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CULTURAL SOCIOLOGY
Edited by
Dick Houtman
Stef Aupers
Rudi Laermans
Cultural Sociology
Series Editors
Jeffrey C. Alexander, Center for Cultural Sociology, Yale
University, New Haven, CT, USA
Ron Eyerman, Center for Cultural Sociology, Yale
University, New Haven, CT, USA
David Inglis, Department of Sociology, University of
Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
Philip Smith, Center for Cultural Sociology, Yale University,
New Haven, CT, USA
Cultural sociology is widely acknowledged as one of the most vibrant
areas of inquiry in the social sciences across the world today. The Palgrave
Macmillan Series in Cultural Sociology is dedicated to the proposition
that deep meanings make a profound difference in social life. Culture is
not simply the glue that holds society together, a crutch for the weak, or
a mystifying ideology that conceals power. Nor is it just practical knowl-
edge, dry schemas, or know how. The series demonstrates how shared
and circulating patterns of meaning actively and inescapably penetrate
the social. Through codes and myths, narratives and icons, rituals and
representations, these culture structures drive human action, inspire social
movements, direct and build institutions, and so come to shape history.
The series takes its lead from the cultural turn in the humanities, but
insists on rigorous social science methods and aims at empirical expla-
nations. Contributions engage in thick interpretations but also account
for behavioral outcomes. They develop cultural theory but also deploy
middle-range tools to challenge reductionist understandings of how the
world actually works. In so doing, the books in this series embody the
spirit of cultural sociology as an intellectual enterprise.
Rudi Laermans
Center for Sociological Research
University of Leuven
Leuven, Belgium
Cultural Sociology
ISBN 978-3-030-69648-1 ISBN 978-3-030-69649-8 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69649-8
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been
made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
This book has its origins in two research groups, one at Erasmus Univer-
sity Rotterdam, The Netherlands, the other at KU Leuven, Belgium.
Until they left for Leuven in 2013 and 2014, respectively, the book’s first
two editors (Dick Houtman and Stef Aupers) were based in Rotterdam,
where they collaborated with Peter Achterberg, Willem de Koster, and
Jeroen van der Waal. In 2014 Peter also left Rotterdam, in his case for
Tilburg University, the Netherlands, which left only Willem and Jeroen in
Rotterdam, where they have been based until the present day. Upon their
arrival in Leuven Dick and Stef started collaborating with Rudi Laermans,
this book’s third editor. All contributors other than Peter, Willem and
Jeroen are (or were until recently) either Ph.D. students or Postdocs at
KU Leuven.
All of us share interest and expertise in cultural sociology, with substan-
tive research interests ranging from politics to art and from media to
religion. With the exception of Massimiliano Simons, who is as much a
philosopher of science as a cultural sociologist, none of us boasts a special-
ized research interest in science. Yet, our variegated cultural-sociological
research interests confronted all of us with issues pertaining to the
authority of science, which sparked the initiative for this joint book. Two
previously published articles in Public Understanding of Science provided
its starting point, one by Jaron Harambam and Stef Aupers and the other
by Peter Achterberg, Willem de Koster, and Jeroen van der Waal. The
Leuven group then embarked on an extensive series of discussions about
v
vi PREFACE
vii
viii CONTENTS
Index 231
Notes on Contributors
ix
x NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Chapter 6
Fig. 1 Interaction effect between reconciliation and hierarchical
individualism—egalitarian communitarianism 145
Fig. 2 Interaction effect between controversy and hierarchical
individualism—egalitarian communitarianism 146
Chapter 9
Fig. 1 Hypothesized relationships (gray arrows depict
the reflexive-modernization explanation, black arrows depict
the anomie explanation) 211
xiii
List of Tables
Chapter 6
Table 1 Experimental design with three treatment conditions 139
Table 2 Factor loadings of twelve items measuring hierarchical
individualism versus egalitarian communitarianism (N =
216; principal axis factoring without rotation) 142
Table 3 Descriptive statistics for the variables in the analysis 143
Table 4 Multiple linear regression with scientific certainty
as dependent variable (N = 216) 144
Chapter 9
Table 1 Factor analysis on items measuring trust in scientific
institutions and trust in scientific methods
(principal-component factors, varimax rotation
with normalization, pattern matrix, N = 1921) 216
Table 2 Zero-order correlations between level of education
and mediating and dependent variables 217
Table 3 Explaining the relationship between education and trust
in scientific methods, trust in scientific institutions,
and a science confidence gap (OLS regression analyses,
unstandardized coefficients shown, robust standard errors
in parentheses) 218
xv
xvi LIST OF TABLES
D. Houtman (B)
Center for Sociological Research, University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: dick.houtman@kuleuven.be
S. Aupers
Institute for Media Studies, University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: stef.aupers@kuleuven.be
R. Laermans
Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: rudi.laermans@kuleuven.be
even mobilize any more scientists than either of these, indicating that
it indeed entailed anti-Trump protest as much as pro-science advocacy
(Fisher 2018).
Yet, the event took place against the backdrop of increased conserva-
tive contestations of the authority of science across the period 1974–2014
(Gauchat 2012). The resulting anti-science climate entails a major source
of concern and disagreement in academia. Some academics dismiss the
politicization of science as producing a ‘never-ending pseudo-scientific
debate’ (Brulle 2018, 256) or ‘nonsense debate’ (idem, 257), pointing
out how ‘politically naïve’ (idem, 257) it is to believe that protests like
the March for Science can actually improve the situation. Others oppose
those who ‘naïvely advocate value-free science’ (Kinchy 2020, 78) and do
instead call upon their colleagues in Science and Technology Studies to do
‘engaged STS scholarship,’ emphasizing how important it is that ‘as STS
scholars […] we not just observe these changes, but also oppose them,
in our words and actions’ (idem, 76). Yet, data collected briefly before
and briefly after the March for Science suggest that the event has not
been able to counter the anti-science climate in conservative circles, but
has only increased liberal-conservative polarization about the authority of
science (Motta 2018).
The polarization has not declined since then either, as became partic-
ularly clear when the United States was hit hard by the COVID-19
pandemic in 2020. Dr. Anthony Fauci, prominent member of the White
House Coronavirus Task Force, director of the National Institute of
Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), and world-leading expert in
infectious disease, felt forced to disagree with the American president
during White House press briefings about the unfolding crisis. By then
Fauci had already advised five consecutive presidents before Trump,
starting with Ronald Reagan during the AIDS epidemic, and boasted
an immaculate reputation as a publicly trusted medical figure. Yet, all
this could not prevent that his disagreement with the president triggered
massive protests from politically rightist groups, even amounting to death
threats and harassment of himself and his family. Startled Democrats felt
forced to rally to Fauci’s defense, exemplifying once again how politically
contested the authority of science has meanwhile become.
Many academics frame conflicts about the authority of science in the
moral terms of good and evil, construing trust in science as good and
condemning its counterpart as morally wrong and socially detrimental.
This moralizing tendency typically coincides with forcing the matter into
4 D. HOUTMAN ET AL.
“Poor child, poor child,” sobbed Mrs. Mulholland noisily outside the
door. “Shall I bring her to you, Mother dear?”
“Bring her to the little parlour.”
Mrs. Mulholland creaked into the chapel, mopping at her eyes
resolutely with a large handkerchief, and sank heavily on to her
knees beside the bench where Rosamund was half kneeling and half
crouching.
“Mother Juliana wants you in the little parlour, my dear. Will you
come?”
Rosamund came. Her hands moved with a helpless, groping
gesture, and her face, stained and ravaged, was blank of
expression.
“My dear, God’s Holy Will be done, is what I say,” said the old
woman beside her, moving along the stone passage with a step that
seemed more ponderous than usual.
“You’ve been making your act of resignation too, haven’t you, poor
child—I know it. Come in to Mother Juliana.”
Mrs. Mulholland was crying openly, but Mother Juliana faced
Rosamund with the fixed, remote gaze of one whose standard of
values is set elsewhere.
“God is going to ask a gift from you,” she said quietly to Rosamund.
Rosamund looked at her with the dilated eyes of a child that cannot
understand what is said to it.
“There is only one solution,” she muttered in an inward voice.
It was the only conviction that remained to her from out of chaos,
and she held to it as to the last link with sanity.
“There is only one solution. I had to pray for that.”
“God holds all solutions in His own hands,” said the nun. “Your
beloved little sister has done her work for Him on earth, and He has
taken her to Himself.”
“Is Francie dead?” asked Rosamund in that gentle inward voice.
“Our Lord called her to Heaven, in her sleep, and she went so
quietly. She is with Him, dear child.”
“She is dead,” repeated Rosamund. “I prayed for Francie to die and
she’s dead—thank God—oh!”—her voice choked in her throat—“I’m
thanking God that Francie is dead——”
The darkness closed round her and she touched the depths—the
very depths—of the abyss.
And because those depths are deeper than we can plumb with our
frail strength, a merciful unconsciousness was vouchsafed to
Rosamund even as she reached them.
XXVII
ROSAMUND lay in the tiny convent infirmary where she had been
for a week.
She was quite weak, and the tears that had not come to her before
streamed irrepressibly now. She could not stop crying.
They told her of the little novice, Sister Frances Mary, lying in her
white habit with her hands folded against her breast, a crucifix
between them, and wearing the chaplet of white artificial flowers
which she had worn at her prise d’habit, and with which the nuns had
garlanded her now over the white veil.
And Rosamund, the tears pouring down her face, saw only a little girl
with soft, flying hair, in a pink sunbonnet, swinging in the orchard
above the Wye Valley.
The infirmarian told her of Mère Pauline’s recovery, and of how, still
weak and shaken, she had knelt, toute tremblante, pauvre Mère, in
the chapel where they had placed her child, and prayed beside the
black-draped oaken trestles where lay the mortal remains of Sister
Frances Mary.
Rosamund had heard the tolling chapel bell, and Mother Juliana had
read her the prayers that had been offered in the hillside cemetery
beyond the town, where they had laid Sister Frances Mary. And she
had seen another hill, and heard only the sound of two little sisters
calling to one another in their play.
The nuns did not understand. They had only known Sister Frances
Mary.
They were very kind to her, and the infirmarian daily brought her
messages from the Superior, promises of an early visit, and
assurances that she was not to think of leaving the convent until le
médecin had declared her to be remise du coup.