting up
our rigging, &c. We could have sailed the same day, if we had not
grounded. On the 11th, the tide coming in, the ships floated, and we
cast anchor at the head of the road; where vessels are always a-
float. The two following days we could not sail, on account of the
high sea; but this delay was not entirely useless. A schooner came
from Buenos Ayres, laden with flour, and we took sixty hundred
weight of it, which we made shift to stow in our ships. We had now
victuals for ten months; though it is true, that the greatest part of the
drink consisted of brandy. The crew was in perfect Condition of
health. The long stay they made in Rio de la Plata, the crews, at
during which a third part of them alternately lay on our sailing from
Montevideo.
shore, and the fresh meat they were always fed
with, had prepared them for the fatigues and miseries of all kinds,
which we were obliged to undergo. I left at Montevideo my pilot, my
master-carpenter, my armourer, and a warrant-officer of my frigate;
whom age and incurable infirmities prevented from undertaking the
voyage. Notwithstanding all our care, twelve men, soldiers and
sailors, deserted from the two ships. I had, however, taken some of
the sailors at the Malouines, who were engaged in the fishery there;
and likewise an engineer, a supercargo, and a surgeon; by this
means my ship had as many hands as at her departure from Europe;
and it was already a year since we had left the river of Nantes.
Departure from The 14th of November, at half past four in the
Montevideo. morning, wind due north, a fine breeze, we sailed
from Montevideo. At half past eight we were N. and S. off the isle of
Flores; and at noon twelve leagues E. and E. by S. from Montevideo;
and from hence I took my point of departure in 34° 54′ 40″ S. lat. and
58° 57′ 30″ W. long. from the meridian of Paris. I Its position
have laid down the position of Montevideo, such as astronomically
M. Verron has determined it by his observations; determined.
which places its longitude 40′ 30″ more W. than Mr. Bellin lays it
down in his chart. I had likewise profited of my stay on shore, to try
my octant upon the distances of known stars; this instrument always
made the altitude of every star too little by two minutes; and I have
always since attended to this correction. I must mention here, that in
all the course of this Journal, I give the bearings of the coasts, such
as taken by the compass; whenever I give them corrected, according
to the variations, I shall take care to mention it.
Soundings and On the day of our departure, we saw land till sun-
navigation to set; our soundings constantly encreased, and
the straits of changed from an oozy to a sandy bottom; at half
Magalhaens.
past six of the clock we found thirty-five fathom, and
a grey sand; and the Etoile, to whom I gave a signal for sounding on
the fifteenth in the afternoon, found sixty fathom, and the same
ground: at noon we had observed 36° 1′ of latitude. From the 16th to
the 21st we had contrary winds, a very high sea, and we kept the
most advantageous boards in tacking under our courses and close-
reefed top-sails; the Etoile had struck her top-gallant masts, and we
sailed without having our’s up. The 22d it blew a hard gale,
accompanied with violent squalls and showers, which continued all
night; the sea was very dreadful, and the Etoile made a signal of
distress; we waited for her under our fore-sail and main-sail, the lee
clue-garnet hauled up. This store-ship seemed to have her fore top-
sail-yard carried away. The wind and sea being abated the next
morning, we made sail, and the 24th I made the signal for the Etoile
to come within hail, in order to know what she had suffered in the
last gale. M. de la Giraudais informed me, that besides his fore top-
sail yard, four of his chain plates[58] had likewise been carried away;
he added, that all the cattle he had taken in at Montevideo, had been
lost, two excepted: this misfortune we had shared with him; but this
was no consolation, for we knew not when we should be able to
repair this loss. During the remaining part of this month, the winds
were variable, from S. W. to N. W; the currents carried us southward
with much rapidity, as far as 45° of latitude, where they became
insensible. We sounded for several days successively without finding
ground, and it was not till the 27th at night, being in the latitude of
about 47°, and, according to our reckoning, thirty-five leagues from
the coast of Patagonia, that we sounded seventy fathom, oozy
bottom, with a fine black and grey sand. From that day till we saw
the land, we had soundings in 67, 60, 55, 50, 47, and at last forty
fathom, and then we first got sight of Cape Virgins[59]. The bottom
was sometimes oozy, but always of a fine sand, which was grey, or
yellow, and sometimes mixed with small red and black gravel.
 Chart
of the Straits of
MAGALHAENS
or
MAGELLAN,
with the Track of the
Boudeuse & Etoile.
Hidden rock not I would not approach too near the coast till I came
taken notice of in latitude of 49°, on account of a sunken rock or
in the charts. vigie, which I had discovered in 1765, in 48° 30′
south latitude, about six or seven leagues off shore. I discovered it in
the morning, at the same moment as I did the land, and having taken
a good observation at noon, the weather being very fair, I was thus
enabled to determine its latitude with precision. We ran within a
quarter of a league of this rock, which the first person who saw it,
originally took to be a grampus.
1767. The 1st and 2d of December, the winds were
December. favourable from N. and N. N. E.; very fresh, the sea
high, and the weather hazy; we made all the sail we could in day
time, and passed the nights under our fore-sail, and close-reefed
top-sails. During all this time we saw the birds called
Quebrantahuessos or Albatrosses, and what in all the seas in the
world is a bad sign, petrels, which disappear when the weather is
fair, and the sea smooth. We likewise saw seals, penguins, and a
great number of whales. Some of these monstrous creatures
seemed to have their skin covered with such white vermiculi, which
fasten upon the bottoms of old ships that are suffered to rot in the
harbours. On the 30th of November, two white birds, like great
pigeons, perched on our yards. I had already seen a flight of these
birds cross the bay of the Malouines.
Sight of Cape On the 2d of December in the afternoon, we
Virgins. discovered Cape Virgins, and we found it bore S.
about seven leagues distant. At noon I had Its position.
observed 52° S. lat. and I was now in 52° 3′ 30″ of latitude, and in
71° 12′ 20″ of longitude west from Paris. This position of the ship,
together with the bearing, places Cape Virgins in 52° 23′ of latitude,
and in 71° 25′ 20″ of longitude west from Paris. As Cape Virgins is
an interesting point in geography, I must give an account of the
reasons which induced me to believe that the position I give is nearly
exact.
Discussion The 27th of November in the afternoon, the
upon the chevalier du Bouchage had observed eight
position given distances of the moon from the sun, of which the
to Cape Virgin.
mean result had given him the west longitude of the
ship, in 65° 0′ 30″ for one hour, 43 min. 26 sec. of true time: M.
Verron, on his part, had observed five distances, the result of which
gave for our longitude, at the same instant, 64° 57′. The weather was
fair, and extremely favourable for observations. The 29th at 3 hours
57 min. 35 sec. true time, M. Verron, by five observations of the
distance of the moon from the sun, determined the ship’s west
longitude, at 67° 49′ 30″.
Now, by following the longitude determined the 27th of November,
taking the medium between the result of the observations of the
chevalier du Bouchage and those of M. Verron, in order to fix the
longitude of the ship, when we got sight of Cape Virgins, the
longitude of that Cape will be 71° 29′ 42″ west from Paris. The
observations made the 29th afternoon, likewise referred to the place
of the ship, when we made the Cape, would give a result of 38′ 47″
more westward. But it seems to me that those of the 27th ought
rather to be followed, though two days more remote, because they
were made in a greater number by two observers, who did not
communicate their observations to each other, and however did not
differ more than 3′ 30″. They carry an appearance of probability
which cannot well be objected to. Upon the whole, if a medium is to
be taken between the observations of both days, the longitude of
Cape Virgins will be 71° 49′ 5″, which differs only four leagues from
the first determination, which answers within a league to that which
the reckoning of my course gave me, and which I follow for this
reason.
This longitude of Cape Virgin is more westerly by 42′ 20″ than that
which M. Bellin places it in, and this is the same difference which
appears in his position of Montevideo, of which we have given an
account in the beginning of this chapter. Lord Anson’s chart assigns
for the longitude of Cape Virgins, 72° west from London, which is
near 75° west from Paris[60]; a much more considerable error, which
he likewise commits at the mouth of the river Plata, and generally
along the whole coast of Patagonia.
Digression The observations which we have now mentioned,
upon the have been made with the English octant. This
instruments method of determining the longitude, by means of
proper for
observing the
the distances of the moon from the sun, or from the
longitude at stars in the zodiac, has been known for several
sea. years. Mess. de la Caille and Daprès have
particularly made use of it at sea, likewise employing Hadley’s
octant. But as the degree of accuracy obtained by this method
depends in a great measure upon the accuracy of the instrument
with which you observe, it follows that M. Bouguer’s heliometer, if
one could measure great angles with it, would be very fit for
rectifying these observations of distances. The Abbé de la Caille
probably has thought of that, because he got one made, which would
measure arcs of six or seven degrees; and if in his works he does
not speak of it as an instrument fit for observing at sea, it is because
he foresaw the difficulty of using it on board a ship.
M. Verron brought on board with him an instrument called a
megameter, which he has employed in the other voyages he made
with M. de Charnieres, and which he has likewise made use of on
this. This instrument appeared to be very little different from the
heliometer of M. Bouguer, except that the screw by which the
objectives move, being longer, it places them at a greater distance
asunder, and by that means makes the instrument capable of
measuring angles of ten degrees, which was the limit of M. Verron’s
megameter. It is to be wished, that by lengthening the screw, we
were able to augment its extension still more, it being confined in too
narrow bounds to allow a frequent repetition, and even to make the
observations exact; but the laws of dioptrics limit the removing of the
objectives. It is likewise necessary to remedy the difficulty which the
Abbé de la Caille foresaw, I mean, that which arises from the
element on which the observation must be made. In general, it
seems that the reflecting quadrant of Hadley would be preferable, if it
were equally accurate.
Difficulties on From the 2d of December in the afternoon, when
entering the we got sight of Cape Virgins, and soon after of Terra
straits. del Fuego, the contrary wind and the stormy
weather opposed us for several days together. We plyed to
windward the 3d till six in the evening, when the winds becoming
more favourable, permitted our bearing away for the entrance of
Magalhaens’ Straits: this lasted but a short time; at half past seven it
became quite calm, and the coasts covered with fogs; at ten it blew
fresh again, and we passed the night by plying to windward. The 4th,
at three o’clock in the morning, we made for the land with a good
northern breeze; but the weather which was rainy and hazy
intercepting our sight of it, we were obliged to stand off to sea again.
At five in the morning, in a clear spot, we perceived Cape Virgins,
and bore away in order to enter the straits; almost immediately the
wind changed to S. W. whence it soon blew with violence, the fog
became thicker, and we were obliged to lay-to between the two
shores of Terra del Fuego and the continent.
Observation on Our fore-sail was split the fourth in the afternoon;
the nature of and we having sounded, almost at the same
the ground at moment, only twenty fathom, the fear of the
the entrance of
the straits.
breakers, which extend S. S. E. off Cape Virgins,
made me resolve to scud under our bare poles;
especially as this manœuvre facilitated the operation of bending
another fore-sail to the yard. These soundings, however, which
made me bear away, were not alarming; they were those in the
channel, as I have since learnt, by sounding with a clear view of the
land. I shall add, for the use of those who may be plying here in thick
weather, that a gravelly bottom shews that they are nearer the coast
of Terra del Fuego than to the continent; where they will find a fine
sand, and sometimes oozy bottom.
At five o’clock in the evening we brought to again, under the main
and mizen stay-sails; at half past seven of the clock the wind abated,
the sky cleared up, and we made sail; but with disadvantageous
tacks, which brought us further from the coast; and, indeed, though
on the 5th the weather was very fair, and the wind favourable, we did
not see the land till two in the afternoon; when it extended from S. by
W. to S. W. by W. about ten leagues off. At four o’clock we again
discovered Cape Virgins; and we made sail in order to double it, at
the distance of about a league and a half, or two leagues. It is not
adviseable to come nearer, on account of a bank, which lies off the
Cape, at about that distance. I am even inclined to believe, that we
passed over the tail of that sand; for as we sounded very frequently,
between two soundings, one of twenty-five and the other of
seventeen fathom, the Etoile, which sailed in our wake, made signal
of eight fathom; but the moment after she deepened her water.